Plutarch's Lives of the noble Grecians and Romans

THE LIBRARY

OF

THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA

LOS ANGELES

THE TUDOR
TRANSLATIONS

EDITED BY

W. E. HENLEY
IX

PLUTARCH'S

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

GRECIANS AND ROMANS

ENGLISHED BY

SIR THOMAS NORTH

ANNO 1579

With an Introduction by
GEORGE WYNDHAM

THIRD VOLUME

LONDON

Published by DAVID NUTT
IN THE STRAND

1895

Edinburgh : T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to Her Majesty

DJT?

v,

THE TABLE OF THE NOBLE
GRECIANS AND ROMANES

compared by PLUTARKE of CH^ERONEA

VOLUME III

ARISTIDES .
MARCUS CATO
PHILOPCEMEN
T. Q. FLAMINIUS
PYRRUS .
CAIUS MARIUS
LYSANDER .
SYLLA .
CIMON .
LUCULLUS

see VOL

PAGE

1)

compared PAGE 40

compared „ 107

\ compared „ 320
„ 265)

326)

\ compared „ 426
„ 357)

76)
110
163

psorvr^/i

f O'W/^O^K

THE LIFE OF
MARCUS CATO THE CENSOR

ARCUS CATO and his auncesters, were (as
they say) of the city of Thusculum : but
before he went unto the warres, and delt in
matters of the common wealth, he dwelt
and lived in the contry of the Sabynes,
upon certeine land his father left him.
And though to many, his auncesters were
knowen to have bene obscure : yet he him
self did highly commende his father Marcus, by bearing his
name, and saying he was a souldier, and had served valliantly
in the fielde. And he telleth also of an other Cato that was
his great grandfather, who for his valliant service had bene
oft rewarded of the generals, with such honorable giftes, as
the Romaines did use to geve unto them, that had done some
famous act in any battell : and how that he havinge lost five
horses of service in the warres, the value of the same were
restored to him againe in money of the common treasure,
bicause he had shewed himselfe trusty and valliant for the
common wealth. And where they had a common speech e at
Rome to call them upstartes, that were no gentlemen borne,
but did rise by vertue : it fortuned Cato to be called one of Cato called
them. And for his parte, he did confesse it, that he was an upstart,
of the first of the house that ever had honor, and office of
state : but by reason of the noble actes and good service of
his auncestors, he maintained he was very auncient. He was
called at the beginning after his third name, Priscus : but
afterwardes by reason of his great wisedom and experience,
3: A 1

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

MARCUS he was sumamed Cato, bicause the Romaines call a wise man,

CATO and him that hath seene much, Cato. He was somewhat

The definition geven to be redde faced, and had a payer of staring eyes in

of this worde his heade, as this man telleth us, that for ill will wrote these

verses of him after his death :

Pluto (the god) which rules the furies infernall,

will not receive the damned ghost, of Porcius in his hall :

his saucy coppered nose, and fiery staring eyes,

his common slaunderous tales, which he did in this world devise,

made Pluto stande in dread that he would brawle in hell,

although his bones were drie and dead, on earth he was so fell.

Catoesmaners Furthermore, touchinge the disposition of his body, he

and life. was marvelous stronge and lusty, and all bicause he did use

to labor and toyle even from his youth, and to live sparingly,
as one that was ever brought up in the warres from his youth :
so that he was of a very good constitucion, both for strength
of body, as for health also. As for utterance, he esteemed it
as a seconde body, and most necessarie gift, not onely to
make men honest, but also as a thinge very requisite for a
man that should beare sway and authoritie in the common
wealth. He practised to speake well in litle villages neere
home, whether he went many times to plead mennes causes
in courtes judiciall, that would retaine him of counsell : so as
in shorte time he became a perfect pleader, and had tongue

Cato an excel- at will, and in processe of time became an excellent orator.

lent orator. After he was thus well knowen, they that were familiar with
him, began to perceive a grave manner and behaviour in his
life, and a certaine noble minde in him, worthie to be
employed in matters of state and great importance, and to
be called into the common wealth. For he did not onely
refuse to take fees for his pleading, and following the causes
he mainteined : but furthermore made no reckening of the
estimacion he wanne by that manner and practise, as though
that was not the only marke he shot at. But his desire
reached further, rather to winne him selfe fame by service in
the warres, and by valliant fightinge with his enemie : then
with such a quiet and pleasing manner of life. Insomuch
as when he was but a younge striplinge in maner, he had
many cuttes apon his brest, which he had received in diverse
2

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

battells and encounters against the enemies. For he him MARCUS
selfe wryteth, that he was but seventeene yeare old, when he CATO
went first unto the warres, which was about the time of Catoasouldier
Hanniballs chiefe prosperitie, when he spoyled and destroyed at 17 yeares
all Italic. So when he came to fight, he would strike lustely, of *&*'
and never sturre foote nor geve backe, and woulde looke
cruelly uppon his enemie, and threaten him with a feare-
full and terrible voyce, which he used him selfe, and wisely
taught other also to use the like : For such countenaunces, A grimme
sayed he, many times doe feare the enemies more, then the looke, geveth
sworde ye offer them. When he went any jorney, he ever terror to the
marched a foote, and caried his armour apon his backe, and e
had a man waytinge on him that caried his vittells with him,
with whom he was never angry (as they say) for any thing he
had prepared for his dinner or supper, but did helpe to dresse
it him selfe for the most parte, if he had any leasure, when
he had done the duety of a private souldier in fortifying the
campe, or such other nedefull businesse. All the while he
was abroade in service in the warres, he never drancke other
then cleane water, unlesse it were when he founde he was not
well, and then he woulde take a litle vineger : but if he saw
he were weake, he woulde then drinke a litle wine. Now This Manius
it fortuned, that Manius Curius the Romaine, who had Curius over-
triumphed thrise, hadde a prety house and lande hard by *|irew kmge
Cato, where he kept in times past, which Cato for a walke gJnerallof the
would visite oft. And he considering how litle lande he had Tarentines.
to his house, and what a litle house he had withall, and Catotheelder,
how poorely it was built, wondered with him selfe what wondered at
maner of man Curius had bene, that having bene the greatest the thriftines
man of Rome in his time, and having subdued the mightiest
nations and people of all Italic, and driven kinge Pyrrus also
out of the same : yet him selfe with his owne handes did
manure that litle patche of grounde, and dwel in so poore
and small a farme. Whether notwithstanding, after his
three triumphes, the Samnytes sent their Ambassadors to
visite him, who founde him by the fyers side seething of
perseneapes, and presented him a marvelous deale of golde The modera-
from their state and communalty. But Curius returned cionofManius
them againe with their gold, and told them, that such as Curius-

3

MARCUS
CATO

Nearchus the
Pythagorian
Philosopher,
Catoes schole-
maister.

Platoes
opinion of
pleasure.

Cato learned
the Greeke
tongue in his
olde age.

Cato profited
most by
Demosthenes
eloquence.

Valerius Flac-
cus a grave
wise man.

Catoes
straunge life.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

were contented with that supper, had no nede of gold nor
silver : and that for his parte, he thought it greater honor to
commaunde them that had gold, then to have it him selfe.
Cato remembring these thinges to him selfe, went home
againe, and beganne to thinke upon his house, of his livinge,
of his family and servauntes, and also of his expences : and
to cut of all superfluous charges, and fell him selfe to labor
with his owne handes, more then ever he hadde done before.
Furthermore, when Fabius Maximus tooke the city of
Tarentum againe, Cato served under him being very younge,
where he fell into familiar acquaintance with Nearchus the
Pythagorian philosopher, in whom he tooke marvelous de-
light to heare him talke of Philosophy. Which Nearchus
held the same opinion of pleasure, that Plato did, by callinge
it the sweete poyson and chiefest bayte to allure men to ill :
and saying that the body was the first plague unto the soule,
and that her onely health, remedy, and purgation stoode
apon rules of reason, good examples and contemplations,
that drive sinful thoughts and carnall pleasures of the body,
farre of from her. Cato moreover gave him selfe much to
sobriety and temperaunce, and framed him selfe to be con-
tented with litle. They say he fell in his very olde age to
the study of the Greeke tongue, and to reade Greeke bookes,
and that he profited somwhat by Thucydides, but much
more by Demosthenes, to frame his matter, and also to be
eloquent. Which plainly appeareth, in all his bookes and
writinges, full of authorities, examples, and stories taken out
of Greeke authors : and many of his sentences and moralls,
his adages and quicke answers, are translated out of the same
word for word. Now there was a noble man of Rome at
that time, one of great authoritie, and a deepe wise man
besides, who coulde easily discerne buddes of vertue sprow-
tinge out of any towardly youth, who was of a good and
honorable disposition to helpe forwarde, and to advaunce
such. His name was Valerius Flaccus, a neere neigh boure
unto Cato, who was informed by his sen-aunts of Catoes
straunge life, how he would be doing in his ground with his
owne hands : and how he would be gone every day betimes
in the morning to litle villages thereabout, to pleade mens
4

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

causes that prayed his counsaill, and that when he had done, MARCUS
he would come home againe : and if it were in winter, that CATO
he would but cast a litle coate on his shoulders, and being
sommer he would go out bare, naked to the wast, to
worke in his ground among his servaunts and other worke-
men : and would besides, sit and eate with them together
at one borde, and drinke as they did. Moreover, they told
him also a world of such maners and facions which he used,
that shewed [him] to be a marvelous plaine man, without pride
and of a good nature. Then they tolde him what notable
wise sayinges and grave sentences they heard him speak e.
Valerius Flaccus hearing this reporte of him, willed his men
one day to pray him to come to supper to him. Who
falling in acquaintance with Cato, and perceiving he was
of a very good nature, and wel given, and that he was a
good griffe to be set in a better ground : he perswaded him
to come to Rome, and to practise there in the assembly of
the people, in the common causes and affayres of the common
weale. Cato followed his counsail, who having bene no long Cato goeth
practiser among them, did grow straight into great estima- to Rome by
cion, and wanne him many frends, by reason of the causes he X?
tooke in hand to defend : and was the better preferred and perswasi0n.
taken also, by meanes of the speciall favour and counten-
aunce Valerius Flaccus gave him. For first of all, by voyce
of the people he was chosen Tribune of the souldiers, (to say, Cato chosen
colonell of a thousand footemen) and afterwards was made Tribunus
treasorer : and so went forwards, and grew to so great credit mi"tum-
and authority, as he became Valerius Flaccus companion in
the chiefest offices of state, being chosen Consul with him, Catoes offices
and then Censor. But to begin withal, Cato made choise of in the Senate.
Quintus Fabius Maximus, above all the Senators of Rome, Cato followed
and gave him selfe to follow him altogether : and not F*bius
so much for the credit and estimacion Fabius Maximus x us'
was of, (who therein exceded all the Romaines of that
time) as for the modesty and discrete government he sawe
in him, whome he determined to followe, as a worthy myrror Catoes emu
and example. At which time Cato passed not for the malice |fc.io.n ^ith
and evil will of Scipio the great, who did strive at that pre- s"Pj.° t
sent being but a young man, with the authoritie and great-

5

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

MARCUS nesse of Fabius Maximus, as one that seemed to envy his
CATO risinge and greatnesse. For Cato being sent treasorer with
Scipio, when he undertooke the jorney into Afrike, and per-
Cato beinge ceiving Scipioes bountifull nature and disposition to large
treasorer giftes without meane to the souldiers : he tolde him plainly
Af^ Scipl° one day, that he did not so much hurt the common wealth in
proveo^him' wasting their treasure, as he did great harme in chaunging the
for his wast- auncient maner of their auncesters : who used their souldiers
full expences. to be contented with litle, but he taught them to spende
their superfluous money (all necessaries provided for) in vaine
toyes and trifles, to serve their pleasure. Scipio made him
aunswere, he woulde have no treasorer shoulde controll him
in that sorte, nor that should looke so narrowly to his ex-
pences : for his intent was to go to the wars, with full sayles
as it were, and that he woulde (and did also determine to)
make the state privie to all his doinges, but not to the money
he spent. Cato hearing this aunswer, returned with spede
out of Sicile unto Rome, crying out with Fabius Maximus in
Cato accuseth open Senate, that Scipio spent infinitely, and that he tended
Scipio of riot playes, comrnedies, and wrestlinges, as if he had not bene
sent to make warres, invasions, and attemptes apon their
enemies. Apon this complaint the Senate appointed certeine
Tribunes of the people, to goe and see if their informations
were true : and finding them so, that they should bring him
backe againe to Rome. But Scipio shewed farre otherwise
to the commissioners that came thither, and made them see
apparaunt victorie, through the necessary preparacion and
provision he had made for the warres : and he confessed also,
that when he had dispatched his great businesse, and was at
any leasure, he would be privately mery with his frends :
and though he was liberall to his souldiers, yet that made
him not negligent of his duety and charge in any matter of
importance. So Scipio tooke shippinge, and sayled towards
Afrike, whether he was sent to make warre. Now to re-
Catoes elo- turne to Cato. He daily increased still in authority and
quence, his credit by meanes of his eloquence, so that diverse called him
continent life, ^e Demosthenes of Rome : howbeit the maner of his life
* was *n more estimacion, then his eloquence. For all the
youth of Rome did seeke to attaine to his eloquence and
6

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

commendacion of wordes, and one envied an other which of MARCUS
them should come nearest : but few of them woulde fyle their CATO
handes with any labor as their forefathers did, and make a
light supper and dinner, without fire or provision, or woulde
be content with a meane gowne, and a poore lodging, and
finally woulde thinke it more honorable to defye fansies and
pleasures, then to have and enjoy them. Bicause the state
was waxen now of such power and wealth, as it could no
more retaine the auncient discipline, and former austeritie
and straitnes of life it used : but by reason of the largenes
of their dominion and seigniory, and the numbers of people
and nations that were become their subjects, it was even
forced to receive a medley of sundry contry facions, ex-
amples, and maners. This was a cause, why in reason men
did so greatly wonder at Catoes vertue, when they sawe
other straight weary ed with paines and labor, tenderly
brought up like pulers : and Cato on the other side never
overcommen, either with the one or with the other, no not
in his youth, when he most coveted honor, nor in his age
also when he was gray headed and balde, after his Consull-
ship and triumphe, but like a conqueror that had gotten
the maistery, he would never geve over labor even unto his
dying day. For he writeth him selfe, that there never came
gowne on his backe that cost him above a hundred pence, Catoes won-
and that his hyndes and worke men alwayes dronke no worse derfull thrift,
wine, when he was Consull and generall of the armie, then
he did him selfe : and that his cater never bestowed in meate
for his supper, above thirty Asses of Romaine money, and
yet he sayed it was, bicause he might be the stronger, and
apter to do service in the warres for his contry and the
common wealth. He sayd furthermore, that being heire to
one of his frends that dyed, he had a peece of tapestry
by him with a deepe border, which they called then the
babilonian border, and he caused it straight to be solde:
and that of all his houses he had abroade in the contry, he
had not one wall plastered, nor rough cast. Moreover he
would say, he never bought bondeman or slave dearer, then
a thowsande five hundred pence, as one that sought not for
fine made men, and goodly personages, but strong fellowes

7

MARCUS
CATO

Catoes
sharpnes.

Gentlenesse
goeth further
then justice.

Gentlenesse
to be used
unto brute
beastes.

A gentle lawe
made by the
Athenians in
favor of their
laboringe
moyles.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

that could away with paynes, as carters, horsekepers, neat-
heardes, and such like : and againe he woulde sell them
when they were olde, bicause he would not keepe them when
they coulde do no service. To conclude, he was of opinion,
that a manne bought any thinge deere, that was for litle pur-
pose : yea, though he gave but a farthing for it, he thought
it to much to bestow so litle, for that which needed not.
He would have men purchase houses, that hadde more store of
errable lande and pasture, then of fine orteyardes or gardeins.
Some saye, he didde thus, for very miserie and covetousnesse :
other thinke, and tooke it that he lived so sparingely, to
move others by his example to cutte of all superfluitie and
wast. Neverthelesse, to sell slaves in that sorte, or to turne
them out of dores when you have hadde the service of all
then* youth, and that they are growen olde, as you use brute
beastes that have served whilest they may for age: me thinkes
that must needes proceede of to seveare and greedie nature,
that hath no lenger regarde or consideracion of humanitie,
then whilest one is able to doe an other good. For we see,
gentlenesse goeth further then justice. For nature teacheth
us to use justice onely unto menne, but gentlenesse some-
times is shewed unto brute beastes : and that commeth from
the very fountaine and springe of all curtesie and humanitie,
which shoulde never drye up in any manne livinge. For to
saye truely, to keepe cast horses spoyled in our service, and
dogges also not onely when they are whelpes, but when they
be olde : be even tokens of love and kindenesse. As the
Athenians made a lawe, when they builded their temple
called Hecatompedon : that they shoulde suffer the moyles
and mulettes that did service in their cariages about the
buildinge of the same, to graze everie where, without lette
or trouble of any manne. And they say, there was one of
those moyles thus turned at libertie, that came of her selfe
to the place to labour, goinge before all the other draught
beastes, that drewe uppe cartes loden towardes the castell,
and kept them companie, as though she seemed to encorage
the rest to drawe : which the people liked so well in the
poore beast, that they appointed she shoulde be kept whilest
she lived, at the charge of the towne. And yet at this
8

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

present are the graves of Cimons mares to be seene, that MARCUS

wanne him thrise together the game of the horse race at CATO

the games Olympian, and they are harde by the grave of

Cimon him selfe. We heare of diverse also that hadde

buried their dogges they brought uppe in their house, or

that wayted on them : as amonge other olde Xanthippus Xanthippus

buried his dogge on the toppe of a cliffe, which is called juried his

the dogges pit till this day. For when the people of Athens d°SBe» «•*.
,.j i?8&1 r., ... £ ., . ,, v swamebyhis

did lorsake their citie at the commmge downe ot Xerxes gaiiyes side

the kinge, this dogge followed his master, swimminge in the from Athens
sea by his gallies side, from the firme lande, unto the He to Salamina,
of Salamina. And there is no reason, to use livinge and and "Jf6"
sencible thinges, as we woulde use an olde shooe or a ragge :
to cast it out apon the dongehill when we have worne it,
and can serve us no longer. For if it were for no respect els,
but to use us alwayes to humanitie : we must ever showe our
selves kinde and gentle, even in such small poyntes of pitie.
And as for me, I coulde never finde in my hart to sell my
drawght Oxe that hadde plowed my lande a longe time,
bicause he coulde plowe no longer for age : and much lesse
my slave to sell him for a litle money, out of the contrie
where he had dwelt a long time, to plucke him from his
olde trade of life wherewith he was best acquainted, and
then specially, when he shalbe as unprofitable for the buyer,
as also for the seller. But Cato on the other side gloried,
that he left his horse in Spayne he had served on in the
warres duringe his Consulship, bicause he would not put the
common wealth to the charge of bringing of him home by
sea into Italic. Now a question might be made of this, and
probable reason of either side, whether this was noblenes, or
a niggardlines in him : but otherwise to say truely, he was a
man of a wonderful abstinence. For when he was general of
the army, he never tooke allowance but after three bushells
wheat a moneth of the common wealth, for him selfe and Catoes
his whole family : and but a bushel and halfe of barley a straight life,
day, to keepe his horse and other beastes for his cariage.
On a time when he was Praetor, the government of the Cato, Praetor
He of Sardinia fell to his lot. And where the other Praetors in Sardinia,
before him hadde put the contry to exceeding great charge, to
3 : B 9

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

MARCUS furnish them with tents, bedding, clothes, and such like stuffe,
CATO and burdened them also with a marvelous traine of servaunts
and their frends that waited on them, putting them to great
expence of feasting and bancketing of them : Cato in con-
trary maner brought downe all that excesse and superfluitie,
Catoes neere- unto a marvelous neere and uncredible savinge. For when
nes in his he went to visite the cities, he came a foote to them, and did
circuite. noj. puj. them to a penny charge for him selfe : and had onely

one officer or bailife of the state, that waited on him, and
caried his gowne and a cuppe with him, to offer up wine to
the goddes in his sacrifices. But though he came thus
simply to the subjects, and eased them of their former
Catoes charges, yet he shewed him selfe severe and bitter to them in

severity. matters concerning justice : and spared no man, in any com-

maundement or service for the state and common wealth.
For he was therein so precise, that he woulde not beare
with any litle fault. So by this meanes, he brought the
Sardinians under his government, both to love and feare the
Empire of Rome, more then ever they did before. For his
Catoes speech grace both in speakinge and wrytmge did rightly shewe him
and writing, selfe : bicause it was pleasaunt, and yet grave : sweete and
fearfull : mery and seveare : sententious, and yet familiar :
such as is meete to be spoken. And he was to be compared,
The praise as Plato sayed, unto Socrates : who at the first sight seemed
of Socrates. a plaine simple manne to them that knew him not outwardly,
or else a pleasant tawnter or mocker: but when they did
looke into him, and found him throughly, they sawe he was
full of grave sentences, goodly examples, and wise per-
swasions, that he coulde make men water their plantes that
hearde him, and leade them as he would by the eare. There-
fore I can not see any reason that moves men to saye, Cato
hadde Lysias grace and utteraunce. Notwithstandinge, lette
us referre it to their judgementes that make profession to
discerne orators graces and styles: for my parte I shall
content my selfe to write at this present, onely certaine of
his notable sayinges and sentences, perswadinge my selfe
that mennes manners are better discerned by their wordes,
then by their lookes, and so doe many thinke. On a time
he seeking to disswade the people of Rome, which woulde
10

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

needes make a thankefull distribution of come unto everie MARCUS
citizen, to no purpose : beganne to make an oration with CATO
this preface : It is a harde thinge (my Lordes of Rome) to Catoes
bringe the bellie by perswasion to reason, that hath no eares. sayinges.
And an other time, reprovinge the ill government of the
citie of Rome, he sayed : it was a hard thinge to keepe uppe
that state, where a litle fishe was solde dearer then an Oxe.
He sayed also that the Romaines were like a flocke of sheepe.
For sayeth he, as every weather when he is alone, doth not
obey the sheepeheard, but when they are all together they
one folio we an other for love of the foremest : even so are
you, for when you are together, you are all contented to be
ledde by the noses by such, whose counsell not a man alone
of you woulde use in any private cause of your owne. And
talkinge an other time of the authoritie the women of Rome
had over their husbandes. He sayed : Other men commaunde
their wives, and we commaunde men, and our wives com-
maund us. But this last of all, he borowed of Themistocles
pleasaunt sayings. For his sonne making him do many Themistocles
things by meanes of his mother, he told his wife one day : saying.
The Athenians commaund al Greece, I commaunde the
Athenians, you commaunde me, and your sonne ruleth you.
I pray you therefore bid him use the libertie he hath with
some better discretion, foole and asse as he is, sithence he
can doe more by that power and authority, then all the
Greecians besides. He sayed also that the people of Rome
did not onely delight in diverse sortes of purple, but likewise
in diverse sortes of exercises. For sayd he, as diverse com-
monly dye that cullour they see best esteemed, and is most
pleasaunt to the eye : even so the lusty youthes of Rome doe
frame them selves to such exercise, as they see your selves
most like, and best esteme. He continually advised the Honor
Romaines, that if their power and greatnes came by their nourisheth
vertue and temperance, they should take hede they became arte'
no chaungelings, nor waxe worse : and if they came to that
greatnes by vice and violence, that then they should chaunge
to better, for by that meanes he knew very wel they had
attained to great honor and dignity. Again he told them,
that such as sued ambitiously to beare office in the common

11

MARCUS
CATO

Cato, against
offices of
perpetuity.

Cato woulde
punish him
selfe for
offending.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

wealth, and were common suters for them : did seme to
be afraid to lose their way, and therfore would be sure to
have ushers and sergeants before them, to show them the
way, least they should lose themselves in the city. He did
reprove them also, that often chose one man, to continew
one office still : for it seemeth, saith he, either that you passe
not much for your officers, or that you have not many
choisemen you thinke worthy for the office. There was
an enemy of his that ledde a marvelous wicked and an
abominable life, of whome he was wont to say, that when his
mother prayed unto the goddes that she might leave her
sonne behinde her, she did not thinke to pray, but to curse :
meaninge to have him live for a plague to the world. And
to an other also that had unthriftely solde his lands which
his father had left him, lying upon the sea side : he pointed
unto them with his finger, and made as though he wondered
how he came to be so great a man, that he was stronger
then the sea. For that which the sea hardly consumeth, and
eateth into, by litle and litle a long time : he had consumed
it all at a clappe. An other time when kinge Eumenes
was come to Rome, the Senate entertained him marvelous
honorably, and the noblest citizens did strive, envying one
an other, who shoulde welcome him best. But Cato in
contrary maner shewed plainely, that he did suspect all this
feastinge and entertainement, and would not come at it.
When one of his familiar frendes tolde him, I marvell why
you flie from king Eumenes companie, that is so good a
Prince, and loves the Romaines so well. Yea, sayed he, let
it be so, but for all that, a king is no better then a ravening
beast that lives of the pray: neither was there ever any
kinge so happie, that deserved to be compared to Epami-
nondas, to Pericles, to Themistocles, nor to Manius Curius,
or to Hamylcar, surnamed Barca. They say his enemies did
malice him, bicause he used commonly to rise before day,
and did forget his owne busines to folow matters of state.
And he affirmed, that he had rather loose the rewarde of his
well doing, then not to be punished for doing of evill : and
that he would beare with all other offending ignorauntly, but
not with him selfe. The Romaines having chosen on a time
12

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

three Ambassadors to send into the realme of Bithynia, MARCUS
one of them having the gowte in his feete, the other his CATO
heade full of cuttes and great gashes, and the third being
but a foole : Cato laughinge, sayd the Romaines sent an
Ambassade that had neither feete, heade, nor hart. Scipio That is to say
sued once to Cato at Polybius request, about those that were understand
banished from Achaia. The matter was argued afterwardes ^jj' jt^^
in the Senate, and there fell out divers opinions about it. the seate of
Some would have had them restored to their contrie and reason was
goodes againe : other were wholly against it. So Cato placed in the
risinge up at the last, sayed unto them : It seemes we have rart> f?1?0^'
litle else to do, when we stand beating of our braines all day, opfnion
disputing about these olde Greecians, whether the Romaines,
or the Achaians, shall bury them. In the end, the Senate
tooke order, they shoulde be restored unto their contrie
againe. Whereuppon Polybius thought to make petition
againe unto the Senate, that the banished men whom they
hadde restored by their order, might enjoy their former
estates and honors in Achaia, they had at the time of their
banishment : but before he would move the sute unto the
Senate, he woulde feele Catoes opinion first, what he thought
of it. Who aunswered him, smyling : Me thinkes Polybius
thou art like Ulysses, that when he had scaped out of
Cyclops cave the gyant, he would nedes go thither againe, to
fetch his hatte and girdell he had left behinde him there.
He sayd also, that wise men did learne and profit more by
fooles, then fooles did by wise men. For wise men sayd he,
do see the faults fooles commit, and can wisely avoide them:
but fooles never study to follow the example of wise mens
doings. He sayed also that he ever liked young men better Blushinge in
that blushed, then those that looked ever whitely : and that youngemen is
he woulde not have him for a souldier, that wagges his hande a better token
as he goeth, removes his feete when he fighteth, and rowteth
and snorteth lowder in his sleepe, then when he crieth out to
his enemy. An other time when he woulde taunt a mar-
velous fatte man : See, sayed he, what good can such a body
do to the common wealth, that from his chinne to his codde-
pece is nothing but belly ? And to an other man that was
geven to pleasure, and desired to be great with him : My

13

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

MARCUS frende, sayed Cato, as refusinge his acquaintance : I can not

CATO live with him that hath better judgement in the pallate of

his mouth, then in his hart. This was also his sayinge, that

A lover liveth the soule of a lover, lived in an others body : and that in all

in an other hjs ]jfe time he repented him of three thinges. The first

was, if that he ever tolde secret to any woman : the seconde,

that ever he went by water, when he might have gone by

lande : the thirde, that he had bene Idle a whole day, and

had done nothing. Also when he saw a vicious olde man,

he would say, to reprove him : O gray bearde, age bringeth

many deformities with it, helpe it not besides with your vice.

And to a seditious Tribune of the people that was suspected

to be a poysoner, and would needes passe some wicked law

by voyce of the people, he woulde say : O young man, I know

not which of these two be worse, to drinke the drugges

thou gevest, or to receive the lawes thou offerest. An other

time, being reviled by one that ledde a lewde, and naughty

life : Go thy way, sayd he, I am no man to scolde with

thee. For thou art so used to revile, and to be reviled,

that it is not daynty to thee : But for my selfe, I never

use to heare scolding, and much lesse delite to scolde.

These be his wise sayinges we finde written of him, whereby

we may the easilier conjecture his maners and nature. Now,

Cato, and when he was chosen Consull with his frend Valerius Flaccus,

Valerius Flac- the government of Spayne fell to his lott, that is on this

cus Consuls. s^e Qf ^e rjver Of Bsetis. So, Cato havinge subdued many

Catoes doings people by force of armes, and wonne others also by frendly

in Spayne. meanes : sodainly there came a marvelous great army of the

barbarous people against him, and had environned him so,

as he was in marvelous daunger, either shamefully to be

taken prisonner, or to be slaine in the fielde. Wherefore,

he sent presently unto the Celtiberians, to pray aide of them,

who were next neighbours unto the marches where he was.

These Celtiberians did aske him two hundred talentes to

come and help him : but the Romaines that were about him,

coulde not abide to hyer the barbarous people to defende

them. Then Cato tolde them straight, there was no hurt in

it, nor any dishonor unto them. For sayed he, if the fielde

be ours, then we shall pay their wages we promised, with the

14

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

spoyle and money of our enemies : and if we loose it, then MARCUS
our selves and they lye by it, beinge left neither man to pay, CATO
nor yet any to aske it. In the ende he wanne the battel,
after a sore conflict, and after that time he hadde marvelous
good fortune. For Polybius wryteth, that all the walles of
the cities that were on this side the river of Bsetis, were by
his commaundement rased all in one day, which were many,
and full of good souldiers. Him selfe wryteth, that he tooke
moe cities in Spayne, then he remained there dayes : and it
is no vaine boast, if it be true that is written, that there
were foure hundred cities of them. Now, though the
souldiers under him had gotten well in this jorney, and were
riche, yet he caused a pounde weight of silver to be geven
to every souldier besides : sayinge, he liked it better that
many should returne home with silver in their purses, then a
few of them with golde only. But for him selfe, he affirmed : Catoes abstin-
that of all the spoyle gotten of the enemies, he never had ence, from
any thinge, savinge that which he tooke in meate and drinke. fp?7
And yet, sayth he, I speake it not to reprove them that
grow riche by such spoiles : but bicause I woulde contende
in vertue rather with the best, then in money with the
richest, or in covetousnes with the most vertuous. For, not
only he him selfe was cleare from bribes and extorcion, but
his officers also under him kept the same course. In this
Spanish jorney, he had five of his servauntes with him,
whereof one of them called Pauus, bought three younge
boyes that were taken in the warres, when the spoile was
solde to them that would geve most. So Cato knew it.
But Pauus being afrayed to come neere his maister, hong
him selfe: and then Cato solde the boyes againe, and put
the money made of them into the treasory chestes of saving
at Rome. Now while Cato was in Spayne, Scipio the great Discorde
that was his enemy, and sought to hinder the course of his betwext Cato
prosperitie, and to have the honor of conqueringe all the and SciPio>
rest of Spayne : he made all the frendes he could to the
people, to be chosen in Catoes place. He was no sooner
entred into his charge, but he made all the possible spede he
could to be gone, that he might make Catoes authority ceasse
the sooner. Cato hearing of his hasty comminge, tooke only

15

MARCUS
CATO

Cato over-
came the
Lacetanians.

Catoes actes
after his Con-
sullshippeand
triumphe.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

five ensignes of footemen, and five hundred horsemen to
attende upon him home : with the which, in his jorney
homeward, he overcame a people in Spayne called the
Lacetanians, and tooke sixe hundred traytors also that were
fled from the Romaines campe to their enemies, and did put
to death every mothers childe of them. Scipio storming at
that, sayd Cato did him wrong. But Cato to mocke him
finely, sayed : it was the right way to bringe Rome to florish,
when noble borne citizens would not suffer meane borne men,
and upstarts as him selfe was, to go before them in honor :
and on the other side when meane borne men woulde con-
tende in vertue, with those that were of noblest race, and
farre above them in calling. For all that, when Cato came
to Rome, the Senate commaunded that nothing shoulde be
chaunged nor altered otherwise, then Cato had appointed it,
whilest he was in his office. So that the government for
which Scipio made such earnest sute in Spayne, was a greater
disgrace unto him, then it was unto Cato : bicause he passed
al his time and office in peace, having no occasion offered
him to doe any notable service worthy memory. Further-
more, Cato after he had bene Consul, and hadde graunted to
him the honor to triumphe : did not as many others doe,
that seeke not after vertue, but onely for worldly honor and
dignity. Who, when they have bene called to the highest
offices of state, as to be Consulls, and have also graunted
them the honor to triumphe: do then leave to deale any
more in matters of state, and dispose them selves to live
merely and quietely at home, and not to trouble them selves
any more. Now Cato, farre otherwise behaved him selfe.
For he would never leave to exercise vertue, but beganne a
freshe, as if he had bene but a young novesse in the world,
and as one greedy of honor and reputacion, and to take as
much paines and more then he did before. For, to pleasure
his frends or any other citizen, he would come to the market
place, and pleade their causes for them that required his
counsell, and go with his frendes also into the warres. As
he went with Tiberius Sempronius the Consul, and was one
of his Lieutenants at the conquest of the contry of Thrace,
and unto the provinces adjoyning to the river of Danubye
16

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

apon those marches. After that, he was in Greece also, MARCUS
Collonell of a thowsande footemen, under Manias Aquilius, CATO
against king Antiochus surnamed the great, who made the
Romanies as much afrayed of him, as ever they were of
enemy but Hanniball. For, when he had conquered all the The power of
regions and provinces of Asia, which Seleucus Nicanor enjoyed Antiochus
before, and had subdued many barbarous and warlike nations :
he was so proude harted, as he would nedes have wars with
the Romaines, whom he knew to be the only worthy men,
and best able to fight with him. So he made some honest
show and pretence of warres, saying : it was to set the
Greecians at liberty, who had no cause thereof, considering
they lived after their owne lawes, and were but lately delivered
from the bondage of kinge Philip, and of the Macedonians,
through the goodnesse of the Romaines. Notwithstandinge,
he came out of Asia into Greece with a marvelous great
army, and all Greece was straight in armes and in wonderfull
daunger, bicause of the great promises and large hopes the
governours of diverse cities (whome the kinge had wonne and
corrupted with money) did make unto them. Whereupon
Manius dispatched Ambassadors unto the cities, and sent
Titus Quintius Flaminius amonge others, who kept the
greatest parte of the people from rebellinge (that were easily
drawen to geve eare to this innovation) as we have expressed
more amply in his life : and Cato beinge sent Ambassador
also, perswaded the Corinthians, those of Patras, and the
^Egians, and made them sticke still to the Romaines, and
continued a long time at Athens. Some say they finde an
oration of his wrytten in the Greeke tongue, which he made
before the Athenians, in commendacion of their auncesters :
wherein he sayd, he tooke great pleasure to see Athens, for
the beauty and statelinesse of the city. But this is false.
For he spake unto the Athenians by an interpreter, though
he coulde have uttered his oration in the Greeke tongue if he
had bene disposed : but he did like the lawes and customes
of his owne contrie, and the Romaine tongue so well, that
he laughed at them that would praise and commend the
Greeke tongue. As he did once mocke Posthumius Albinus,
who wrote an history in the Greeke tongue, praying the
3:C 17

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

MARCUS readers in his preface to beare with him, if they founde any
CATO imperfection in the tongue : Mary, sayd Cato, he had deserved
Cato mocked pardon in deede, if he hadde bene forced to have wrytten his
Posthumius story in the Greeke tonge, by order of the states of Greece,
Albinus a called the counsel of the Amphictyons. They say the
for'wr^tf' Athenians wondered to heare his redy tongue. For what
a story in ne na(i uttered quickely in few words unto the interpreter :
the Greeke the interpreter was driven to deliver them againe with great
tongue. circumstances, and many words. So that he left them of

this opinion, that the Greecians words lay all in their lippes,
and the Romaines wordes in their heades. Now lunge
Kinge Antio- Antiochus kept all the straightes and narrow passages of the
chus army. mountaines called Thermopyles, (beinge the ordinary way
and entry into Greece) and had fortified them as well with
his army that camped at the foote of the mountaine, as also
with walles and trenches he had made by hande, besides
the naturall strength and fortification of the mount it selfe
in sundry places : and so he determined to remaine there,
trusting to his owne strength and fortifications aforesayed,
and to turne the force of the warres some other way. The
Romaines also, they dispayred utterly they should be able
Catoes doings any way to charge him before. But Cato remembringe with
against king him sejfe the compasse the Persians hadde fetched about
Antiochus. before time likewise to enter into Greece : he departed one
night from the campe with parte of the army : to prove if
he could finde the very compasse about, the barbarous people
had made before. But as they climed up the mountaine,
their guide that was one of the prisoners taken in the contrie,
lost his way, and made them wander up and downe in mar-
velous steepe rockes and crooked wayes, that the poore
souldiers were in marvelous ill taking. Cato seeing the
daunger they were brought into by this lewde guide, com-
maunded all his souldiers not to sturre a foote from thence,
and to tary him there : and in the meane time he went him
selfe alone, and Lucius Manlius with him (a lustie man, and
nimble to climbe apon the rockes) and so went forwarde at
adventure, takinge extreame and uncredible paine, and in as
much daunger of his life, grubbing all night in the darke
without moone light, through wilde Olyve trees, and high
18

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

rockes (that let them they coulde not see before them, MARCUS
neither could tell whether they went) untill they stumbled CATO
at the length uppon a litle pathe way, which went as they
thought directly to the foote of the mountaine, where the
campe of the enemies lay. So they set uppe certeine markes
and tokens, uppon the highest toppes of the rockes they
coulde choose, by view of eye to be discerned furthest of
upon the mountaine called Callidromus. And when they Mount Calli-
had done that, they returned backe againe to fetche the dromus.
souldiers, whom they led towardes their markes they had
set up : untill at the length they founde their pathe waye
againe, where they putte their souldiers in order to marche.
Now they went not farre in this pathe they founde, but the
way failed them straight, and brought them to a bogge :
but then they were in worse case then before, and in greater
feare, not knowinge they were so neere their enemies, as in
deede they were. The day began to breake a litle, and one
of them that marched formest, thought he hearde a noyse,
and that he saw the Greekes campe at the foote of the
rockes, and certeine souldiers that kept watch there. Where-
upon Cato made them stay, and willed only the Firmanians
to come unto him, and none but them, bicause he had
founde them faithfull before, and very ready to obey his
commaundement. They were with him at a trise to know
his pleasure : so Cato said unto them : My fellowes, I must Catoes ora-
have some of our enemies taken prisoners, that I may know tion to his
of them who they be that keepe that passage, what number souldiers.
they be, what order they keepe, howe they are camped and
armed, and after what sorte they determine to fight with us.
The waye to worke this feate, standeth apon swiftnes, and
hardines to runne apon them sodainely, as Lyons doe, which
beinge naked feare not to runne into the middest of any
hearde of fearfull beastes. He had no sooner spoken these
wordes, but the Firmanian souldiers beganne to runne downe The boldenes
the mountaine, as they were, apon those that kept the and valliant
watch : and so setting apon them, they beinge out of order, *ttfmPt of
made them flie, and tooke an armed man prisoner. When soui(iiers
they had him, they straight brought him unto Cato, who by
othe of the prisoner was advertised, howe that the strength

19

MARCUS
CATO

Cato adver-
tised of the
strength of
king Antio-
chus campe.

Cato tooke
the straight of
Thermopyles.

Kinge Antio-
chus hurt in
the face with
a stone.

Catoes vic-
tory of kinge
Antiochus.

Cato woulde
praise his
owne doings.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

of their enemies armie was lodged about the persone of the
kinge, within the straight and valley of the said mountaine :
and that the souldiers they saw, were sixe hundred ^Etolians,
all brave souldiers, whome they had chosen and appointed to
keepe the toppe of the rockes over king Antiochus campe.
When Cato had heard him, making small accompt of the
matter, as well for their small number, as also for the ill
order they kept : he made the trompets sounde straight, and
his souldiers to marche in battell with great cries, him selfe
being the formest man of all his troupe, with a sworde
drawen in his hand. But when the ^Etolians saw them com-
ming downe the rockes towardes them, they beganne to flie
for life unto their great campe, which they filled full of feare,
trouble, and all disorder. Now Manlius at the same present
also, gave an assault unto the walles and fortifications the
king had made, overthwart the vallies and straightes of the
mountaines : at which assault, king Antiochus selfe had a
blow on the face with a stone, that strake some of his teeth
out of his mouth, so that for very paine and anguish he felt,
he turned his horse backe, and got him behinde the prease.
And then there were none of his armie that made any more
resistaunce, or that coulde abide the fiercenesse of the
Romaines. But notwithstanding that the places were very ill
for flying, bicause it was unpossible for them to scatter and
straggle, beinge holden in with high rockes on the one side of
them, and with bogges and deepe marisses on the other side,
which they must needes fall into if their feete slipped, or were
thrust forwarde by any : yet they fell one apon an other in the
straightes, and ranne so in heapes together, that they cast them
selves away, for feare of the Romaines swordes that lighted
uppon them in every corner. And there Marcus Cato, that
never made ceremony or nisenes to praise him selfe openly, nor
reckened it any shame to do it : did take a present occasion for
it, as falleth out apon all victory and famous exploytes. And
so did set it out with all the ostentacion and brave wordes he
could geve. For he wrote with his owne handes, that such as
saw him chase and lay upon his flying enemies that day, were
driven to say, that Cato was not bound to the Romaines, but
the Romaines bound unto Cato. And then Manius the Consull
20

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

selfe, being in a great heate with the furie of the battell, MARCUS

embraced Cato a great while, that was also hotte with chas- CATO

inge of the enemy : and spake alowde with great joy before

them all, that neither he, nor the people of Rome could

recompence Cato for his valliant service that day. After

this battell, the Consul Manius sent Cato to Rome, to be the Manius send

messenger him selfe to reporte the newes of the victory. So eth Cato to

he imbarked incontinently, and had such a fayer winde, that Kome *° ^ry
j- T> • j -4-u J j newes of the

he passed over the sea to Brindes without any daunger, and victory.

went from thence unto Tarentum in one day, and from
Tarentum in foure dayes more to Rome. And so he came
to Rome in five dayes after his landing in Italie, and made
such speede, that him selfe was in deede the first messenger
that brought newes of the victorie. Whereupon he filled all
Rome with joy and sacrifices, and made the Romaines so
proude, that ever after they thought them selves able men to
conquer the worlde both by sea and lande. And these be
all the martiall deedes and noble actes Cato did. But for his
doings in civill policie and state, he semed to be of this
opinion. That to accuse and pursue the wicked, he thought it Cato an ac-
was the best thinge an honest man and good governour of the cuser of men.
common wealth coulde employ him selfe unto : for he accused
many, and subscribed many other accusations which they pre-
ferred. And to be shorte, he did alwayes stirre up some accuser,
as he did Petilius against Scipio. But Scipio, by reason of his
nobility, the greatnes of his house, and the magnanimity of his
minde, passed not for any accusation they could lay against
him: being out of all feare, they shoulde be able to condemne
him. And so he let fall the accusation he had against him.
Notwithstanding, he joyned with other that accused Lucius
Scipio, his owne brother,and followed the matter so sore against
him, that he caused him to be condemned in a great summe of
money to the commonwealth : who being unable to pay the fine,
had gone to prison, and hardly scaped it, had not the Tribunes
of the people revoked his condemnation. It is sayd that Cato
comming through the market place one day, and meeting with
a younge manne by the way that had overthrowen his adver-
sary in sute, and put one of his late fathers greatest enemies
to open shame and foyle before the people : he imbraced him

21

MARCUS
CATO

Cato fifty
times accused.

The dignity
and office of
the Censor.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

with a good countenaunce, and sayd unto him : Oh my
sonne, sacrifices that good children should offer to their
fathers soule, be not lammes nor kiddes, but the teares and
condemnations of their enemies. But as he vexed other, so
he scaped not free him selfe from daunger, in administration
of the common wealth. For if they could katch the least
vantage in the world of him, his enemies straight accused
him : so as they say he was accused almost a fifty times, and
at the last time of his accusation, he was about the age of
foure score yeares. And then he spake a thing openly that
was noted : that it was a harder thinge to geve up an
accompt of his life before men in any other world, then in
this among whom he lived. And yet was not this the last
sute he followed : for foure yeares after, when he was foure
score and tenne yeares of age, he accused Servius Galba. And
thus he lived as Nestor, in maner three ages of man, alwayes
in continuall sute and action. For when he wrestled with
the first Scipio the African about matters of state and
common wealth : he went on unto the time of the seconde,
that was adopted by the first Scipioes sonne, the natural]
sonne of Paulus ^Emylius, who overcame Perseus, king of
Macedon. Furthermore, Marcus Cato, tenne yeares after his
Consulship, sued to be Censor, which was in Rome the greatest
office of dignity that any citizen of Rome could attaine unto :
and as a man may say, the roome of all glory and honor
of their common wealth. For among other authorities
the Censor had power to examine mens lives and maners,
and to punish every offender. For the Romaines were of
that minde, that they woulde not have men mary, gette
children, live privately by them selves, and make feastes and
banckettes at their pleasure, but that they should stande in
feare to be reproved and inquiered of by the magistrate :
and that it was not good to geve every body liberty, to doe
what they would, following his owne lust and fansie. And
they judging that mens naturall dispositions do appeare more
in such things, then in all other thinges that are openly done
at none dayes, and in the sight of the worlde : used to choose
two Censors, that were two Surveyors of maners, to see that
every man behaved him selfe vertuously, and gave not them

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

selves to pleasure, nor to breake the lawes and customes MARCUS

of the common wealth. These officers were called in their CATO

tongue, CensoreS) and alwayes of custome one of them was a How the

Patrician, and the other a commoner. These two had power Censors were

and authority to disgrade a knight by taking away his horse, chosen-

and to put any of the Senate, whom they saw live dissolutely

and disorderly. It was their office also, to ceasse and rate

every citizen accordinge to the estimacion of their goodes,

to note the age, genealogie, and degrees of every man, and

to kepe bookes of them, besides many other prerogatives

they had belonging to their office. Therefore when Cato

came to sue for this office among other, the chiefest Senators

were all bent against him. Some of them for very envy, The Senators

thinkinge it shame and dishonor to the nobility, to suffer and nobility

menne that were meanely borne, and upstartes (the first of . \, .
.1.1 . / . \E . .1 agamstCatoes

their house and name, that ever came to beare office in the

state) to be called and preferred unto the highest offices of
state in all their common wealth. Other also that were ill
livers, and knowing that they had offended the lawes of their
contry: they feared his cruelty to much, imagining he would
spare no man, nor pardon any offence, having the law in his
owne hands. So when they had consulted together about it,
they did set up seven competitors against him, who flattered
the people with many fayer wordes and promises, as though
they had neede of magistrates to use them gently, and to doe
thinges for to please them. But Cato contrariwise, shewinge
no countenaunce that he would use them gently in the office,
but openly in the pulpit for orations, threatning those that
had lived naughtily and wickedly, he cried out: that they
must reforme their citie, and perswaded the people not to
choose the gentlest, but the sharpest phisitions: and that
him selfe was such a one as they needed, and among the
Patricians Valerius Flaccus an other, in whose company he
hoped (they two beinge chosen Censors) to do great good
unto the common wealth, by burninge and cutting of (like
Hydras heades) all vanity and voluptuous pleasures, that
were crept in amongest them: and that he sawe well enough,
how all the other suters sought the office by dishonest meanes,
fearing such officers as they knew would deale justly and

23

MARCUS
CATO

Cato chosen
Censor.

Catoes acts
in his censor-
ship.

Cato put
Lucius Quin-
tius Flaminius
of the Senate.

The cause
why Cato put
Quintius of
the Senate.

Lucius Quin-
tius Flaminius
wickednes
and cruelty.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

uprightly. Then did the people of Rome shew them selves
nobly minded, and worthy of noble govern ours. For they
refused not the sowernesse or severity of Cato, but rejected
these meale mouthed men, that seemed ready to please the
people in all thinges : and thereupon chose Marcus Cato
Censor, and Valerius Flaccus to be his fellow, and they did
obey him, as if he hadde bene present officer, and no suter
for the office, being in themselves to give it to whom they
thought good. The first thing he did after he was stalled
in his Censorship, was : that he named Lucius Valerius
Flaccus, his frend and fellow Censor with him, prince of
the Senate : and among many other also whom he thrust
out of the Senate, he put Lucius Quintius Flaminius of the
Senate, that had bene Consull seven yeares before, and was
brother also unto Titus Quintius Flaminius that overcame
Philip king of Macedon in battell, which was greater glory
to him, then that he had bene Consull. But the cause why
he put him of the Senate, was this : This Lucius Quintius
caried ever with him a younge boy to the warres, whom he
gave as good countenaunce and credit unto, as to any of
his best familiar frendes he had about him. It fortuned on
a time whilest Lucius Quintius was Consull and governour
of a province, that he made a feast, and this boy being set at
his table hard by him, as his maner was, he beganne to flatter
him, knowing how to handle him when he was pretily mery :
and soothing him, told him he loved him so dearely, that
upon his departing from Rome, when the Swordeplaiers
were ready to fight for life and death with unrebated swords
to shew the people pastime, he came his way, and left the
sight of that he never saw, that was very desirous to have
seene a man killed. Then this Lucius Quintius, to make
him see the like, sayed : Care not for the sight thou hast
lost, boy, for I will let thee see as much. And when he had
spoken these wordes, he commaunded a prisoner condemned
to dye, to be fetched and brought into his hall before him,
and the hangman with his axe. Which was forthwith done
according to his commaundement. Then asked he the boy,
if he would straight see the man killed : Yea, sir, sayd the
boy : and with that he bad the hangman strike of his head.
24

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

Most wryters reporte this matter thus. And Cicero to con- MARCUS

firme it also, wrote in his booke de Senectute that the same CATO

was wrytten in an oration Cato made before the people of

Rome. Now Lucius Quintius beinge thus shamefully put

of the Senate by Cato, his brother Titus beinge offended

withall, coulde not tell what to doe, but besought the people

they would e commaunde Cato to declare the cause, why

he brought such shame unto his house. Whereuppon Cato

openly before the people, made recitall of all this feast.

And when Lucius denied it, affirminge it was not so : Cato

would have had him sworne before them all, that it was not

true they had burdened him withall. But Lucius prayed

them to pardon him, who sayed he woulde not sweare :

Whereupon the people judged straight that he deserved

well that shame. So not longe after, certaine games beinge

shewed in the Theater, Lucius came thither, and passinge

beyonde the ordinary place that was appointed for those

that had bene Consuls, he went to sit aloofe of amongest

the multitude. The people tooke pity on him, and made

such a do about him, as they forced him to rise, and to go

sit among the other Senators that had bene Consuls: salving

the best they could, the shame and dishonor happened unto

so noble a house. Cato put out of the Senate also, one Manilius put

Manilius, who was in great towardnes to have bene made °f the Senate

Consull the next yere following:, only bicause he kissed his .f k'ssjnff^s
•f i • i - ii j I.- j \ f !_• j T-J. wife before his

wire to lovingly in the day time, and before his daughter : daughter.

and reproving him for it, he tolde him, his wife never kissed
him, but when it thundered. So when he was disposed to
be mery, he would say it was happy with him when lupiter Mery with
thundered. He tooke away Lucius Scipioes horse from him, marled men
that had triumphed for the victories he had won against the ^ueijlu^her
great king Antiochus : which wan him much ill wil, bicause
it appeared to the world he did it of purpose, for the malice
he did beare Scipio the African, that was dead. But the
most thing that greeved the people of all other extreamities
he used, was his putting downe of all feastes and vaine ex- Banketing
pences. For a man to take it cleane away, and to be openly an(* feastes
scene in it, it was unpossible, bicause it was so common a Pu ^ ?WI
thinge, and every man was given so to it. Therefore Cato
3 : D 25

MARCUS
CATO

Catoes coun-
sel for re-
forminge
excesse at
Rome.

Superfluous
things

reckoned for
riches.

Scopas goodes
were all in
toyes, that
did him no
good.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

to fetche it about indirectly, did praise every citizens goodes,
and rated their apparell, their coches, their litters, their wives
chaines and juells, and all other moveables and household
stuffe, that had cost above a thousand five hundred Drachmes
a peece, at tenne times as much as they were worth : to the
end that such as had bestowed their money in those curious
trifles, should pay so much more subsidie to the maintenance
of the common wealth, as their goods were over valued at.
Moreover he ordained for every thousand Asses that those
trifling things were praised at, the owners of them should
pay three thousand Asses to the common treasory : to the
ende that they who were greeved with this taxe, and sawe
other pay lesse subsidy (that were as much worth as them
selves, by living without such toyes) might call home them
selves againe, and lay a side such foolishe bravery and fine-
nesse. Notwithstandinge, Cato was envied every way. First,
of them that were contented to pay the taxe imposed, rather
then they would leave their vanity : and next, of them also,
that would rather reforme them selves, then pay the taxe.
And some thinke that this law was devised rather to take
away their goodes, then to let them to make shew of them :
and they have a fonde opinion besides, that their riches is
better scene in superfluous things, then in necessary. Whereat
they say Aristotle the Philosopher did wonder more, then
at any other thing : how men could thinke them more rich
and happy, that had many curious and superfluous things,
then those that had necessary and profitable things. And
Scopas the Thessalian, when one of his familiar frends asked
him, I know not what trifling thing, and to make him graunt
it the sooner, told him it was a thinge he might well spare,
and did him no good : mary sayeth he, all the goodes I
have, are in such toyes as do me no good. So this covetous
desire we have to be rich, commeth of no necessary desire in
nature, but is bred in us lay a false opinion from the common
sorte. Now, Cato caringe least of all for the exclamations
they made against him, grewe to be more straight and severe.
For he cut of the pipes and quilles private men had made to
convey water into their houses and gardens, robbing the city
of the water that came from their common conduite heades,
26

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

and did plucke downe also mens porches that were made MARCUS
before their dores into the strete, and brought downe the CATO
prises of common workes in the city, and moreover raised
the common farmes and customes of the city, as high as
he could : all which things together made him greatly hated
and envied of most men. Wherefore, Titus Flaminius, and
certaine other beinge bent against him in open Senate,
caused all Catoes covenauntes and bargaines made, with
the master worke man for repayring and mending of the
common buildings and holy places, to be made voide, as
things greatly prejudiciall to the common wealth. And
they did also stirre up the boldest and rashest of the
Tribunes of the people against him, bicause they shoulde
accuse him unto the people, and make request he might
be condemned in the summe of two talentes. They did
marvelously hinder also the buildinge of the pallace he
built at the charge of the common wealth, looking into the
market place under the Senate house : which pallace was
finished notwithstanding, and called after his name, Basilica Basilica
Porcia : as who would say, the pallace Porcius the Censor Porcia built
built. Howebeit it seemed the people of Rome did greatly ^ Cato.
like and commend his government in the Censorshippe. For
they set up a statue of him in the temple of the goddesse of Catoes image
health, whereunder they wrote not his victories nor triumphe, set UP *n the
but only ingraved this inscription word for worde, to this tei?? e
effect by translation : For the honor of Marcus Cato the feajth
Censor : bicause he reformed the discipline of the common
wealth of Rome (that was farre out of order, and given to
licentious life) by his wise preceptes, good maners, and holy
institutions. In deede, before this image was set up for him,
he was wont to mocke at them that delighted, and were
desirous of such thinges : saying, they did not consider how Honor
they bragged in founders, painters, and image makers, but chaungeth
nothing of their vertues : and that for him selfe, the people conditions-
did alwayes cary lively images of him in their hartes, mean-
inge the memory of his life and doings. When some
wondered why diverse meane men and unknowen persones
had images set up of them, and there were none of him : he
gave them this aunswer : I had rather men should aske why

27

MARCUS
CATO

No man
should abide
to be praised
but for the
common
wealth.

What Cato
was at home
in his house,
and towardes
his wife and
children.

Cato judgeth
the noble
borne gentle-
women the
best wives.

Socrates
pacience com-
mended bear-
inge with the
shrewdnes of
his wife.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

Cato had no Image set up for him, then why he had any.
In the ende, he would have no honest man abide to oe
praised, onles his praise turned to the benefit of the common
wealth : and yet was he one of them that would most praise
him selfe. So that if any had done a fault, or stept awry,
and that men had gone about to reprove them : he woulde
say they were not to be blamed, for they were no Catoes that
did offende. And such as counterfeated to follow any of his
doinges, and came shorte of his maner, he called them left
handed Catoes. He would say, that in most daungerous
times the Senate used to cast their eyes upon him, as pas-
sengers on the sea do looke upon the master of the shippe in
a storme : and that many times when he was absent, the
Senate would put over matters of importance, untill he might
come amonge them. And this is confirmed to be true, as
well by other, as by him selfe. His authority was great in
matters of state, for his wisedome, his eloquence, and great
experience. Besides this commendacion, they praised him
for a good father to his children, a good husband to his wife,
and a good saver for his profit : for he was never careles of
them, as things to be lightly passed on. And therfore me
thinkes I must nedes tell you by the way, some parte of his
well doinge, to folio we our declaration of him. First of all,
he maried a gentlewoman more noble then rich, knowing
that either of both should make her proude and stoute
enough : but yet he ever thought the nobler borne, would
be the more ashamed of dishonesty, then the meaner borne :
and therefore ^that they would be more obedient to their
husbandes, in all honest maner and reasonable things.
Furthermore, he sayd : that he that bet his wife or his child,
did commit as great a sacriledge, as if he polluted or spoiled
the holyest thinges of the world : and he thought it a
greater praise for a man to be a good husband, then a good
Senator. And therefore he thought nothinge more com-
mendable in the life of olde Socrates, then his pacience, in
using his wife well, that was such a shrewe, and his children
that were so harebrainde. After Catoes wife had brought
him a sonne, he could not have so earnest busines in hande,
if it had not touched the common wealth, but he would let
28

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

all alone, to go home to his house, about the time his wife MARCUS
did unswadell the younge boy to washe and shift him : for she CATO
gave it sucke with her owne brestes, and many times woulde Catoes wife
let the slaves children sucke of her also, bicause they might was nource
have a naturall love towardes her sonne, havinge sucked one to her owne
milke, and bene brought up together. When his sonne was
come to age of discretion, and that he was able to learne any
thinge, Cato him selfe did teache him, notwithstanding he Cato taught
had a slave in his house called Chilo (a very honest man, and his sonnes.
a good grammarian) who did also teach many other : but as Chilo a
he sayed him selfe, he did not like, a slave should rebuke his grammarian,
sonne, nor pull him by the eares, when paradventure he was
not apt to take very sodainely that was taught him : neither
would he have his sonne bounde to a slave for so great a
matter as that, as to have his learning of him. Wherefore What exer-
he him selfe taught him his grammer, the law, and to exer- cises Cato
cise his body, not only to throw a dart, to play at the sword, |>roug ht up
to vawt, to ride a horse, and to handle all sortes of weapons,
but also to fight with fistes, to abide colde and heate, and to
swimme over a swift runninge river. He sayed moreover, that
he wrote goodly histories in great letters with his owne
hande, bicause his sonne might learne in his fathers house
the vertues of good men in times past, that he taking example
by their doinges, should frame his life to excell them. He
sayed also, that he tooke as great heede of speaking any
fowle or uncomely wordes before his sonne, as he would have
done if he had bene before the Vestall Nunnes. He never
was in the whotte house with his sonne : for it was a common
use with the Romaines at that time, that the sonnes in law
did not bathe them selves with their fathers in law, but were
ashamed to see one an other naked. But afterwardes they
havinge learned of the Greekes to wash them selves naked
with men, it taught them also to be naked in the bathe even
with their wives. There lacked no towardlines, nor good
disposition in Catoes sonne, to frame him selfe vertuous : for
he was of so good a nature, that he shewed him selfe willing
to followe whatsoever his father had taught him. Howebeit
he was such a weake pulinge, that he coulde not away with
much hardnesse, and therefore his father was contented not to

29

MARCUS
CATO

Catoes sonne
was valiant.

Cato the
younger
maried Tertia
Paulus JEmy-
lius daughter.

Scipio the
second was
JEmylius
naturall
sonne.

Catoes dis-
cipline to
his slaves.

Catoes
opinion for
sleepy men.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

binde him to that straight and painfull life, which him selfe
had kept. Yet he became valliant in the warres. For he
fought marvelous stowtely in the battell, in which Perseus
the kinge of Macedon was overthrowen by Paulus ^Emylius :
where his sword being striken out of his hand with a great
blow that lighted on it, and by reason his hand was som-
what sweaty besides, he fell into a great fury, and prayed of
his frendes about him to recover it. So they all together
ranne uppon the enemies in that place where his sword fell
out of his hande, and came in so fiercely on them, that they
made a lane through them, and clearing the place, found it
in the end, but with much a do, being under such a heape
of dead bodies and other weapons, as well Romaines as
Macedonians, one lying on an other. Paulus ^Emyh'us the
Generall hearing of this act of his, did highly commende the
younge man. And at this day there is a letter extant from
Cato to his sonne, in the which he praiseth this worthy
fact and toile of his, for the recoveringe of his sworde
againe. Afterwardes, this Cato the younger maried Tertia,
one of Paulus ^Emylius daughters, and sister unto Scipio the
seconde, and so was matched in this noble house, not onely
for his owne vertues sake, but for respect of his fathers
dignity and authority : wherby the great care, paines, and
study that Cato the father tooke in bringing up his sonne
in vertue and learninge, was honorably rewarded in the
happy bestowing of his sonne. He ever had a great number
of young litle slaves which he bought, when any would sell
their prisoners in the warres. He did choose them thus
young, bicause they were apt yet to learne any thinge he
would traine them unto, and that a man might breake them,
like young coltes, or litle whelpes. But none of them all,
how many soever he had, did ever goe to any mans house,
but when him selfe or his wife did sende them. If any man
asked them what Cato did : they aunswered, they coulde not
tell. And when they were within, either they must needes
be occupied about somewhat, or else they must sleepe : for
he loved them well that were sleepy, holdinge opinion that
slaves that loved sleepe were more tractable, and willing to
do any thing a man would set them to, then those that were
30

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

waking. And bicause he thought that nothing more did pro- MARCUS
voke slaves to mischiefe and naughtines, then lust and desire CATO
of women : he was contented that his slaves might company
with his bondewomen in his house, for a peece of money he
appointed them to pay, but with straight commaundement
besides, that none of them should deale with any other
woman abroade. At the first when he gave him selfe to
follow the warres, and was not greatly rich, he never was
angry for any fault his servauntes did about his persone :
saying it was a fowle thing for a gentleman or noble man,
to fall out with his servauntes for his belly. Afterwardes, as Note how
he rose to better state, and grew to be wealthier, if he had Cato altered
made a dinner or supper for any of his frendes and familiars, . ™ane^ an<^
they were no sooner gone, but he woulde scourge them with ^jth11 ^
whippes and leather thonges, that had not waited as they
should have done at the borde, or had forgotten any thing
he would have had done. He would ever craftily make one
of them fall out with an other: for he could not abide
they should be frendes, beinge ever jealous of that. If
any of them had done a fault that deserved death, he
would declare his offence before them all: and then if
they condemned him to dye, he would put him to death
before them all. Howebeit in his latter time he grewe
greedy, and gave up his tillage, sayinge it was rather
pleasaunt, then profitable. Therfore bicause he would Catoes good
lay out his money surely, and bring a certaine revenue husbandry for
to his purse, he bestowed it uppon pondes, naturall hotte increasing his
bathes, places fit for fullers craft, upon meadowes and
pastures, upon copises and young wodde: and of all these
he made a great and a more quiet revenue yearely, which he
would say, lupiter him selfe could not diminishe. Further-
more, he was a great userer, both by land and by sea : and Cato a great
the usery he tooke by sea was most extreame of all other, for userer.
he used it in this sorte. He would have them to whome he He tooke ex-
lent his money unto, that traffiked by sea, to have many treame usery
parteners, and to the number of fifty : and that they should y sea-
have so many shippes. Then he would venter among them
for a parte onely, whereof Quintius his slave whom he had
manumised, was made his factor, and used to sayle, and

31

MARCUS
CATO

Carneades,
and Diogenes
Philosophers
sent Ambas-
sadors to
Rome.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

traffiked with the marchaunts, to whom he had lent his
money out to usery. And thus he did not venter all the
money he lent, but a litle peece only for his parte, and gotte
marvelous riches by his usery. Moreover he lent money to
any of his slaves, that would therwith buy other young
slaves, whom they taught and brought up to do service,
at Catoes charge and cost : and then they solde them againe
at the yeares ende, and some of them Cato kept for his owne
service, and gave his slaves as much for them, as any other
offered. Therfore to allure his sonne in like manner to
make profitte of his money : he tolde him it was no wise
mans parte to diminishe his substance, but rather the parte
of a widowe. Yet this was a token of a most greedy covet-
ous minde, that he durst affirme him to be divine, and worthy
immortall praise, that increased his wealth and patrimony
more, then his father left him. Furthermore, when Cato
was growen very olde, Carneades the Academicke, and Dio-
genes the Stoicke, were sent from Athens as Ambassadors to
Rome, to sue for a release of a fyne of five hundred talentes
which they had imposed on the Athenians apon a condem-
nation passed against them, for a contempt of appearaunce,
by the sentence of the Sicyonians, at the sute of the Oro-
pians. Immediatly when these two Philosophers were arrived
in the citie of Rome, the younge gentlemen that were geven
to their bookes, did visite and welcome them, and gave
great reverence to them after they had heard them speake,
and specially to Carneades : whose grace in speaking, and
force of perswading was no lesse, then the fame ranne uppon
him, and specially when he was to speake in so great an
audience, and before such a state, as would not suppresse his
praise. Rome straight was full, as if a winde had blowen
this rumor into every mans eare : that there was a Greecian
arrived, a famous learned man, who with his eloquence
woulde leade a man as he lust. There was no other talke a
while through the whole city, he had so inflamed the younge
gentlemens mindes with love and desire to be learned : that
all other pleasures and delightes were set a side, and they
disposed them selves to no other exercise, but to the study of
Philosophy, as if some secrete and divine inspiration from

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

above had procured them to it. Whereof the Lordes and MARCUS
Senators of Rome were glad, and rejoyced much to see their CATO
youth so well geven to knowledge, and to the study of
the Greeke tongue, and to delite in the company of these
two great and excellent learned men. But Marcus Cato,
even from the beginning that young men beganne to study
the Greeke tongue, and that it grewe in estimacion in Rome,
did dislike of it : fearing least the youth of Rome that were Cato misliked
desirous of learninge and eloquence, woulde utterly give over the Greeke
the honor and glory of armes. Furthermore, when he sawe ton&ue-
the estimacion and fame of these two personages did increase
more and jmore, and in such sorte that Caius Aquilius, one of
the chiefest of the Senate, made sute to be their interpreter :
he determined then to convey them out of the citie by some
honest meane and culour. So he openly found fault one
day in the Senate, that the Ambassadors were long there,
and had no dispatche : considering also they were cunninge
men, and coulde easily perswade what they would. And if
there were no other respect, this onely might perswade them
to determine some aunswere for them, and so to send them
home againe to their schooles, to teach their children of
Greece, and to let alone the children of Rome, that they
might learne to obey the lawes and the Senate, as they had
done before. Now he spake this to the Senate, not of any
private ill will or malice he bare to Carneades, as some men
thought : but bicause he generally hated Philosophy, and
of an ambition despised the muses, and knowledge of the
Greeke tongue. Which was the more suspected, bicause he
had sayd, the auncient Socrates was but a busie man,
and a sturrer up of sedition, and sought by all meanes
possible to usurpe tyranny, and rule in his contrie : by per-
verting and chaunging the manners and customes of the
same, and alluringe the subjectes thereof to a dislikinge
of their lawes and auncient customes. And he laughed at
Socrates schoole, that taught the arte of eloquence : saying,
his schollers waxed old, and were still so long a learning, that
they ment to use their eloquence and pleade causes in an
other worlde, before Minos, when they were dead. There-
fore, to plucke his sonne from the study of the Greeke
3:E 33

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

MARCUS tongue, he sayd to him with a strayned voyce, and in a
CATO bigger sound then he was wont to doe : (as if he had spoken
to him by way of prophecy or inspiration) that so longe as
the Romaines disposed them selves to study the Greeke
tongue, so longe woulde they marre and bring all to nought.
And yet time hath proved his vaine wordes false and untrue.
For the citie of Rome did never florishe so much, nor the
Romaine Empire was ever so great, as at that time, when
learninge and the Greeke tongue most florished. Howebeit
Cato did not onely hate the Philosophers of Greece, but did
dislike them also, that professed phisicke in Rome. For he
had either hearde or red the aunswere Hippocrates made,
when the king of Persia sent for him, and offered him a
great summe of golde and silver, if he woulde come and serve
him : who sware he would never serve the barbarous people,
that were naturall enemies to the Greecians. So Cato
affirmed, it was an othe that al other phisitions sware ever
after : wherefore he comrnaunded his sonne to flie from them
Catoes Phisi- all alike, and sayed he hadde wrytten a litle booke of phisicke,
call booke. with the which he did heale those of his house when they
were sicke, and did keepe them in health when they were
whole. He never forbad them to eate, but did alwayes
bringe them uppe with erbes, and certaine light meates, as
mallard, ringedoves, and hares : for such meates, sayd he, are
good for the sicke, and light of disgestion, saving that they
make them dreame and snorte that eate them. He boasted
also how with this maner of phisicke, he did alwayes keepe
him selfe in health, and his family from sickenes. Yet for
all that, I take it, he did not all that he bragged of : for he
buried both his wife, and his sonne also. But he him selfe
was of a stronge nature, and a lusty body, full of strength,
and health, and lived long without sickenesse : so that when
he was a very olde man and past mariage, he loved women
well, and maried a younge maiden for that cause onely.
After his first wife was dead, he maried his sonne unto
Paulus JEmylius daughter, the sister of Scipio, the seconde
African. Cato him selfe beinge a widower, tooke paines
with a prety younge maide that waited in his house, and
came by stelth to his chamber : howebeit this haunt coulde
34

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

not long continue secret in his house, and specially where MARCUS
there was a younge gentlewoman maried, but needes must CATO
be spied. So, one day when this young maide went some-
what boldly by the chamber of young Cato, to go into his
father, the young man sayd never a word at it: yet his
father perceived that he was somewhat ashamed, and gave
the maide no good countenaunce. Wherefore findinge that
his sonne and daughter in lawe were angry with the matter,
sayinge nothinge to them of it, nor shewinge them any ill
countenaunce : he went one morninge to the market place
(as his maner was) with a traine that followed him, amongest
whome was one Salonius, that had bene his clearke, and
wayted upon him as the rest did. Cato calling him out
alowde by his name, asked him if he hadde not yet bestowed
his daughter. Salonius aunswered him, he had not yet
bestowed her, nor woulde not, before he made him privie
to it. Then Cato tolde him againe : I have founde out a Cato talketh
husbande for her, and a sonne in lawe for thee, and it will be with Salonius
no ill matche for her, unlesse she mislike the age of the man, ^ d^ke,
for in deede he is very olde, but otherwise there is no faulte j^^^g ^ jjjs
in him. Salonius tolde him againe, that for that matter, he daughter,
referred all to him, and his daughter also, prayinge him even
to make what matche he thought good for her : for she was
his humble servaunt, and relyed wholly upponhim, standinge
in neede of his favor and furtheraunce. Then Cato beganne
to discover, and tolde him plainely he woulde willingely
mary her him selfe. Salonius therewith was abashed, bicause
he thought Cato was too olde to mary then, and him selfe
was no fitte manne to matche in any honorable house,
speciallie with a Consull and one that hadde triumphed :
howebeit in the ende, when he sawe Cato ment good earnest,
he was very glad of the matche, and so with this talke
they went on together to the markette place, and agreed
then upon the mariage. Now while they went about
this matter, Cato the sonne taking some of his kinne
and frendes with him, went unto his father, to aske him
if he had offended him in any thinge, that for spight
he shoulde bringe him a steppe mother into his house.
Then his father cried out, and sayd : O my sonne, I pray

35

MARCUS
CATO

Catoes
aunswere to
his sonne, of
his seconde
mariage.

Cato maried
Salonius
daughter,
being a very
old man, and
had a sonne
by her.

How Cato
passed his
age.

Catoes wryt-
inges and
monuments.

Catoes
revenue.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

thee say not so, I like well all thou doest, and I finde no
cause to complaine of thee : but I do it, bicause I desire to
have many children, and to leave many such like citizens as
thou art, in the common wealth. Some say that Pisistratus
the tyran of Athens, made such a like aunswere unto the chil-
dren of his first wife, which were men growen, when he maried
his seconde wife Timonassa, of the towne of Argos, of whom
he had (as it is reported) lophon, and Thessalus. But to
returne againe to Cato, he had a sonne by his second wife,
whom he named after her name, Cato Salonian : and his
eldest sonne died in his office beinge Prsetor, of whome he
often speaketh in diverse of his bookes, commendinge him
for a very honest man. And they say, he tooke the death
of him very paciently, and like a grave wise man, not leaving
therefore to do any service or businesse for the state, other-
wise then he did before. And therein he did not, as Lucius
Lucullus, and Metellus surnamed Pius, did afterwards : who
gave up medling any more with matters of government and
state, after they were waxen olde. For he thought it a
charge and duety, whereunto every honest man whilest he
lived, was bounde in all piety. Nor as Scipio African hadde
done before him, who perceiving that the glory and fame
of his doings did purchase him the ill will of the citizens,
he chaunged the rest of his life into quietnes, and forsooke
the citie and all dealings in common wealth, and went and
dwelt in the contry. But as there was one that told Diony-
sius, the tyran of Syracusa, as it is wrytten, that he could not
die more honorably, then to be buried in the tyranny : even
so did Cato thinke, that he could not waxe more honestlie,
olde, then in serving of the common wealth, unto his dying
day. So at vacant times, when Cato was desirous a litle to
recreate and refresh him selfe, he passed his time away in
makinge of bookes, and lookinge uppon his husbandry in the
contry. This is the cause why he wrote so many kindes of
bookes and stories. But his tillage and husbandry in the
contry, he did tende and followe all in his youth, for his
profit. For he sayed he had but two sortes of revenue,
tillage, and sparinge : but in age, whatsoever he did in the
contry, it was all for pleasure, and to learne some thinge ever
36

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

of nature. For he hath wrytten a booke of the contry life, MARCUS
and of tillage, in the which he sheweth howe to make tartes CATO
and cakes, and how to keepe frutes. He woulde needes shew
such singularity and skill in all thinges : when he was in
his house in the contry, he fared a litle better then he did
in other places, and would oftentimes bid his neighbours, and
such as had lande lying about him, to come and suppe with
him, and he would be mery with them : so that his company Catoes corn-
was not onely pleasaunt, and likinge to olde folkes as him Pan7 pleasant
selfe, but also to the younger sorte. For he had seene much, bo*h to
and had experience in many thinges, and used much pleasaunt
talke, profitable for the hearers. He thought the bord one The table a
of the chiefest meanes to breede love amongest men, and at &°° meane
his owne table woulde alwayes praise good men and vertuous
citizens, but would suffer no talke of evill men, neither table talke
in their praise nor dispraise. Now it is thought the last should be
notable acte and service he did in the common wealth, was used-
the overthrow of Carthage : for in deede he that wanne
it, and rased it utterly, was Scipio the seconde, but jit was
chiefely through Catoes counsel! and advise, that the last Cato author
warre was taken in hand against the Carthaginians, and it of the last.
chaunced apon this occasion. Cato was sent into Africke to
understande the cause and controversie that was betwene mnans
the Carthaginians and Massinissa, kinge of Numidia, which
were at great warres together. And he was sent thither,
bicause king Massinissa had ever bene a frend unto the
Romaines, and for that the Carthaginians were become their
confederates since the last warres, in the which they were
overthrowen by Scipio the first, who tooke for a fyne of
them, a great parte of their Empire, and imposed apon them
besides, a great yearely tribute. Now when he was come
into that contrie, he founde not the citie of Carthage in
miserie, beggerie, and out of harte, as the Romaines sup-
posed : but full of lusty youthes very riche and wealthie,
and great store of armour and munition in it for the warres,
so that by reason of the wealth thereof, Carthage caried
a high sayle, and stowped not for a litle. Wherefore he
thought that it was more then time for the Romaines to
leave to understande the controversies betwext the Cartha-

37

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

MARCUS ginians and Massinissa, and rather to provide betimes to de-
CATO strove Carthage, that hadde beene ever an auncient ennemie
to the Romaines, and ever sought to be revenged of that
they hadde suffered at their handes before, and that they
were now growen to that greatnes and corage in so shorte
time, as in manner it was incredible : so as it was likely they
would fall into as great enmity with the Romaines, as they
ever did before. Therefore so soone as he returned to Rome,
he plainly tolde the Senate, that the losses and harmes the
Carthaginians had received by the last warres they had with
them, had not so much diminished their power and strength,
as the same had shewed their owne folly and lacke of wisdom :
for it was to be feared much, least their late troubles had
made them more skilfull, then weakened them for the warres.
And that they made warres nowe with the Numidians, to
exercise them onely, meaninge afterwardes to warre with
them selves : and that the peace they had made with them,
was but an intermission and stay of warres, only expecting
time and opportunity to breake with them againe. They
say moreover, that besides the perswasions he used, he
brought with him of purpose, Africke figges in his long
sleeves, which he shooke out amongest them in the Senate.
When the Senators marvailed to see so goodly fayer greene
figges, he sayed : The contry that beareth them, is not above
three dayes sailinge from Rome. But yet this is more
straunge which they reporte of him besides : that he never
declared his opinion in any matter in the Senate after that,
but this was ever the one ende of his tale : Me thinketh
Scipio Nasica, still Carthage would be utterly destroyed. Publius Scipio
against Cato, Nasica, used ever in like manner the contrary speech : that
he thought it meete Carthage should stand. This Publius
of Carthafe Scipio saw, in my opinion, that the Romaines through their
pride and insolency were full of absurdities, and caried them
selves very high, by reason of their happy successe and
victories, and were so lofty minded, that the Senate could
hardly rule them : and that by reason of their great author-
itie, they imagined they might bringe their citie to what
height they would. Therefore he spake it, that the feare of
Carthage might alwayes continue as a bridle, to raigne in the
38

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

insolency of the people of Rome, who knew well enough, that MARCUS
the Carthaginians were of no sufficient power to make warres CATO
with the Romanies, nor yet to overcome them : and even so
were they not wholly to be despised, and not to be feared
at all. Cato still replied to the contrary, that therein con-
sisted the greatest daunger of all : that a citie which was
ever of great force and power, and had bene punished by
former warres and misery, would alwayes have an eye of
revenge to their enemies, and be much like a horse that
had broken his halter, that being unbridled, woulde runne
upon his rider. And therfore he thought it not good, nor
sounde advise, so to suffer the Carthaginians to recover their
strength, but rather they ought altogether to take away all
outward daunger, and the feare they stoode in to loose their
conquest : and specially, when they left meanes within the city
selfe to fall still againe to their former rebellion. And this
is the cause why they suppose Cato was the occasion, of the
thirde and last warre the Romaines had against the Cartha-
ginians. But now when the warre was begonne, Cato died, Catoes death,
and before his death he prophecied, as a man would say, who it
should be that should ende those warres. And it was Scipio
the second, who being a young man at that time, had charge
only as a Colonell over a thousand footemen : but in all
battells, and wheresoever there was warres, he shewed him
selfe ever valliant and wise. Insomuch as newes being brought
thereof continually unto Rome, and Cato hearinge them,
spake as they say, these two verses of Homer :

This only man right wise, reputed is to be,

all other seeme but shadowes set, by such wise men as he.

Which prophecy, Scipio soone after confirmed true by his
doinges. Moreover, the issue Cato left behinde him, was a Catoes
sonne he had by his seconde wife : who was called (as we sayd posterity,
before) Cato Salonian, by reason of his mother, and a litle
boy of his eldest sonne that died before him. This Cato
Salonian died being Praetor, but he left a sonne behinde
him that came to be Consull, and was grandfather
unto Cato the Philosopher, one of the most
vertuous men of his time.

39

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

THE COMPARISON OF
ARISTIDES WITH MARCUS CATO

Aristides and
Catoes accesse
to the com-
mon wealth.

OW that we have sette downe in wryt-
inge, these notable and worthie things of
memory : if we will conferre the life of the
one, with the life of the other, perhappes
the difference betwene the one and the
other will not easily be discerned, seeinge
there be so many similitudes and resem-
blances one of an other. But if we come
to compare them in every particularity, as we would doe
Poets workes, or pictures drawen in tables : first, in this we
shall finde them much a like, that having had nothing else
to preferre and commende them, but their onely vertue and
wisdom, they have bene both governors in their common
wealth, and have thereby atchieved to great honor and esti-
macioii. But me thinkes when Aristides came to deale in
matters of state, the common wealth and seigniory of Athens
was then of no great power, and therefore it was easie for
him to set him selfe in prease. Besides, the other governors
and captaines that were of his time, and competitors with
him, were not very rich, nor of great authority. For the
taxe of the richest persones then at Athens in revenue, was
but at five hundred bushells of corne, and upwards, and
therefore were such called Pentacosiomedimni. The second
taxe was but at three hundred bushels, and they were called
knights. The third and last was at two hundred bushells,
and they called them Zeugitas. Where Marcus Cato com-
minge out of a litle village, from a rude contry life, went
at the first dashe (as it were) to plunge him selfe into a
bottomles sea of government in the common wealth of Rome :
which was not ruled then by such governors and captaines,
as Curius, Fabricius, and Ostilius were in old time. For
the people of Rome did no more bestow their offices upon
40

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

such meane laboring men, as came but lately from the ARISTIDES
plough and the mattocke : but they woulde looke now apon AND
the nobility of their houses, and upon their riches, that gave CATC
them most money, or sued earnestly to them for the offices.
And by reason of their great power and authority, they
woulde be waited upon, and sued unto, by those that sought
to beare the honorable offices of the state and common
wealth. And it was no like match nor comparison, to have
Themistocles an adversary and competitor, being neither of
noble house, nor greatly rich (for they say, that all the
goodes his father left him, were not worth above foure or
five hundred talentes, when he beganne to deale in state)
in respect as to contende for the chiefest place of honor
and authority against Scipio African, Servilius Galba, or
Quintius Flaminius, having no other maintenance, nor helpe
to trust unto, but a tongue speaking boldly with reason
and all uprightnes. Moreover, Aristides at the battells of
Marathon, and of Plataees, was but one of the tenne cap-
taines of the Athenians : where Cato was chosen one of the
two Consuls among many other noble and great competitors,
and one of the two Censors, before seven other that made
sute for it, which were all men of great reputacion in the
citie, and yet was Cato preferred before them all. Further-
more, Aristides was never the chiefest in any victory. For
at the battell of Marathon, Miltiades was the generall : and
at the battell of Salamina, Themistocles : and at the jorney
of Plataees, king Pausanias, as Herodotus sayeth, who wryteth
that he had a marvelous victory there. And there were that
strived with Aristides for the second place, as Sophanes,
Amynias, Callimachus, and Cynegirus, every one of the
which did notable valliant service at those battells. Now Cato in mar-
Cato was generall him selfe, and chiefe of all his army in shall affaires
worthines and counsell, during the warre he made in Spayne,
while he was Consull. Afterwards also in the jorney where
king Antiochus was overthrowen in the contry of Thermo-
pyles, Cato being but a Colonell of a thousande footemen,
and servinge under an other that was Consull, wanne the
honor of the victory, when he did sodainely set upon
Antiochus behinde, whereas he looked only to defend him
3:F 41

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

ARISTIDES selfe before. And that victory, without all doubt was one

AND of the chiefest actes that ever Cato did, who drave Asia out

CATO of Greece, and opened the way unto Lucius Scipio to passe

afterwardes into Asia. So then for the warres, neither the

one nor the other of them was ever overcome in battell : but

in peace and civill government, Aristides was supplanted

Aristides and by Themistocles, who by practise got him to be banished

Catoes dis- Athens for a time. Whereas Cato had in manner all the

pleasures in greatest and noblest men of Rome that were in his time,

the common & . , . . ,

wealth. sworne enemies unto him : and having alwayes contended

with them even to his last hower, he ever kept him selfe
on sounde grounde, like a stoute champion, and never tooke
fall nor foyle. For he having accused many before the
people, and many also accusing him : him selfe was never
The power of once condemned, but alwayes his tongue was the buckeler
mnocencyand an(j defence of his life and innocency. Which was to him
ice' so necessary a weapon, and with it he could help himselfe so
in great matters, that (in my opinion) it was only cause why
he never received dishonor, nor was unjustly condemned:
rather then for any thing else he was beholding to fortune,
or to any other that did protect him. And truely, eloquence
is a singular gift, as Antipater witnesseth, in that he wrote
of Aristotle the Philosopher after his death : saying, that
amongest many other singular graces and perfections in him,
he had this rare gift, that he coulde perswade what he listed.
Now there is a rule confessed of all the world, that no man
can attaine any greater vertue or knowledge, then to know
how to governe a multitude of men, or a city : a parte wherof
Oeconomia, is Oeconomia, commonly called houserule, considering that a
houserule. cjty is no other, then an assembly of many householdes and
houses together, and then is the city commonly strong and
of power, when as the townes men and citizens are wise
and wealthy. Therefore Lycurgus that banished golde and
silver from Lacedaemon, and coyned them money of iron, that
woulde be marred with fyre and vinegre when it was hot, did
not forbid his citizens to be good husbands : but like a good
lawmaker, exceeding all other that ever went before him,
he did not onely cut of all superfluous expences that com-
monly wayte uppon riches, but did also provide that his
42

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

people should lacke nothing necessary to live withall, fear- ARISTIDES
ing more to see a begger and nedy persone dwellinge in his AND
citie, and enjoy the priviledges of the same, then a proude CATO
man by reason of his riches. So me thinkes, Cato was as
good a father to his householde, as he was a good governor
to the common wealth : for he did honestly increase his
goods, and did teach other also to do the same, by saving,
and knowledge of good husbandry, whereof, in his booke he
wrote sundry good rules and precepts. Aristides contrari-
wise, made justice odious and slaunderous by his poverty,
and as a thing that made men poore, and was more profit-
able to other, then to a mans selfe that used justice. And
yet Hesiodus the Poet, that commendeth justice so much,
doth wishe us withall to be good husbandes, reproving sloth
and idlenes, as the roote and originall of all injustice. And
therefore me thinkes Homer spake wisely when he sayed :

In times past, neither did I labor, carcke nor care
for busines, for family, for foode, nor yet for fare :
but rather did delight, with shippes the seaes to saile,
to draw a bow, to fling a dart in warres, and to prevaile.

As giving us to understand, that justice and husbandry
are two relatives, and necessarily lincked one to the other :
and that a man who hath no care of his owne thinges,
nor house, doth live unjustly, and taketh from other men.
For justice is not like oyle, which Phisitions say is very The nature
holsome for mannes body, if it be applied outwardly : and of oyle.
in contrary maner very ill, if a man drinke it: neither
ought a just man to profitte straungers, and in the ende
not to care for him selfe nor his. Therefore, me thinkes No man wise,
this governinge vertue of Aristides had a fault in this re- *^at is n°*
spect, if it be true that most authors wryte of him : that wljS® to him
he had no care nor forecast with him to leave so much,
as to mary his daughters withall, nor therewith to bury
him selfe. Where those of the house of Cato, continued
Praetors and Consulls of Rome, even unto the fourte discent.
For his sonnes sonnes, and yet lower, his sonnes sonnes
sonnes came to the greatest offices of dignity in all Rome.
And Aristides, who was in his time the chiefest man of

43

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

ARISTIDES Greece, left his posterity in so great poverty, that some
AND were compelled to become Soothsayers (that interprete
CATO dreames, and tell mens fortune) to get their living, and other
to aske almes : and left no meane to any of them, to do any
great thing worthy of him. But to contrary this, it might
Whether be sayd, poverty of it selfe is neither ill nor dishonest : but
poverty be an where it groweth by idlenes, carelesse life, vanity, and folly,
it is to be reproved. For when it lighteth apon any man
that is honest, and liveth well, that taketh paines, is very
diligent, just, valliant, wise, and governeth a common wealth
well : then it is a great signe of a noble minde. For it is
unpossible that man should doe any great thinges, that had
such a base minde, as to thinke alwayes uppon trifles : and that
he shoulde relieve the poore greatly, that lacketh him selfe
reliefe in many thinges. And sure, riches is not so necessary
for an honest man that will deale truely in the common
wealth, and government, as is sufficiency : which beinge a
contentacion in it selfe, and desirous of no superfluous thing,
it never withdraweth a man from following his businesse in
the common wealth, that enjoyeth the same. For God is he
alone, who simply and absolutely hath no neede of any thinge
at all : wherefore the chiefest vertue that can be in man, and
that commeth nearest unto God, ought to be esteemed that,
which maketh man to have neede of least thinges. For like
as a lusty body, and well complexioned, hath no neede of
superfluous fare and curious apparell : even so a cleane life,
and sounde house, is kept with a litle charge, and so shoulde
the goodes also be proportioned, accordinge to use and
necessity. For he that gathereth much, and spendeth litle,
hath never enough. But admit he hath no desire to spend
much, then he is a foole to travell to get more then he
needeth : and if he do desire it, and dare not for niggardlines
spende parte of that he laboreth for, then is he miserable.
Now woulde I aske Cato with a goodwill, if riches be made
but to use them, why do you boast then you have gotten
much together, when a litle doth suffice you ? and if it be a
commendable thing (as in troth it is) to be contented with
the breade you finde, to drinke of the same tappe workemen
and laborers do, not to care for purple dyed gownes, nor for
44

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

houses with plastered walles : it followeth then that neither
Aristides, nor Epaminondas, nor Manius Curius, nor Caius
Fabricius, have forgotten any parte of their dueties, when
they cared not for gettinge of that which they would not
use nor occupy. For it was to no purpose for a man that
esteemed rootes and parsenippes to be one of the best dishes
in the worlde, and that did seeth them him selfe in his
chimney, whilest his wife did bake his bread, to talke so
much of an Asse, and to take paines to wryte by what arte
and industry a man might quickely enrich him selfe. For it
is true, that sufficiency, and to be contented with a litle, is a
good and commendable thinge : but it is bicause it taketh
from us all desire of unnecessary thinges, and maketh us not
to passe for them. And therefore we finde that Aristides
sayd, when riche Callias case was pleaded, that such as were
poore against their willes, might wel be ashamed of their
poverty : but such as were willingly poore, had good cause,
and might justly rejoyce at it. For it were a mad parte to
thinke that Aristides poverty proceeded of a base minde and
slothfulnes, since he might quickely have made him selfe rich
without any dishonesty at all, by taking only the spoyle of
some one of the barbarous people whome he had overcome, or
any one of their tentes. But enough for this matter. Further-
more, touching the victories and battells Cato had wonne,
they did in maner litle helpe to increase the Empire of
Rome : for it was already so great, as it could almost be no
greater. But Aristides victories are the greatest conquestes
and noblest actes that the Greecians ever did in any warres :
as the jorney of Marathon, the battell of Salamina, and the
battell (of Platees. And yet there is no reason to compare
king Antiochus with king Xerxes, nor the walles of the citie
of Spayne which Cato overthrewe and rased, unto so many
thousands of barbarous people, which were then overthrowen
and put to the sword by the Greecians, as well by lande, as
by sea. In all which services, Aristides was the chiefest
before all other, as touching his valliantnes in fighting:
notwithstanding, he gave other the glory of it, that desired
it more then him selfe, as he did easily also leave the gold
and silver unto those, that had more neede of it then him

45

ARISTIDES

AND

CATO

Whether
Aristides
factes or
Catoes did
most benefit
their contry.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

ARISTIDES selfe. Wherein he shewed him selfe of a nobler minde, then
AND all they did. Furthermore, for my parte, I will not reprove
CATO Catoes manner, to commende and extoll him selfe so highly
above all other, since he him selfe sayth in an oration he
made, that to praise himself is as much folly, as also to dis-
praise himselfe : but this I thinke, his vertue is more perfect,
that desireth other should not praise him, then he that
commonly doth use to praise him selfe. For, not to be
ambitious, is a great shew of humanity, and necessary for
him that will live amongest men of government : and even
Ambition, a so, ambition is hatefull, and procureth great envy unto him,
hatefull thing that is infected withall. Of the which Aristides was cleare,

mon tealth and Cato farre Sone in **•• For Aristides did helP Themis-
tocles his chiefest enemie, in all his noblest actes, and did

serve him (as a man would say) like a private souldier that
garded his persone, when Themistocles was generall, beinge
the onely instrument and meane of his glory : which was
in deede the onely cause that the city of Athens was saved,
and restored againe to her former good state. Cato con-
trariwise, crossing Scipio in all his enterprises, thought to
hinder his voyage and jorney unto Carthage, in the which he
overcame Hanniball, who untill that time was ever invincible:
and so in the ende, continuing him still in jealouzy with the
state, and ever accusinge of him, he never left him, till he
had driven him out of the city, and caused his brother
Lucius Scipio to be shamefully condemned for theft, and ill
behaviour in his charge. Furthermore, for temperaunce and
modesty, which Cato did ever commende so highly: Aristides
truely kept them most sincerely. But Catoes seconde wife,
Cato reproved who maried a maide, (that was neither fit for his dignity and
for his second calling, nor agreeable for his age) made him to be thought a
1 e* lecherous man, and not without manifest cause. For he can

not be excused with honesty, that beinge a man past mariage,
brought his sonne that was maried, and his fayer daughter
in lawe, a steppe mother into his house, and but a clearkes
daughter, whose father did wryte for money, for any man
that woulde hyer him. Take it Cato maried her to satisfie
his lust, or else for spite to be revenged of his sonne, bicause
his sonne coulde not abide his younge filth he had before :
46

AND

CATO

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

either of these turneth still to his shame, as wel the effect, as ARISTIDES

also the cause. Againe, the excuse he made to his sonne

why he maried, was also a lye. For if he had grounded his

desire in deede, to have gotten other children, as he sayd,

that might be as honest men as his eldest sonne : then surely

he had done well after the death of his first wife, if he had

sought him an other wife soone after, that had bene of an

honest house, and not to have lien with a young harlatry filth,

til his sonne had spied him, and then when he saw it was

knowen, to goe and mary her, and to make alliance with

him, not bicause it was honorable for him to do

it, but was easiest to be obtained.

THE ENDE OF MARCUS CATOES LIFE THE CENSOR

THE LIFE OF PHILOPCEMEN

N the city of Mantinea, there was a citizen
in old time called Cassander, one that was
as nobly borne and of as great authoritie
in government there, as any man of his
time whatsoever. Notwithstanding, for-
tune frowned on him in the ende, inso-
much as he was driven out of his contry,
and went to lye in the city of Megalopolis,
only for the love he bare unto Crausis, Philopcemenes father,
a rare man, and nobly geven in all thinges, and one that
loved him also very well. Now so longe as Crausis lived,
Cassander was so well used at his handes, that he could
lacke nothing: and when he was departed this worlde,
Cassander, to requite the love Crausis bare him in his life
time, tooke his sonne into his charge, being an orphane, and
taught him, as Homer sayd Achilles was brought up by the
olde Phoenix. So this childe Philopcemen grewe to have
noble conditions, and increased alwayes from good to better.
Afterwardes, when he came to grow to mans state, Ecdemus
and Demophanes, both Megalipolitans, tooke him into their

47

Crausis,Philo-

poemenes

father.

Cassander

Philopoe-

menes

schoole-

maister.

PHILO-
PCEMEN

Ecdemus and
Demophanes
red Philo-
sophy to
Philopcemen.

Philopoamen
the last
famous man
of Greece.

Philopoamen
taken for
a servinge
man.

government. They were two Philosophers that had bene
hearers of Arcesilaus, in the schoole of Academia, and
afterwardes employed all the Philosophy they had learned,
apon the governing of the common wealth, and dealing in
matters of state, as much or more, then any other men of
their time. For they delivered their city from the tyranny
of Aristodemus, who kept it in subjection, by corruptinge
those that killed him. And they did helpe Aratus also to
drive the tyran Niocles, out of Sicyone. At the request of
the Cyrenians, that were troubled with civil dissention and
factions among them, they went unto Cyrena, where they
did reforme the state of the common wealth, and stablished
good lawes for them. But for them selves, they reckened
the education and bringing up of Philopcemen, the chiefest
acte that ever they did : Judging that they had procured
an universall good unto all Greece, to bring up a man of
so noble a nature, in the rules and precepts of Philosophy.
And to say truely, Grece did love him passingly well, as the
last valliant man she brought foorth in her age, after so
many great and famous auncient Captaines : and did alwayes
increase his power and authority, as his glory did also rise.
Whereuppon there was a Romaine, who to praise him the
more, called him the last of the Greecians : meaninge, that
after him, Greece never brought foorth any worthy persone,
deservinge the name of a Greecian. And now concerninge
his persone, he had no ill face, as many suppose he had :
for his whole image is yet to be seene in the city of Delphes,
excellently well done, as if he were alive. And for that they
reporte of his hostesse in the city of Megara, who tooke him
for a serving man : that was by reason of his curtesie, not
standing uppon his reputacion, and bicause he went plainely
besides. For she understanding that the Generall of the
Achaians came to Inne there all night, she besturred her, and
was very busie preparinge for his supper, her husband par-
adventure being from home at that time : and in the meane
season came Philopoemen into the Inne, with a poore cloke
on his backe. The simple woman seeinge him no better
apparelled, tooke him for one of his men that came before
to provide his lodging, and so prayed him to lende her his
48

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

hande in the kitchin. He straight cast of his cloke, and PHILO-
beganne to fall to hewe wodde. So, as Philopcemen was PCEMEN
busie about it, in commeth her husbande, and findinge him
rivinge of wodde : Ha ha ha, sayd he, my Lorde Philopcemen,
why what meaneth this ? Truely nothing else, sayd he in
his Dorican tongue, but that I am punished, bicause I am
neither fayer boy, nor goodly man. It is true that Titus
Quintius Flaminius sayed one day unto him, seeminge to
mocke him for his personage : O Philopcemen, thou hast
fayer handes, and good legges, but thou hast no belly, for he
was fine in the waste, and small bodied. Not with standinge,
I take it this jeastinge tended rather to the proportion of
his army, then of his body : bicause he had both good horse-
men, and footemen, but he was often without money to pay
them. These geastes, schollers have taken uppe in schooles,
of Philopoemen. But now to discend to his nature and con-
ditions : it seemeth that the ambition and desire he had to
winne honor in his doinges, was not without some heate and
wilfullnes. For, bicause he would altogether follow Epami- Philopoemen,
nondas steppes, he shewed his hardines to enterprise any hasty and
thing, his wisedome to execute all great matters, and his W1"ull.
integrity also, in that no money could corrupt him : but in
civill matters and controversies, he coulde hardly otherwhiles
keepe him selfe within the bondes of modesty, pacience, and
curtesie, but woulde often burst out into choller, and wilful-
nes. Wherfore it seemeth, that he was a better Captaine
for warres, then a wise governor for peace. And in deede,
even from his youth he ever loved souldiers, and armes, and Philopoemen
delited marvelously in all martiall exercises : as in handling delighted in
of his weapon well, riding of horses gallantly, and in vawting wa™*e ^nd
nimbly. And bicause he seemed to have a naturall gift exercises
in wrestlinge, certaine of his frendes, and such as were care-
full of him, did wishe him to geve him selfe most unto
that exercise. Then he asked them, if their life that made
such profession, would be no hinderaunce to their martiall
exercises. Aunswere was made him againe, that the dis-
position of the persone, and manner of life that wrestlers
used, and such as followed like exercises, was altogether
contrary to the life and discipline of a souldier, and specially
3 : G 49

PHILO-
PCEMEN

Philopoemen
did reprove
wrestling.

Philopoe-
menes gaines
how they were
employed.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

touching life and limme. For wrestlers studied altogether
to keepe them selves in good plight, by much sleeping, eating,
and drinking, by laboring, and taking their ease at certaine
howers, by not missinge a jotte of their exercises : and
besides, were in hazard to loose the force and strength of
their body, if they did surfit never so litle, or passed their
ordinary course and rule of diet. Where souldiers contrari-
wise are used to all chaunge, and diversitie of life, and
specially be taught from their youth, to away with all hard-
nesse, and scarsity, and to watche in the night without
sleepe. Philopoemen hearing this, did not onely forsake
those exercises, and scorned them, but afterwardes beinge
Generall of an army, he sought by all infamous meanes
he coulde to put downe all wrestling, and such kinde of
exercise, which made mennes bodies unmeete to take paines,
and to become souldiers for to fight in defence of their con try,
that otherwise would have bene very able and handsome for
the same. When he first left his booke and schoolemasters,
and beganne to weare armor in invasions the Mantineians
used to make uppon the Lacedaemonians, to get some spoyle
on a sodaine, or to destroy a parte of their contry : Philo-
poemen then would ever be the formost to go out, and
the hinder-most to come in. When he had leasure, he
used much hunting in time of peace, all to acquainte his
body with toyle and travell, or else he would be digging
of his groundes. For he had a fayre mannor, not pass-
inge twenty furlonges out of the city, whether he would
walke commonly after dinner or supper: and then when
night came that it was bed time, he would lye upon some
ill favored mattresse, as the meanest laborer he had, and in
the morninge by breake of the day, he went out either
with his vine men to labor in his vineyard, or else
with his plough men to follow the plough, and somtimes
returned againe to the city, and followed matters of the
common wealth, with his frendes and other officers of the
same. Whatsoever he could spare and get in the warres,
he spent it in buying of goodly horses, in makinge of
fayer armors, or payinge his poore contry mens ransome,
that were taken prisoners in the warres : but for his goodes
50

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

and revenue, he sought onely to increase them, by the PHILO-
profit of tillage, which he esteemed the justest and best PCEMEN
way of getting of goodes. For he did not trifle therein, Philopce-
but employed his whole care and study apon it, as one that menes study
thought it fit for every noble man and gentleman so to *"d care in
travaill, governe, and increase his owne, that he should have
no occasion to covet or usurpe an other mannes. He tooke
no pleasure to heare all kinde of matters, nor to read all
sortes of bookes of Philosophy : but those onely that would
teache him most to become vertuous. Neither did he much
care to read Homers workes, savinge those places onely
that stirred up mens hartes most unto valliantnes. But of
all other stories, he specially delited to read Evangelus Philopoe-
bookes, which treated of the discipline of warres, how to set menes delite
battells, and declared the actes and geastes of Alexander the * g^ookes
great, sayinge : that men shoulde ever bringe his wordes unto of the ,jisci-
deedes, onlesse men would take them for vaine stories, and pline of
thinges spoken, but not to profit by. For in his bookes of warres.
the feates of warre, and how battells shoulde be ordered, he
was not onely contented to see them draw en and set out,
in cartes and mappes : but would also put them in execu-
tion, in the places them selves as they were set out. And
therefore, when the army marched in order of battell in the
fielde, he woulde consider and study with him selfe, the
sodaine eventes and approches of the enemies, that might
light upon them, when they comming downe to the valley,
or going out of a plaine, were to passe a river or a ditche, or
through some straight : also when he should spread out his
army, or else gather it narrow : and this he did not only
forecast by him selfe, but woulde also argue the same with
the Captaines that were about him. For Philopcemen doubt-
lesse was one of the odde men of the worlde, that most
esteemed the discipline of warre, (and sometime peradventure
more then he needed) as the most large field and most frute-
full ground that valliantnes could be exercised in : so that
he despised and contemned all that were no souldiers, as
men good for nothing. When he was come now to thirty
yeares of age, Cleomenes kinge of Lacedaemon, came one
night upon the sodaine, and gave an assault to the city

51 "

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

PHILO-
PCEMEN

Philopoemen
saved the
Megalopoli-
tans from
Cleomenes
king of
Sparta.

Philopoemen
very sore
hurt.

of Megalipolis, so lustely, that he drave backe the watche
and got into the market place, and wanne it. Philopcemen
hearinge of it, ranne immediatly to the rescue. Neverthe-
lesse, though he fought very valliantly, and did like a noble
souldier, yet he coulde not repulse the enemies, nor drive
them out of the city. But by this meanes he got his citizens
leasure, and some time to get them out of the towne to save
them selves, staying those that followed them : and made
Cleomenes still waite upon him, so that in the end he had
much a do to save him selfe being the last man, and very
sore hurt, and his horse also slaine under him. Shortely
after, Cleomenes being advertised that the Megalopolitans
were gotten into the city of Messina, sent unto them to let
them understand, that he was ready to deliver them their
city, lands, and goods againe. But Philopcemen seeing his
contrymen very glad of these newes, and that every man
prepared to returne againe in hast: he stayd them with
these perswasions, shewing them that Cleomenes devise was
not to redeliver them their city, but rather to take them to-
gether with their city : foreseeing well enough, that he could
not continue long there, to keepe naked walles and empty
houses, and that him selfe in the ende should be compelled to
goe his way. This perswasion stayed the Megalopolitans,
but withall it gave Cleomenes occasion to burne and plucke
downe a great parte of the city, and to cary away a great
summe of money, and a great spoyle. Afterwardes, when
kinge Antigonus was come to aide the Achaians against
Cleomenes, and that Cleomenes kept on the toppe of the
mountaines of Sellasia, and kept all the passages and wayes
unto them out of all those quarters : king Antigonus set his
inenes king of army in battel hard by him, determining to set upon him,
Lacedaemon. ancl to drive him thence if he could possibly. Philopcemen
was at that time amongest the horsemen with his citizens,
who had the Illyrians on the side of them, being a great
number of footemen and excellent good souldiers, which did
shut in the taile of all the army. So they were commaunded
to stand stil, and to kepe their place, untill such time as they
did shew them a redde coate of armes on the toppe of a
pyke, from the other wing of the battell, where the king
52

King Anti-
gonus came
to aide the
Achaians
against Cleo-

Philopoe-
menes noble
fact in the
battell against
kinge Cleo-
menes.

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

him selfe stoode in persone. Notwithstanding this straight PHILO-
commaundement, the Captaines of the Illyrians would abide P(EMEN
no lenger, but went to see if they could force the Lacedae-
monians that kept on the top of the mountaines. The
Achaians contrariwise, kept their place and order, as they
were commaunded. Euclidas, Cleomenes brother, perceiv-
ing thus their enemies footemen were severed from their
horsemen, sodainly sent the lightest armed souldiers and
lustiest fellowes he had in his bands, to geve a charge upon
the Illyrians behinde, to prove if they coulde make them
turne their faces on them, bicause they had no horsemen for
their garde. This was done, and these light armed men did
marvelously trouble and disorder the Illyrians. Philopoemen
perceivinge, that, and considering howe these light armed
men would be easily broken and driven backe, since occasion
selfe inforced them to it : he went to tell the kings Cap-
taines of it, that led his men of armes. But when he saw
he could not make them understand it, and that they made
no reckening of his reasons, but tooke him of no skill,
bicause he had not yet attained any credit or estimacion to
be judged a man, that could invent or execute any strata-
geame of warre : he went thither him selfe, and tooke his
citizens with him. And at his first comming, he so troubled
these light armed men, that he made them flie, and slue a
number of them. Moreover, to encorage the better king
Antigonus men, and to make them geve a lusty charge
uppon the enemies, whilest they were thus troubled and out
of order : he left his horse, and marched a foote up hill and
downe hill, in rough and stony wayes, full of springs and
quavemyres, being heavely armed at all peeces as a man at
armes, and fightinge in this sorte very painefully and uneasily,
he had both his thighes past through with a dart, havinge a Philopoemen
leather thonge on the middest of it. And though the blow ^urt *n
did not take much holde of the fleshe, yet was it a stronge
blow, for it pearced both thighes through and through, that
the iron was seene on thother side. Then was he so com-
bered with this blow, as if he had bene shackled with irons on
his feete, and knew not what to doe : for the leather fastened
in the middest of the darte, did greve him marvelously,

53

PHILO-
P(EMEN

Antigonus
saying of
Philopoe-
menes skill
of a souldier.

Philoposmen
chosen Gene-
rail of the
horsemen of
the Achaians.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

when they thought to have pulled the darte out of the
place where it entred in, so as never a man about him
durst set his handes to it. Philopoemen on the other side,
seeing the fight terrible on either side, and would soone be
ended : it spited him to the guttes, he would so faine have
bene among them. So at the length he made such strugg-
ling, putting backe one thigh, and setting forward an other,
that he knapped the staffe of the darte a sunder, and made
them pull out the two troncheons, the one on this side, and
the other on the other side. Then when he saw he was at
liberty againe, he tooke his sword in his hande, and ranne
through the middest of them that fought, unto the foremost
ranckes, to meete with the enemy : so that he gave his men
a newe corage, and did set them on fyre with envy, to followe
his valliantnesse. After the battell was wonne, Antigonus
asked the Macedonian Captaines, to prove them : who moved
the horsemen to devide them selves/ and give the charge,
before the signe that was commaunded. They aunswered
him, that they were forced to doe it against their willes,
bicause a young Megalopolitan gentleman gave a charge
with his company, before the signe was given. Then Anti-
gonus laughing, told them : the young gentleman played
the parte of a wise and valliant Captaine. This exployte,
together with Antigonus testimony, gave great reputacion
unto Philopoemen, as we may easily imagine. So king Anti-
gonus marvelously intreated him he would serve with him,
and offered him a bande of men at armes, and great enter-
tainement, if he would go with him. But Philopoemen
refused his offer, and chiefly, bicause he knew his owne
nature, that he could hardly abide to be commaunded by
any. Notwithstandinge, bicause he could not be idle, he
tooke sea, and went into Greta, where he knewe there were
warres, onely to continue him selfe in exercise thereof. So
when he had served a longe time with the Cretans, which
were valliant souldiers, and very expert in all policies and
feates of warre, and moreover were men of a moderate and
spare dyet : he returned home againe to Achaia, with so
great credit and reputacion of every one, that he was pre-
sently chosen Generall of all the horsemen. So when he
54

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

entred into his charge, he founde many horsemen very ill PHILO-
horsed, upon litle lades, such as might be gotten cheapest, PCEMEN
and how they used not to goe them selves in persone to the
warres, but did sende other in their steade : and to be shorte,
how they neither had hartes, nor experience of the warres,
and all bicause the Generalls and Captaines of the people
of the Achaians that served before him, did take no heede
to those matters, as fearinge to offende any, bicause they
had the greatest authority in their handes, to punish or re-
ward whom they thought good. Philopcemen fearinge none
of all these thinges, would leave no parte of his charge and
duety undone, but went him selfe in persone to all the cities,
to perswade and encorage the young gentlemen, to be well
horsed, and well armed, that they might winne honor in the
fielde, be able to defende them selves, and overthrow their
enemies. And where perswasion could doe no good, there
he would set fynes upon their heades that so refused, and
did use to muster them oft, and did acquainte them with
tilting, turning, and barriers, and one to fight with an other,
and at such times and places specially, as he knew there
would be multitudes of people to give them the lookinge
on : that in shorte space he made them very forwarde,
proper, and ready horsemen, whose chiefest property is, to
keepe their order and ranckes in the battell. So as when
necessitie served for the whole company of horsemen to turne
together, halfe turne, or whole turne, or else every man by
him selfe : they were so throughly trained in it, that all the
whole troupe set in battell ray, did seeme as it were to be
but one body, they removed so together, and withall so
easily, and at all times, and so oft, as turne they woulde
on the one side, or on the other. Now in a great battell
the Achaians had with the ^Etolians and the Elians, by the
river of Larissus : Demophantus, Generall of the horsemen
of the vEtolians, came from his company to fight with Philo- Philopoemen
pcemen, who also made towardes him, and gave him first s^e Demo-
such a blow with his speare, that he strake him starke deade. R an Ujj ^
When Demophantus fell to the grounde, his souldiers fled by the horse-
and by upon it. This wanne Philopoemen great honor, who men of the
gave no place to the youngest men in fighting most valliantly -dEtolians.

55

PHILO-
PCEMEN

The praise of
Philopoemen.

Aratus raised
Achaia to
greatnes.

Philopoemen
and Aratus
compared.

Aratus a
soft man in
warres.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

with his owne handes : nor to the oldest men in wisedome,
for the wise leading of his army. In deede the first man
that made the people of Achaia grow in power and greatnes,
was Aratus : for before his time Achaia was of small recken-
inge, bicause the cities of the same stoode devided betwene
them selves, and Aratus was the first manne that made them
joyne together, and stablished amonge them an honest civill
government. Whereby it happened, that as we see in brookes
and rivers where any litle thinge stoppeth and falleth to the
bottome, which the course of the water bringeth downe the
streame, there the rest that followeth doth use to stay, and
goe no further : even so in the cities of Greece that were in
harde state, and sore weakened, by faction one against an
other, the Achaians were the first that stayed themselves,
and grewe in amity one with the other, and afterwardes
drewe on the rest of the cities into league with them, as
good neighbours and confederats. Some by helpinge and
deliveringe them from the oppression of tyrans, and win-
ninge other also by their peaceable government and good
Concorde: they had a meaninge in this wise, to bringe all
the contrie of Peloponnesus into one body and league.
Neverthelesse, while Aratus lived, they depenaed most apon
the strength and power of the Macedonians : first with stick-
inge unto kinge Ptolomie, and then unto Antigonus, and last
to Philip, who ruled in manner all the state of Greece. But
when Philopcemen came to governe, and to be the chiefest man,
the Achaians beinge stronge enough to resist the strongest,
woulde marche then no more under any other bodies ensigne,
nor woulde suffer any more straunge governors or Captaines
over them. For Aratus (as it seemed) was somewhat to softe
and colde for the warres, and therefore the most thinges he
did, were by gentle intreaties, by intelligences, and by the
kinges frendshippes with whome he was great, as we have
at large declared in his life. But Philopremen beinge a
manne of execution, hardy and valliant of persone, and of
very good fortune, in the first battell that he ever made, did
marvelously encrease the corage and hartes of the Achaians :
bicause under his charge they ever foiled their enemies, and
alwayes hadde the upper hande over them. The first thinge
56

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

Philopoemen beganne withal! at his comming, he chaunged PHILO-
the manner of settinge of their tables, and their facion of PtEMEN
arminge them selves. For before they caried litle light tar- Philopoemen
gettes, which bicause they were thinne and narrowe, did not chaungeth
cover halfe their bodies, and used speares farre shorter then ^e Achaians
pykes, by reason whereof they were very light, and good to jjisdpHni
skirmishe and fight a farre of: but when they came to joyne of wars,
battell, their enemies then hadde great vantage of them.
As for the order of their battelles, they knewe not what
it ment, nor to cast them selves into a snaill or ringe, but
onely used the square battell, nor yet gave it any such fronte
where the pykes of many ranckes might pushe together, and
where the souldiers might stande so close, that their targettes
should touch one an other, as they do in the squadron of the
battell of the Macedonians : by reason whereof, they were
soone broken, and overthrowen. Philopremen reformed all
this, perswading them to use the pyke and shielde, in steade
of their litle target, speare, or borestaffe, and to put good
morryans or burganettes on their heades, corselettes on their
bodies, and good tasses and greaves to cover their thighes
and legges, that they might fight it out manfully, not
gevinge a foote of grounde, as light armed men that runne
to and fro in a skirmishe. And thus havinge perswaded and
taught the younge men to arme them selves throughlie, first
he made them the bolder and more coragious to fight, as
if they had bene menne that coulde not have bene over-
come : then he turned all their vaine superfluous charge, into
necessarie and honest expences. But he could not possibly
bring them altogether from their vaine and riche apparell,
they had of long time taken up, the one to exceede an other :
nor from their sumptuous furniture of houses, as in beddes,
hanginges, curious service at the table, and delicate kinde
of dishes. But to beginne to withdrawe this desire in them
which they hadde, to be fine and delicate, in all superfluous
and unnecessarie things, and to like of thinges necessarie,
and profitable : he wished them to looke more nerely to their
ordinarie charge about them selves, takinge order as well for
their apparell, as also for their diet, and to spare in them,
to come honorablie armed to the fielde, for defence of their
3:H 57

PHILO-
PCEMEN
Philopcemen
turned all
curiosity and
dainty fare,
into brave and
riche armors.

Brave armor *
incorageth
mens mindes
to serve nobly.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

contrie. Thereuppon, if you had looked into the golde-
smithes shoppes, ye should have seene nothinge else in their
handes, but breakinge and batteringe of pottes of golde and
silver, to be cast and molton downe againe, and then gildinge
of armors and targettes, and silvering of bittes. In the showe
places for the runninge of horses, there was mannedging and
breakinge of younge horses, and younge men exercisinge
armes. Womens handes also were full of morryans and
heade peeces, whereto they tyed goodly brave plumes of
feathers of sundry colours, and were also full of imbrodered
arminge coates and cassockes, with curious and very riche
workes. The sight of which braverie did heave uppe their
hartes, and made them gallant and lively : so as envy bred
straight in them who shoulde doe best service, and no way
spare for the warres. In deede, sumptuousnesse and braverie
in other sightes, doth secretely cary mens mindes away, and
allure them to seeke after vanities, which makes them tender
bodied, and womanishe persones: bicause this sweete ticklinge,
and intisinge of the outwarde sence that is delighted there-
with, doth straight melt and soften the strength and corage
of the minde. But againe, the sumptuous cost bestowed
apon warlike furniture, doth incorage and make great a
noble harte. Even as Homer sayeth it did Achilles, when
his mother brought him newe armor and weapons, she hadde
caused Vulcan to make for him, and layed them at his feete :
who seeinge them, coulde not tarie, but was straight sette
on fyre with desire to occupie them. So when Philopcemen
hadde brought the youth of Achaia to this good passe, to
come thus bravely armed and furnished into the fielde, he
beganne then to exercise them continuallie in armes : wherein
they did not onely shewe them selves obedient to him, but
did moreover strive one to excell an other, and to doe better
then their fellowes. For they liked marvelous well the
orderinge of the battell he hadde taught them, bicause that
standinge so close together as they did, they thought surely
they coulde hardly be overthrowen. Thus by continuaunce
of time, beinge muche used to weare their armor, they founde
them a great deale easier and lighter then before, besides the
pleasure they tooke to see their armor so brave, and so riche :
58

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

insomuch as they longed for some occasion to trye them PHILO-
straight uppon their enemies. Now the Achaians at that PCEMEN
time were at warres with Machanidas, the tyranne of Lace- Philopoemen
daemon, who sought by all devise he coulde with a great made warres
armie, to become chiefe Lorde of all the Peloponnesians. w?*h Macha-
When newes was brought that Machanidas was come into Lacedaemtm
the contrie of the Mantinians, Philopoemen straight marched
toward es him with his army : so they mett bothe not
farre from the citie of Mantinea, where by and by they
put them selves in order of battell. They both hadde
entertayned in paye a great number of straungers to
serve them, besides the whole force of their contrie : and
when they came to joyne battell, Machanidas with his
straungers gave such a lustie charge uppon certaine slinges
and archers being the forlorne hope whome Philopcemen had
cast of before the battell of the Achaians to beginne the Battell fought
skirmishe, that he overthrew them, and made them flie betwene
withal. But where he should have gone on directly against 4
the Achaians that were ranged in battell ray, to have proved
if he could have broken them : he was very busie, and
earnest still, to follow the chase of them that first fled, and
so came hard by the Achaians that stoode still in their battel,
and kept their ranckes. This great overthrow fortuning at
the beginning, many men thought the Achaians were but
cast away. But Philopoemen made as though it had bene
nothinge, and that he set light by it, and spying the great fault
his enemies made, following the forlorne hope on the spurre,
whom they had overthrowen, and straying so farre from
the battell of their footemen, whome they had left naked, and
the field open apon them : he did not make towardes them
to stay them, nor did strive to stop them that they should
not follow those that fled, but suffered them to take their
course. And when he saw that they were gone a good way
from their footemen, he made his men marche apon the
Lacedaemonians, whose sides were naked, having no horsemen
to gard them : and so did set upon them on the one side,
and ranne so hastely on them to winne one of their flancks,
that he made them flie, and slue withall a great number
of them. For it is said, there were foure thousand Lace-

59

PHILO-
P(EMEN
Philopoemen
overcame
Machanidas
army, tyran of
the Lacedae-
monians.

Philopoemen
slue Macha-
nidas.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

daemonians slaine in the field, bicause they had no man to
leade them : and moreover, they say they did not looke to
fight, but supposed rather they had wonne the fielde, when
they saw Machanidas chasing stil those upon the spurre,
whom he had overthrowen. After this, Philopcemen retyred
to mete Machanidas, who came backe from the chase with
his straungers. But by chaunce there was a great broade
ditch betwene them, so as both of them rode upon the
banckes sides of the same, a great while together, one
against an other of them : thone side seking some convenient
place to get over and flie, and the other side seking meanes
to kepe them from starting away. So, to see the one before
the other in this sorte, it appeared as they had bene wild
beastes brought to an extreamity, to defend them selves by
force, from so fierce a hunter as Philopoemen was. But
whilest they were striving thus, the tyrans horse that was
lusty and coragious, and felt the force of his masters spurres
pricking in his sides, that the blood followed after, did venter
to leape the ditche, comminge to the banckes side, stoode
apon his hindemost legges, and advaunced forward with his
foremost feete, to reach to the other side. Then Simmias
and Polyaenus, who were about Philopoemen when he fought,
ran thither straight to kepe him in with their bore staves
that he should not leape the ditche. But Philopoemen who
was there before them, perceiving that the tyrans horse by
lifting up his head so high, did cover all his maisters body :
forsooke by and by his horse, and tooke his speare in both
his hands, and thrust at the tyran with so good a will, that
he slue him in the ditch. In memory whereof, the Achaians
that did highly esteeme this valliant acte of his, and his
wisedome also in leadinge of the battell : did set up his
image in brasse, in the temple of Apollo in Delphes, in the
forme he slue the tyran. They say, that at the assembly of
the common games called Nemea, (which they solemnise in
honor of Hercules, not farre from the citie of Argos) and not
long after he had wonne this battell of Mantinea, being
made Generall the seconde time of the tribe of the Achaians,
and beinge at good leasure also by reason of the feast : he
first shewed all the Greecians that were come thither to see
60

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

the games and pastimes, his army raunging in order of battell, PHILO-
and made them see how easily they removed their places P(EMEN
every way, as necessity and occasion of fight required, with-
out troublinge or confoundinge their ranckes, and that with
a marvelous force and redines. When he had done this,
he went into the Theater to heare tfie musitians play, and
sing to their instrumentes, who should winne the best game,
being accompanied with lusty young gentlemen apparrelled
in purple clokes, and in skarlet coates and cassockes they ware
apon their armor, being all in the flower of their youth,
and well given and disposed : who did greatly honor and
reverence their Captaine, and besides that, shewed them-
selves inwardly of noble hartes, being incoraged by many
notable battells they had fought, in which they had ever
attained the victory, and gotten the upper hand of their
enemies. And by chaunce, as they were entred into the
Theater, Pylades the musitian, singinge certaine poemes of
Timotheus, called the Perses, fell into these verses :

O Greekes, it is even he, which your prosperity
Hath given to you : and therewithall a noble liberty.

When he had sweetely song out alowde these noble verses,
passingly well made : the whole assembly of the Greecians in
the Theater, that were gathered thither to see the games,
cast all their eyes straight upon Philopremen, and clapped
their handes one to an other for joy, bicause of the great
hope they had in him, that through him they shoulde
soone recover their auncient reputacion, and so imagined
they possessed already the noble and worthy mindes of their
auncesters. And as younge horse that doe alwayes looke to
be ridden by their ordinarie riders, if any straunger get up
on their backes, do straight waxe straunge to be handeled,
and make great a do : even so, when the Achaians came
to any daungerous battell, their hartes were even done, if
they had any other Generall or leader then Philopcemen, on
whom still they depended and looked. And when they sawe
him ever, the whole army rejoyced, and desired straight to
be at it, they had such confidence in his valliantnesse and
good fortune : and truely not without cause. For of all

61

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

PHILO- men, their enemies did feare him most, and durst not

PCEMEN stande before him : bicause they were afrayed to heare his

name only, as it seemed by their doings. For Philip kinge

of Macedon, imagining that if he could finde meanes to

dispatche Philopoemen out of the way, howsoever it were,

the Achaians would straight take parte againe with him :

sent men secretly into the city of Argos, to kill him by

treason. Howbeit the practise was discovered, and the king

ever after was mortally hated of all the Greecians generally,

and taken for a cowardly and wicked Prince. It fortuned

one day when the Boeotians layed siege to the city of

Megara, and thought certainly to have wonne it at the first

assault : there rose a rumor sodainely amongest them, that

Philopoemen came to aide the city, and was not farre from it

The onely with his army. But it was a false reporte. Notwithstand-

nameofPhilo- inge, the Boeotians were so scared, that for feare they left

fh^LTians their scaling Adders behinde them, which they had set

flee for feare. agamst the walls to have scaled the towne, and fled straight

to save them selves. An other time, when Nabis the tyran

of Lacedaemon, that succeeded Machanidas, had taken the

Nabis tyran of city of Messina uppon the sodaine : Philopoemen being then

Lacedaemon, a private man, and havinge no charge of souldiers, went unto

Wf ??etliecity Lysippus, General of the Achaians that yere, to perswade

him that he would send present aide unto them of Messina.

Lysippus told him, it was to late now to goe thither, and

that it was but a lost towne, not to be holpen : considering

the enemies were in it already. Philopoemen perceiving he

could not procure him to go, went thither him selfe with

the force of Messina only, not staying for the assembly of

the Megalopolitans, that were in counsell about it, to give

him commission by voyces of the people to take them with

him : but they all willingly followed him, as if he had bene

their continuall Generall, and the man that by nature was

worthiest of all other to commaunde them. Now when he

came neere unto Messina, Nabis hearinge of his comminge,

durst not tary him, though he had his army within the city,

Nabis fleeth but stale out at an other gate, and marched away in all the

Philopoemen. hast he could, thinking him selfe a happy man and he could

so escape his handes, and retyre with safety, as in dede he

62

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

did. And thus was Messina, by his meanes, delivered from PHILO-
captivity. All that we have written hitherto concerning PGEMEN
Philopcemen, falleth out doutlesse to his great honor and Philopoemen
glory : but afterwardes he was greatly dispraised for a delivered
jorney he made into Creta, at the request of the Gor- ™e . ^ 2
tynians, who sent to pray him to be their Captaine, being NainS the
sore troubled with warres at that time. Bi cause Philo- tyran of Lace-
pcemen went then to serve the Gortynians, when the tyranne daemon.
Nabis had greatest warres with the Megalopolitans, in their Philopce-
owne contry : they laid it to his charge, either that he did it menes
to flie the warres, or else that he sought honor out of season ?econde
with foreine nations, when his poore citizens the Megalo- Creta discom-
politans were in such distresse, that their contry being lost mended,
and destroyed, they were driven to keepe them within their
city, and to sow all their voide groundes and streetes in
the same with corne, to susteine them withall, when their
enemies were encamped almost hard at their towne gates.
And the rather, bicause him selfe making warres with the
Cretans, and serving straungers beyonde the sea in the
meane time, gave his enemyes occasion to slaunder him
that he fled, that he would not tary to fight for defence
of his contry. Againe, there were that sayd, bicause the
Achaians did choose other for their Generall, that he being
a private man and without charge, was the rather contented
to be Generall of the Gortynians, who had marvelously
intreated him to take the charge : for he was a man that
coulde not abide to live idlely, and that desired specially above
all things to serve continually in the warres, and to put in
practise his skil and discipline in the leading of an army.
The wordes he spake one day of king Ptolomie doth witnesse
as much. For when there were some that praised king
Ptolomie highly, saying that he trained his army well,
and that he still continued his persone in exercise of
armes : It is not commendable for a king (sayd he) of his
yeares, to delite in traininge his men to exercise armes,
but to doe some acte him selfe in persone. Well, in the
ende, the Megalopolitans tooke his abscence in such evill
parte, that they thought it a peece of treason, and would
needes have banished him, and put him from the freedome

63

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

PHILO- of the citie : had not the Achaians sent their Generall Aristae-
PCEMEN netus unto them, who would not suffer the sentence of
banishment to passe against him, although otherwise there
was ever contention betwene them about matters of the
Philopoemen common wealth. Afterwards, 'Philopcemen perceiving his
made diverse contrymen made no more accompt of him, to spight them
rties to rebell withall, he made diverse small villages and cities rebell
Achaians against them, and taught them to say, and to give it out,
that they were not their subjects, neither payed them tribute
from the beginning : and he made them stande to it openly,
and maintaine their sedition against the city of Megalipolis,
before the councell of the Achaians. These things happened
shortly after. But whilest he made warres in Creta for the
Gortynians, he shewed not himself a Peloponnesian, nor like
a man borne in Arcadia, to make plaine and open warres: but
The Cretans, he had learned the maner of the Cretans, to use their owne
politicke men policies, fine devises, and ambushes against them selves,
warre. ^n(j ma(je them know also, that all their crafts, were but
childish sportes as it were : in respect of those that were de-
vised, and put in execution, by a wise experienced Captaine,
and skilfull to fight a battell. So, Philopoemen having
wonne great fame by his actes done in Creta, returned
againe to Peloponnesus, where he founde, that Philip kinge
of Macedon had bene overcome in battell, by Titus Quintius
Flaminius : and that the Achaians joyning with the Romaines,
did make warre against the tyran Nabis, against whome he
Philopoemen was made Generall immediatly upon his returne, and gave
mridef'tne" ^m battell by sea. In the which it seemed he fell into like
Achaians6 misfortune, as Epaminondas did : the event of this battell
against Nabis. fallinge out much worse with him, then was looked for, in
respect of his former corage and valliantnesse. But as for
Epaminondas, some say he returned willingly out of Asia,
and the lies, without any exployte done, bicause he would
not have his contrymen fleshed with spoyle by sea, as fearing
least of valliant souldiers by lande, they would by litle and
litle (as Plato sayd) become dissolute mariners by sea. But
Philopoemen contrariwise, presuming upon the skill he had
to set the battell in good order by lande, woulde needes take
uppon him to do the same by sea. But he was taught to
64

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

his cost to knowe what exercise and experience ment, and PHILO-
howe stronge it maketh them that are practised in thinges. PCEMEN
For he lost not onely the battell by sea, beinge unskilfull Philopoemen
of that service : but he committed oesides a fowler errour. overcome by
For that he caused an old shippe to be rigged, which had sea*
bene very good of service before, but not occupied in forty
yeares together, and imbarked his contrymen into the same,
which were all likely to perish, bicause the shippe had diverse
leakes, by fault of good calking. This overthrow made his
enemies despise him utterly, who perswaded them selves he
was fled for altogether, and had given them sea roome: where-
upon they layed siege to the citie of Gythium. Philoposmen Nabis besieg-
beinge advertised thereof, imbarked his men sodainely, and eth the city
set upon his enemies ere they wist it, or had any thought of °^ Gythium.
his comming: and founde them straggling up and downe,
without watch or garde, by reason of the victory they had
lately wonne. So he landed his men closely by night, and
went and set fyre uppon his enemies campe, and burnt it
every whitte : and in this feare and hurly burly, slue a great
number of them. Shortely after this stealing apon them,
the tyran Nabis also stole apon him againe unwares, as he
was to goe through a marvelous ill and daungerous way.
Which made the Achaians amazed at the first, thinkinge
it unpossible for them that they could ever scape that
daunger, considering their enemies kept all the wayes there-
abouts. But Philopoemen bethinking him selfe, and con-
sidering the nature and scituacion of the place: after he
had viewed it well, he shewed them plainly then, that the
chiefest point of a good souldier, and man of warre, was to
know how to put an army in battell, accordinge to the time
and scituacion of the place. For he did but alter the forme
of his battell a litle, and sorted it according to the scituacion
of the place, wherein he was compassed : and by doinge this
without trouble or busines, he tooke away all feare of daunger,
and gave a charge upon his enemies in such fierce wise, that Philopoemen
in a shorte time he put them all to flight. And when he per- overcame
ceived that they did not flie all in troupes together towardes NablMyranof
the city, but scatteringwise, abroade in the fieldes in every i
place : he caused the trompet to sound the retreate. Then
3:1 65

PHILO-
PCEMEN

Titus Quin-
tius envieth
Philopoemen.

Nabis slaine
by the

.Sitolians.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

he commaunded the chase to be followed no further, for that
all the contry thereabout was full of thicke woddes and
groves, very ill for horsemen : and also bicause there were
many brookes, vallies, and quavemyres which they should
passe over, he encamped him selfe presently, being yet broade
day. And so, fearinge least his enemies would in the night
time draw unto the city, one after an other, and by couples :
he sent a great number of Achaians, and laid them in ambush
amongest the brookes and hilles neere about it, which made
great slaughter of Nabis souldiers, bicause they came not
altogether in troupes, but scatteringly one after an other
as they fled, one here, an other there, and so fell into their
enemies handes, as birdes into the fowlers net. These acts
made Philopoemen singularly beloved of the Greecians, and
they did him great honor in all their Theaters and common
assemblies. Whereat Titus Quintius Flaminius, of nature
very ambitious, and covetous of honor: did much repine,
and was envious at the matter, thinking that a Consul of
Rome should have place and honor amongest the Achaians,
before a meane gentleman of Arcadia. And he imagined he
had deserved better of all Greece, then Philopoemen had :
considering, ho we by the onely proclamation of an heraulde,
he had restored Greece againe to her auncient liberty, which
before his comminge was subject unto kinge Philip, and unto
the Macedonians. Afterwardes, Titus Quintius made peace
with the tyran Nabis. Nabis was shortely after very traiter-
ously slaine by the ^Etolians. Whereuppon the citie of
Sparta grew to a tumult, and Philopoemen straight taking
the occasion, went thither with his army, and handeled the
matter so wisely : that partely for love, and partely by
force, he wanne the city, and joyned it unto the tribe of the
Achaians. So was he marvelously commended and esteemed
of the Achaians for this notable victory, to have wonne their
tribe and communalty so famous a city, and of so great esti-
macion. For the city of Sparta was no smale encrease of
their power, and being joyned as a member of Achaia.
Moreover he wan by this meanes, the love and good will of
all the honest men of Lacedaemon, of the hope they had to
finde him a protector and defender of their liberty. Where-
66

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

fore, when the tyran Nabis house and goodes were solde, as PHILO-
forfitted to the state : they resolved in their counsell to make PCEMEN
him a present of the money therof, which amounted to the
summe of sixe score talents, and sent Ambassadors purposely
unto him, to offer it him. Then Philopoemen shewed him- Philopoemen
selfe plainely to be no counterfeate honest man, but a good free fr°m
man in deede. For first of all, there was not one of all the C°vetou8nes.
Lacedaemonians that durst presume to offer him this money,
but every man was afrayed to tell him of it : and every body
that was appointed to do it, made some excuse or other for
them selves. Notwithstandinge, in the ende they made one
Timolaus to take the matter upon him, who was his familiar
frend, and also his hoste. And yet the same Timolaus when
he came unto Megalipolis, and was lodged and entertained
in Philopoemenes house, did so much reverence him for his
wise talke and conversation, for his moderate diet, and just
dealing with all men : that he sawe there was no likely possi-
bility to corrupt him with money, so as he durst not once
open his mouth to speake to him of the present he had
brought him, but founde some other occasion to excuse the
cause of his comminge unto him. And beinge sent unto
him againe the second time, he did even as much as at
the first time. And making a third proofe, he ventured at
the last to open the matter unto him, and told him the
good will the city of Sparta did beare him. Philopcemen
became a glad man to heare it: and when he had heard
all he had to say to him, he went him selfe unto the citie
of Sparta. There he declared unto the counsell, that it was Philopoe-
not honest men, and their good frends, they should seeke menes wise
to winne and corrupt with money, considering they might ^e^ace-
commaund their vertue upon any occasion, without cost dsemonians,
unto them : but that they should seeke to bribe naughty howe they
men with money, and such as by seditious orations in should be-
counsell did mutine, and put a whole citie in uprore : to se their
the ende that having their mouthes stopped with giftes,
they should trouble them the lesse in the common wealth.
For, said he, it is more necessarie to stoppe your enemies
mouthes, and to sowe up their lippes from libertie of
speaking : then it is to keepe your frendes from it. So

67

PHILO-
PCEMEN

Diophanes
and T. Quin-

Lacedse-
monia.

Philopoe-
menes noble
act-

Philopce-

tothe

Spartans

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

noble a man was Philopcemen against all covetousnesse of
money. Shortely after, the Lacedaemonians beginning to
stirre againe, Diophanes (who was then General of the
Achaians) beinge advertised of it, beganne to prepare to
punish them. The Lacedaemonians on the other side pre-
paringe for the warres, did set all the contry of Pelopon-
nesus in armes. Hereupon Philopcemen sought to pacific
Diophanes anger, declaring unto him, that king Antiochus,
and the Romaines, being at warres together at that present
time, and they both having puisant annies one against an
other in the middest of Greece : it was meete for a good
Generall and wise governor, to have an eye to their doings,
to be carefull of the same, and to beware that he did not
trouble or alter any thinge within his contry at that instant,
but then rather to dissemble it, and not to seeme to heare
any fault whatsoever they did. Diophanes would not be
perswaded, but entred the territories of Lacedaemon with a

Sreat arm^' and Titus Quintius Flaminius with him : and
they together marched directly towardes the city of Sparta.
Philopcemen was so madde with their doings, that he tooke
apon him an enterprise not very lawfull, nor altogether just:
neverthelesse, his attempt proceeded of a noble minde, and
great corage. For he got into the citie of Sparta, and beinge
but a private persone, kept out the General of the Achaians,
and the Consull of the Romaines for entring the city :
and when he had pacified all troubles and seditions in the
same, he delivered it up againe as it was before, into the
handes of the communaltie of the Achaians. Neverthelesse,
him selfe being afterwardes Generall of the Achaians, did
compell the Lacedaemonians to receive those home againe
whom they had banished for certaine faultes, and did put
foure score naturall borne citizens of Sparta unto death, as
Polybius wrjteth. Or three hundred and fifty, as Aristo-
crates an other historiographer reciteth. Then he pulled
downe the walles of the city, and rased them to the grounde,
and tooke away the most parte of their territories, and gave
them to the Megalopolitans. All those whome the tyrannes
had made free denizens of Sparta, he compelled them to
departe the contry of Lacedaemon, and forced them to
68

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

dwell in Achaia, three thousand only excepted, who would PHILO-

not obey his commaundement : all those he solde for slaves, PCEMEN

and with the money he made of them (to spight them the

more) he built a goodly fayer walke within the citie of

Megalipolis. Yet furthermore, to do the Lacedaemonians

all the mischiefe he coulde, and as it were, to treade them

under the feete in their most grievous misery : he did a most

cruell and unjust acte towarde them. For he compelled Philopoemen

them to leave the discipline and maner of education of their ™ade the

children, which Lycurgus had of olde time instituted : and J *"

made them to follow the maner the Achaians used, in liew gus jaw>

of their olde grounded contry custome, bicausefhe sawe they

would never be humble minded, so long as they kept

Lycurgus order and institucion. Thus were they driven to

put the heades in the choller, by the miserable mishappe that

befell them : and in all despight, to suffer Philopcemen in this

maner to cut a sunder (as it were) the sinewes of their

common wealth. But afterwardes they made sute to the

Romaines, that they might be suffered to enjoy their

auncient discipline againe, which being graunted them, they

straight left the maner of the Achaians, and did set up

againe as much as was possible (after so great miserie and

corruption of their maners) their olde auncient customes and

orders of their contry. Now about the time the warres

beganne in Greece, betwene the Romaines and king Antio-

chus, Philopremen was then a private man, and without any

authority. He seeinge that kinge Antiochus lay still in the Antiochus

citie of Chalcis, and did nothing but feast and love, and had sola?e and

maried a younge maide farre unmeete for his yeres : and per- chalet

ceiving that his Syrian souldiers wandered up and downe the

townes in great disorder, playing many lewde partes without

guide of Captaines : he was very sory he was not at that

time Generall of the Achaians, and tolde the Romaines, that Philopoe-

he envied their victory, having warres with enemies that m^es coun-

were so easily to be overcome. For (sayd he) if fortune JJl\J!S!La
e it x. T /"i 11 i» .1 \ i • , •! • the Komames.

tavored me that I were Generall of the Achaians at this pre-
sent, I woulde have killed them every man in the cellers and
tippling houses. Now when the Romaines had overcome
Antiochus, they beganne to have surer footing in Greece :

69

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

PHILO- and to compasse in the Achaians of all sides, and specially,
P(EMEN by reason the heades and governors of the cities about them
did yeelde to the Romaines, to winne their favor. And now
their greatnesse grewe in hast, by the favor of the goddes,
so as they were become the monarche of the whole worlde, who
brought them nowe to the ende that fortune had deter-
mined. Philopoemen in the meane time did like a good pylot,
bare hard against the billowes and roughnesse of their
waves : and though for the time he was forced to give place,
and to let things passe, yet for all that he was against the
Romaines, and did withstande them in the most parte of
their proceedinges, by seeking ever to defend the liberty of
those, who by their eloquence and well doing caried great
authority among the Achaians. And when Aristsenetus
Megalopolitan, (a man of great authority among the
Achaians, and one that ever bare great devotion to the
Romaines) sayd in open Senate among the Achaians, that
they should deny the Romaines nothinge, nor shew them
selves unthankefull to them : Philopoemen hearing what he
sayd, held his peace a while, and suffered him to speake
(though it boyled in his hart, he was so angry with him)
and in the ende, breaking all pacience, and as one overcome
with choller, he sayd : O Aristsenetus, why have you such
hast to see the unfortunate ende of Greece ? An other time,
when Manius, Consull of Rome (after he had conquered king
Antiochus) did make request to the counsell of the Achaians,
that such as were banished from Lacedaemon, might returne
home into their contry againe, and that Titus Quintius
Flaminius also did earnestly intreate them : Philopoemen
was against it, not from any hatred he bare unto the
banished men, but bicause he would have done it by his
owne meane, and the only grace of the Achaians, to the
ende they shuld not be beholding for so good a turne,
neither unto Titus, nor yet to the Romaines. Afterwardes
he him selfe, being Generall of the Achaians, did restore
them wholly to their owne againe. Thus was Philopoemen
somtime, a litle to bolde and quarrellous, by reason of his
great stomake : and specially when any man of authority
sought for to have thinges. Lastelv, beinge three score and
70

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

tenne yeares of age, he was the eight time chosen Generall PHILO-
of the Achaians, and hoped well, not only to passe the yeare PCEMEN
of his charge in peace and quietnes, but also all the rest of Philopcemen
his life without any sturre of new warres, he saw the affaires chosen the
of Greece take so good successe. For like as the force and ^ight time
strength of sickenes declineth, as the natural strength of thTAchaians
the sickely body empaireth : so through all the cities and being 70 yere
people of Greece, envy of quarrell and warres surceased, as olde.
their power diminished. Neverthelesse, in the end of his
yeares government, the goddes divine (who justly punish all
insolent wordes and deedes) threw him to the grounde, as
they suffer a ryder unfortunately to take a fall of his horse,
beinge come almost to the ende of his cariere. For they
wryte, that he beinge in a place on a time amongest good
companie, where one was marvelously praised for a good
Captaine, sayed unto them : Why, masters, can ye commende
him that was contented to be taken prisoner alive of his
enemies ? Shortely after came newes that Dinocrates Mes-
senian (a private enemy of Philopcemenes for certaine contro-
versies past betwene them, and a man generally hated
besides, of all honorable and vertuous men, for his licentious
wicked life) had withdrawen the city of Messina from the
devotion of the Achaians : and moreover that he came with
an army to take a towne called Colonide. Philopoemen was
at that time in the city of Argos, sicke of an agew, and yet
hearing these newes, tooke his jorney toward Megalipolis, Philopoe-
making al the hast he could possible, so that he came above menes jorney
foure hundred furlongs that day. Straight he departed against Dm°-
thence toward Messina, and taried not, but tooke with him
a company of men at armes of the lustiest and wealthiest
Megalopolitans : who were all young noble men of the city,
and willingly offered them selves to goe with him for the
goodwill they bare him, and for the desire they had to follow
his valliantnes. Thus went they on their way towards the
city of Messina, and marched so longe, that they came nere
unto the hill of Evander, where they met with Dinocrates Mons
and his company, and gave so fierce an onset on them, that Evander.
they made them all turne taile : howbeit in the meane
while, there came a reliefe of five hundred men to Dinocrates,

71

PHILO-
P(EMEN

Philopoe-
menes mis-
fortune.

Philopoemen
taken.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

which he had left to keepe the contry of Messina. The fly-
ing men that were scattered here and there, seeing this
supply, gathered them selves againe together, and shewed
upon the hills. Philopoemen fearinge to be environned, and
being desirous to bring his men safe home againe, who most
of love had followed him : beganne to marche away through
narrow bushy places, him selfe being in the rereward, and
turned oftentimes upon his enemies, and skirmished with
them, onely to drive them away from followinge of the rest of
his company, and not a man that durst once set apon him : for
they did but cry out aloofe, and wheele as it were about him.
Howebeit Philopoemen sundry times venturinge farre from
his company, to geve these young noble men leasure to save
them selves one after an other : tooke no heede to him selfe
that he was alone, environned on every side with a great
number of ennemies. Notwithstandinge, of all his enemies
there was not a man that durst come to hande strokes with
him, but still slinging and shooting at him a farre of, they
drave him in the end amongest stony places betwene hewen
rockes, where he had much a doe to guide his horse, although
he had spurred him that he was all of a gore blood. And as
for his age, that did not lette him but he might have saved
him selfe, for he was strong and lusty by the continuall
exercise he tooke : but by cursed happe, his body being
weake with sickenes, and weary with the long jorney he had
made that day, he founde him selfe very heavy and ill dis-
posed, that his horse stumbling with him, threwe him to the
grounde. His fall was very great, and brused all his head,
that he lay for dead in the place a great while, and never
sturred nor spake : so that his enemies thinkinge he had bene
dead, came to turne his body to strippe him. But when
they saw him lift up his head and open his eyes, then many
of them fell all at once apon him, and tooke him, and bounde
both his hands behinde him, and did all the villany and
mischiefe they could unto him, and such, as one would litle
have thought Dinocrates would have used in that sorte, or
that he could have had such an ill thought towardes him.
So, they that taried behinde in the city of Messina, were
marvelous glad when they heard these newes, and ranne all
72

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

to the gates of the city to see him brought in. When they PHILO-
saw him thus shamefully bounde, and pinnioned, against the PQEMEN
dignity of so many honors as he had received, and of so
many triumphes and victories as he had passed : the most
parte of them wept for pitie, to consider the mishappe and
ill fortune of mans nature, where there is so litle certainety,
as in maner it is nothing. Then beganne there some
curteous speeche to runne in the mouthes of the people by
litle and litle, that they should remember the great good he
had done unto them in times past, and the liberty he had
restored them unto, when he expulsed the tyran Nabis out
of Messina. But there were other againe (howbeit very few)
that to please Dinocrates, sayed they should hang him on a
gibbet, and put him to death as a daungerous enemy, and
that would never forgive man that had once offended him :
and the rather, bicause he would be more terrible to Dino-
crates, then ever he was before, if he escaped his hands,
receiving such open shame by him. Nevertheles, in the end
they caried him into a certen dungeon under the ground,
called the treasury, (which had neither light nor ayer at all
into it, nor dore, nor half dore, but a great stone rolled on
the mouth of the dungeon) and so they did let him downe
the same, and stopped the hole againe with the stone, and
watched it with armed men for to keepe him. Now when
these younge noble Achaian horsemen had fled uppon the
spurre a great way from the enemy, they remembred them
selves, and looked round about for Philopremen : and finding
him not in sight, they supposed straight he had bene slaine.
Thereuppon they stayed a great while, and called for him by
name, and perceiving he aunswered not, they beganne to say
among them selves, they were beastes and cowardes to flie in
that sorte : and how they were dishonored for ever to have
forsaken their Captaine, to save themselves, who had not
spared his owne life, to deliver them from daunger. Here-
upon ryding on their way, and enquiring still for him : they
were in the end advertised how he was taken. And then
they went and caried those newes through all the townes and
cities of Achaia, which were very sory for him, and tooke it
as a signe of great ill fortune toward them. Wherupon they
3:K 73

Philopcemen
poysoned by
Dinocrates.

Philopoe-
menes last
words.

Philopoe-
menes death.

The Achaians
did revenge
Philopce-
menes death.

Dinocrates
slue him selfe.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

agreed to send Ambassadors forthwith to the Messenians, to
demaunde him : and in the meane time every man should
prepare to arme them selves, to go thither, and get him
either by force or love. When the Achaians had thus sent,
Dinocrates feared nothing so much, as that delay of time
might save Philopremenes life : wherefore to prevent it, as
soone as night came, and that the people were at rest, he
straight caused the stone to be rolled from the mouth of the
dungeon, and willed the hangman to be let downe to Philo-
poemen with a cuppe of poison to offer him, who was com-
maunded also not to goe from him, untill he had dronke it.
When the hangman was come downe, he found Philopremen
layed on the grounde apon a litle cloke, havinge no list to
sleepe, he was so grievously troubled in his minde. Who
when he sawe light, and the man standing by him, holding a
cuppe in his hande with this poison, he sate upright upon
his cowch, howbeit with great paine he was so weake : and
taking the cuppe in his hande, asked the hangman if he
heard any newes of the horsemen that came with him, and
specially of Lycortas. The hangman made him answer,
that the most of them were saved. Then he cast his handes
a litle over his head, and looking merely on him he sayd : It
is well, seeing we are not all unfortunate. Therewith speak-
ing no moe wordes, nor makinge other a doe, he droncke up
all the poison, and layed him downe as before. So nature
strave not much withall, his body being brought so lowe,
and thereupon the poison wrought his effect, and rid him
straight out of his paine. The newes of his death ran pre-
sently through all Achaia, which generally from high to low
was lamented. Whereupon all the Achaian youth and coun-
sellors of their cities and townes, assembled them selves in
the city of Megalipolis, where they all agreed without delay
to revenge his death. They made Lycortas their General!,
under whose conduct they invaded the Messenians, with force
and violence, puttinge all to the fire and sword : so as the
Messenians were so feared with this mercilesse fury, that they
yelded them selves, and wholly consented to receive the
Achaians into their city. But Dinocrates would not give
them leasure to execute him by justice, for he killed him
74

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

selfe : and so did all the rest make themselves away, who PHILO-
gave advise that Philopcemen should be put to death. But PfEMEN
those that would have had Philopcemen hanged on a gibbet,
Lycortas caused them to be taken, which afterwards were
put to death with all kind of torments. That done, they
burnt Philopremenes body, and did put his ashes into a pot. Philopoe-
Then they straight departed from Messina, not in disorder, ™enes
one apon an others necke as every man listed : but in such T
an order and ray, that in the middest of these funeralles they
did make a triumphe of victorie. For the souldiers were all
crowned with garlandes of lawrell in token of victory, not-
withstanding, the teares ranne downe their cheekes in token
of sorowe, and they led their enemies prisoners, shackled and
chained. The funerall pot in the which were Philopcemenes
ashes, was so covered with garlandes of flowers, nosegaies,
and laces, that it could scant be scene or discerned, and was
caried by one Polybius a young man, the sonne of Lycortas,
that was Generall at that time to the Achaians : about whom
there marched all the noblest and chiefest of the Achaians,
and after them also followed all the souldiers armed, and
their horses very well furnished. The rest, they were not so
sorowfull in their countenance, as they are commonly which
have great cause of sorow : nor yet so joyful, as those that
came conquerers from so great a victory. Those of the
cities, townes, and villages in their way as they past, came
and presented them selves unto them, to touche the funerall
pot of his ashes, even as they were wont to take him by the
hande, and to make much of him when he was returned from
the warres : and did accompany his convoy unto the city of
Megalipolis. At the gates whereof, were olde men, women,
and children, which thrustinge them selves amongest the
souldiers, did renewe the teares, sorowes, and lamentacions
of all the miserable and unfortunate city : who tooke it that
they had lost with their citizen, the first and chiefest place
of honor among the Achaians. So he was buried very
honorably as appertained unto him : and the other prisoners
of Messina, were all stoned to death, about his sepulchre. All
the other cities of Achaia, besides many other honors they did
unto him, did set up statues, and as like to him, as could be

75

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

PHILO- counterfeated. Afterwards in the unfortunate time of
PQEMEN Greece, when the city of Corinthe was burnt and destroied
by the Romaines, there was a malicious Romaine that did
what he could to have the same pulled downe againe, by
burdening and accusing Philopcemen (as if he had vbene
alive) that he was alwaies enemy to the Romaines, and
envied much their prosperity and victories. But after
Polybius had aunswered him : neither the Consul Mummius,
nor his counsellers, nor lieutenaunts, would suffer them to
deface and take away the honors done in memory of so
famous and worthy a man, although he had many waies done
their enemies mucn nurt unto Titus Quintius Flaminius, and unto Manius.
monuments So, these good men then made a difference betwene duety
from defacing, and profit : and did thinke honesty and profit two distinct
things, and so separated one from the other, according to
reason and justice. Moreover they were perswaded, that
like as men receive curtesie and goodnes of any, so are they
bound to requite them againe, with kindenes and duety.
And as men use to acknowledge the same : even so
ought men to honor and reverence vertue. And thus
much for the life of Philopcemen.

THE ENDE OF PHILOPtEMENES LIFE

Note the
humanity of
the Romaines,

THE LIFE OF
TITUS QUINTIUS FLAMINIUS

T is easie to see Titus Quintius Flaminius
forme, and stature, by Philopcemenes statue
of brasse, to whome we compare him : the
which is now set uppe at Rome, neere
to great Apollo that was brought from
Carthage, and is placed right against the
comming in to the show place, under which
there is an inscription in Greeke letters.
But for his nature and conditions, they say of him thus : he
76

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

would quickely be angry, and yet very ready to pleasure men FLAMINIUS
againe. For, if he did punish any man that hath angered
him, he would do it gently, but his anger did not long con-
tinew with him. He did good also to many, and ever loved
them whom he had once pleasured, as if they had done him
some pleasure : and was ready to do for them still whom he
founde thankefull, bicause he would ever make them behold-
ing to him, and thought that as honorable a thinge, as he
could purchase to him selfe. Bicause he greatly sought
honor above all thinges, when any notable service was to
be done, he would do it him selfe, and no man should take
it out of his hand. He would ever be rather with them that
needed his helpe, then with those that could helpe him, or do
him good. For, the first he esteemed as a meane to exercise
his vertue with : the other, he tooke them as his fellowes and
followers of honor with him. He came to mans state, when
the citie of Rome had greatest warres and trouble. At
that time all the youth of Rome, which were of age to cary
weapon, were sent to the warres to learne to traile the pyke,
and how to become good Captaines. Thus was he entred
into marshall affaires, and the first charge he tooke, was in Titus Quin-
the warre against Hanniball of Carthage, where he was made tius first
Colonell of a thousande footemen, under Marcellus the con- char&e in
sull : who being slaine by an ambush Hanniball had layed w
for him betwene the cities of Bancia, and Venusa, then they
did choose Titus Quintius Flaminius governor of the pro-
vince and city of Tarentum, which was now taken againe
the seconde time. In this government of his, he wanne the
reputacion as much of a good and just man, as he did of an
expert and skilfull Captaine. By reason whereof, when the
Romaines were requested to send men to inhabite the cities
of Narnia and Cossa, he was appointed the chiefs leader of
them, which chiefely gave him hart and corage to aspire at
the first to the Consulshippe, passinge over all other meane
offices, as to be JMile, Tribune, or Praetor, by which (as by Degrees of
degrees) other younge men were wont to attaine the Con- offices before
sulshippe. Therefore when the time came that the Consulls one came to
should be elected, he did present him selfe amonge other,
accompanied with a great number of those he hadde brought

77

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

FLAMINIUS with him, to inhabite the two newe townes, who did make

earnest sute for him. But the two Tribunes Fulvius, and

Manlius, spake against him, and sayed: it was out of all

reason, that so younge a man should in such manner prease

to have the office of the highest dignitie, against the use

and custome of Rome, before he hadde passed through the

inferior offices of the common wealth. Neverthelesse, the

Senate preferred it wholly to the voyces of the people : who

T. Q. Flami- presently pronounced him Consull openly, with Sextius ^Elius,

nius, Sextius although he was not yet thirtie yeare olde. Afterwardes,

aulfc ^lius and he devidinge the offices of th6 state by l°tte : ii:

fell apon T. Quintius to make warre with Philip kinge of

T. Q. Flami- Macedon. In the which me thinkes fortune greatly favored
nius maketh the Romaines affaires, that made such a man Generall of
PvT'6 T* f thgse warres : for, to have pointed a Generall that by force
Macedon"* and vi°lence woulde have sought all thinges at the Mace-
donians handes, that were a people to be wonne rather by
gentlenesse and perswasions, then by force and compulsion :
it was all against them selves. Philip, to maintaine the
bront of a battell against the Romaines, had power enough
of his owne in his realme of Macedon : but to make warre
any long time, to furnish him selfe with money and vittailes,
to have a place and cities to retyre unto, and lastly, to have
all other necessaries for his men and army: it stoode him
apon to get the force of Greece. And had not the force
of Greece bene politickely cut from him, the warres against
him had not bene ended with one battell. Moreover, Greece
(which never before bare the Romaines any great good will)
would not have delt then so inwardly in frendshippe with
them, had not their Generall bene (as he was) a gentle
Titus curtesie persone, lowly, and tractable, that wanne them more by
wanne the his wisedome, then by his force, and could both eloquently
utter his minde to them, and curteously also heare them
speake, that had to doe with him, and chiefely, ministred
justice and equity to every man a like. For it is not to
be thought that Greece would otherwise so soone have with-
drawen them selves from the rule of those, with whome they
were acquainted, and governed : and have put them selves
under the rule of straungers, but that they saw great justice
78

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

and lenity in them. Howbeit that may more plainly ap- FLAMINIUS
peare, by declaring of his actes. Titus was informed, that
the Generalls before him sent to the warre in Macedon (as
Sulpitius, and Publius lulius) used to come thither about
the later end of the yeare, and made but cold warres, and
certaine light skirmishes, as sometime in one place, and some-
time in an other against Philip, and all to take some straite,
or to cut of vittells : which he thought was not his way to
follow their example. For they tarying* at home, consumed
the most of their Consulshippe at Rome, in matters of govern-
ment, and so enjoyed the honor of their office. Afterwardes
in the end of their yeare, they would set out to the warres,
of intent to get an other yeare over their heades in their
office, that spending one yere in their Consulship at home,
they might employ the other in the warres abroade. But
Titus not minding to trifle out the halfe of his Consulshippe
at Rome, and the other abroade in the warres : did willingly
leave all his honors and dignities he might have enjoyed by
his office at Rome, and besought the Senate that they would
appoint his brother Lucius Quintius Lieutenant of their army
by sea. Furthermore, he tooke with him selfe about three
thousande olde souldiers of those that had first overthrowen
Asdrubal in Spayne, and Hannibal afterwardes in Africke,
under the conduct of Scipio, which yet were able to serve,
and were very wi Hinge to goe with him in this jorney, to be
the strength of his army. With this companie he passed
the seaes without daunger, and landed in Epirus, where he T. Q. landed
found Publius lulius encamped with his army before kinge in Epirus.
Philip, who of longe time had lien in campe about the
mouth of the river of Apsus, to kepe the straight and Apsus flu.
passage which is the entry into Epirus. So that Publius
lulius had lien still there, and done nothing, by reason of
the naturall force and hardnes of the place. Then Titus
tooke the army of him, and sent him to Rome. Afterwards,
him selfe went in persone to view and consider the nature
of the contry, which was in this sorte. It is a longe valley The descrip-
walled on either side with great high mountaines, as those tion of the
which shut in the valley of Tempe in Thessalie. Howbeit coutry of
it had no such goodly woods, nor grene forrests, nor fayer Pirus<

79

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

FLAMINIUS medowes, nor other like places of pleasure, as the other side
had : but it was a great deepe marrishe or quavemyre,
through the middest whereof the river called Apsus did
runne, being in greatnes and swiftnes of streame, very like
to the river of Peneus. The river did occupie all the ground
at the feete of the mountaines, saving a litle way that was
cut out of the maine rocke by mans hand, and a narrow
straight pathe by the waters side, very unhandesome for an
army to passe that way, though they found not a man to
keepe the passage. There were some in the army that coun-
selled Titus to fetche a great compasse about by the contry
of Dassaretide, and by the city of Lyncus, where the contry
is very plaine, and the way marvelous easie. Howebeit he
stoode in great feare he should lacke vittells, if he stayed
farre from the sea, and happely if he fell into any barren
or leane contry, (Philip refusing the battel, and purposing
to flie) he should be constrained in the end to returne againe
towardes the sea, without doing any thing, as his predecessor
had done before. Wherefore he determined to crosse the
mountaines to set upon his enemy, and to prove if he could
winne the passage by force. Now Philip kept the top of
the mountaines with his army, and when the Romaines
forced to get up the hilles, they were received with dartes,
slings, and shot, that lighted amongest them here and there :
insomuch as the skirmish was very hot for the time it lasted,
and many were slayne and hurt on either side. But this
was not the ende of the warre. For in the meane time there
came certaine neateherdes of the contry unto Titus (who did
use to keepe beastes on these mountaines) and tolde him
they could bring him a way which they knew the enemies
kept not : by the which they promised to guide his army
so, that in three dayes at the furthest, they would bringe
them on the top of the mountaine. And bicause they might
be assured that their wordes were true, they sayed they were
Charopus sent to him by Charopus, the sonne of Machatas. This
(Machatas Caropus was the chiefest man of the Epirots, who loved the
sonne) the Romaines very well, yet he favored them but under hand,

for feare of P.hiliP- Titus ?ave credit unto them' and so
sent one of his Captaines with them, with foure thousand

80

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

footemen, and three hundred horsemen. The heard men that FLAMINIUS
were their guides, went before still, fast bounde : and the
Romaines followed after. All the day time the army rested
in thicke woddes, and marched all night by moone light,
which was then by good happe at the ful. Titus having
sent these men away, rested all the rest of his campe : saving
that some daies he entertayned them with some light skir-
mishes to occupy the enemy withall. But the same day,
when his men that fetched a compasse about, shoulde come
unto the top of the mountaine above the campe of his
enemies, he brought all his army out of the campe by
breake of day, and devided them into three troupes, with
the one of them he himselfe went on that side of the river
where the way is straightest, making his bands to march
directly against the side of the hil. The Macedonians
againe, they shot lustely at them from the height of the
hill, and in certen places amongest the rockes they came to
the sworde. At the selfe same time, the two other troupes
on either hande of him did their endevor likewise to get up
the hill, and as it were envying one an other, they climed
up with great corage against the sharpe and steepe hanginge
of the mountaine. When the sunne was up, they might see T.Q. possessed
a farre of as it were, a certen smoke, not very bright at the the straightes
beginning, much like to the mistes we see commonly rise ° . e T
from the tops of the mountaines. The enemies could see
nothing, bicause it was behinde them, and that the top of
the mountaine was possessed with the same. The Romaines,
though they were not assured of it, did hope being in the
middest of the fight, that it was their fellowes they looked
for. But when they saw it increased stil more, and more,
and in such sorte, that it darkened all the ayer : then they
did assure them selves it was certainely the token their men
did give them that they were come. Then they beganne to
crie out, clyminge up the hills with such a lusty corage, that
they drave their enemies up the hill still, even unto the very
rough and hardest places of the mountaine. Their fellowes
also that were behind the enemies, did aunswer them with
like lowde cries from the top of the mountaine : wherwith The Mace-
the enemies were so astonied, that they fled presently apon it. donians flee.
3 : L 81

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

FLAMINIUS Notwithstanding, there were not slaine above two thousand
of them, bicause the hardnes and straightnes of the place
did so gard them, that they could not be chased. But the
Romaines spoiled their campe, tooke all that they found
in their tents, tooke also their slaves, and wan the passage
into the mountaines, by the which they entred the contry
of Epirus : and did passe through it so quietly, and with so
great abstinence, that though they were farre from their ships
and the sea, and lacked their ordinary portion of corne which
they were wont to have monthely, and that vittells were very
scant with them at that time, yet they never tooke any thing
of the contry, though they founde great store and plenty of
all riches in it. For Titus was advertised, that Philip passing
Philips flying by Thessalie, and flying for feare, had caused the inhabitants
king of Mace- oj? fae cities to get them to the mountaines, and then to set
fire on their houses, and to leave those goodes they could not
cary away, by reason of the weight and unhandsome cariage
therof, to the spoyle of his souldiers : and so (as it seemed)
he left the whole contry to the conquest of the Romaines.
T. Q. Flami- Whereuppon Titus looking consideratly to his doings, gave
nius modesty, his men great charge to passe through the contry without
»rbeanng doing any hurt or mischief, as the same which their enemies
him many had now ^e^ t° them as their owne. So they taried not
frendes. long to enjoy the benefit of their orderly and wise forbear-

ing of the contry. For, so soone as they were^entred
Thessalie, the cities willingly yeelded them selves unto them :
and the Greecians inhabiting beyond the contry of Ther-
mopyles, did marvelously desire to see Titus, asking no other
thing, but to put them selves into his hands. The Achaians
also on the other siHe, did renounce the league and alliance
they had made with Philip : and furthermore did determine
in their counsell, to make warre with him on the Romaines
side. And although the ^Etolians were at that time frendes
and confederates with the Romaines, and that they did shew
them selves very loving to take their parte in these warres :
nevertheles when they desired the Opuntians that they would
put their city into their hands, and were offred that it should
be kept and defended from Philip : they would not harken
therto, but sent for Titus, and put them selves and their
82

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

goods wholly into his protection. They say, that when king FLAMINIUS
Pyrrus first saw the Romaines army range in order of battel
from the top of a hill, he said : This order of the barbarous Pyrrus say-
people, setting of their men in battell ray, was not done in ™S of the
a barbarous maner. And those also that never had seene
Titus before, and came for to speake with him : were com-
pelled in a manner to say as much. For where they had
hearde the Macedonians say, that there came a Captaine
of the barbarous people that destroyed all before him by
force of armes, and subdued whole contries by violence:
they sayd to the contrary, that they found him a man, in
dede young of yeres, howbeit gentle, and curteous to looke
on, and that spake the Greeke tongue excellently wel, and
was a lover only of true glory. By reason wherof they re-
turned home marvelous glad, and filled all the cities and
townes of Greece with goodwill towardes him, and sayd:
they had seene Titus the Captaine, that would restore them
to their auncient libertie againe. Then it much more ap-
peared, when Philip shewed him selfe willing to have peace,
and that Titus also did offer it him, and the frendshippe of
the people of Rome, with these conditions : that he would
leave the Greecians their whole liberties, and remove his
garrisons out of their cities and strong holdes : which Philip
refused to do. And thereupon all Greece, and even those
which favored Philip, sayed with one voyce: that the Romaines
were not come to make warres with them, but rather with
the Macedonians in favor of the Greecians. Wherupon all
Greece came in, and offred them selves unto Titus without
compulsion. And as he passed through the contry of Bceotia,
without any shew at al of warres, the chiefest men of the
city of Thebes went to mete him : who though they tooke
part with the king of Macedon, bicause of a private man
called Brachylelis, yet they would honor Titus, as those
which were contented to keepe league and frendship with
either side. Titus embraced them, and spake very curteously
unto them, going on his way stil fayer and softly, entertain-
ing them somtime with one matter, and somtime with an
other, and kept them talke of purpose, to the end his
souldiers being wearied with jornying, might in the meane

83

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

FLAMINIUS time take good breath : and so marching on, by litle and
litle, he entred into the city with them. Wherewith the
Lords of Thebes were not greatly pleased, but yet they
durst not refuse him, thogh he had not at that time any
number of souldiers about him. When he was within
Thebes, he praied audience, and began to perswade the
people (as carefully as if he had not had the city already)
that they woulde rather take parte with the Romaines, then
with the king of Macedon. And to further Titus purpose,
king Attalus being by chaunce at that time in the assembly,
did help to exhort the Thebans very earnestly, that they
would doe as Titus perswaded them. But Attalus was more
earnest then became a man of his yeares, for the desire
he had (as was imagined) to shewe Titus his eloquence :
who did so straine and move him selfe withall, that he
sounded sodaynely in the middest of his oration, whereby the
rewme fell downe so fast uppon him, that it tooke away his
sences, so as he fell in a traunse before them all, and few
dayes after was conveyed againe by sea into Asia, where he
King Attalus lived not long after. In the meane time, the Boeotians came
death. jnto the Romaines, and tooke their parte. And Philip

The Boeotians having sent Ambassadors to Rome, Titus also sent thither
yeld unto the of njs men ^o solicite for him, in two respects. The one, if
Romaines. tng warres continued against Philip, that then they would
prolong his time there. The other, if the Senate did graunt
him peace : that they would do him the honor, as to make
and conclude it with Philip. For Titus of his owne nature
being very ambitious, did feare least they would send a suc-
cessor to continew those warres, who should take the glory
from him, and make an end of them. But his frends made
such earnest sute for him, that neither king Philip attained
that he prayed : neither was there sent any other generall
in Titus place, but he still continued his charge in these
warres. Wherfore, so soone as he had received his com-
mission and authority from the Senate, he went straight
towards Thessalie, with great hope to overcome Philip.
Quintius For he had in his army above six and twenty thousand
army. fighting men, whereof the ^Etolians made six thousand

footemen, and three thousande horsemen. King Philips
84

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

army on thother side was no lesse in number, and they FLAMINIUS
began to march one towards the other, untill at the length
they both drew neere the city of Scotusa, where they deter- King Philip
mined to try the battell. So, neither they nor their men and Quintius
were afraid, to see them selves one so neere an other : but ^^i
rather to the contrary, the Romaines on the one side tooke Scotusa
greater hart and corage unto them, desiring to fight, as
thinking with themselves what great honor they should win
to overcome the Macedonians, who were so highly esteemed
for their valliantnes, by reason of the famous acts that
Alexander the great did by them. And the Macedonians
on the other side also, taking the Romaines for other maner
of souldiers then the Persians, began to have good hope if
they might winne the field, to make king Philip more famous
in the world, then ever was Alexander his father. Titus
then calling his men together, spake, and exhorted them to
stand to it like men, and to show themselves valliant souldiers
in this battel, as those which were to shew the proofe of
their valliantnesse in the hart of Greece : the goodliest
Theater of the world, and against their enemies of most
noble fame. Philip then by chaunce, or forced to it by the
spede he made, bicause they were both ready to joyne : did
get up unwares upon a charnell house, (where they had
buried many bodies, being a litle hill raised up above the
rest, and neere the trenches of his campe) and there began
to encorage his souldiers, as all generals do before they give
battel. Who when he saw them all discoraged, for they
tooke it for an il signe that he was gotten up on the top of
a grave to speake unto them : he of a conceite at the matter,
did of himselfe deferre to give battell that day. The next
morning, bicause the night was very wet by reason the
sowthe windes had blowen, the clowds were turned to a
miste, and filled all the valley with a darke grosse thicke
ayer, comming from the mountaines thereabouts, which
covered the field betwene both campes with a mist all the
morning : by reason wherof the skowtes on both sides that
were sent to discover what the enemies did, in very shorte
time met together, and one gave charge upon an other in a
place they call the dogges heads, which are pointes of rockes

85

FLAMINIUS

Battell be-
twene Quin-
tius and
Philip kinge
of Macedon.

The propertie
of the Mace-
donian battell.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

placed upon litle hills one before an other, and very nere one
unto an other, which have bene called so, bicause they have
had some likenes of it. In this skirmish there were many
chaunges, as commonly falleth out when they fight in such
ill favored stony places. For sometime the Romaines fled,
and the Macedonians chased them : an other time the Mace-
donians that followed the chase, were glad to fly themselves,
and the Romaines who fled before, nowe had them in chase.
This chaunge and alteracion came, by sending new supplies
stil from both campes, to relieve them that were distressed
and driven to flie. Now began the miste to breake up, and
the ayer to clere, so that both generals might see about them
what was done in either campe : by reason wherof both of
them drew on their army to the field and battel. So Philip
had the vantage on the right wing of his army, which was
placed on the height of an hanging hill, from which they
came so a maine to set upon the Romaines, and with such a
fury, that the strongest and valliantest that could be, had
never bene able to abide the front of their battel, so closely
were they joined together, and their wall of pykes was so
strong. But on his left wing it was not so, bicause the
rancks of his battel could not joine so nere, nor close target
to target, the place being betwixt the hills and the rocks
where the battel was comming, so as they were compelled by
reason of the straightnes and unevennes of the ground, to
leave it open, and unfurnished in many places. Titus finding
that disadvantage, went from the left wing of his battel
which he saw overlaid by the right wing of his enemies, and
going sodainly toward the left wing of king Philips battell,
he set upon the Macedonians on that side, where he saw
they could not close their ranckes in the front, nor joyne
them together in the middest of the battel (which is the
whole strength and order of the Macedonian fight) bicause
the field was up hill and downe hill : and to fight hand to
hand they were so pestered behind, that one thronged and
overlaid an other. For the battel of the Macedonians hath
this property, that so long as the order is kept close and
joyned together, it semeth as it were but the body of a beast
of a force invincible. But also after that it is once open,
86

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

and that they are sundered and not joyned together, it doth FLAMINIUS

not only loose the force and power of the whole body, but

also of every private souldier that fighteth : partly by reason

of the diversity of the weapons wherewith they fight, and

partely for that their whole strength consisteth most, in the

disposing and joyning together of their ranckes and orders

which doth stay up one an other, more then doth every

private souldiers strength. So when this left wing of the

Macedonians was broken, and that they ran their way : one

parte of the Romaines followed the chase, and the other

ranne to give a charge uppon the flanckes of the right winge

which fought yet, and they made great slaughter of them.

Whereupon they now which before had the vantage, beganne

to stagger and breake, and in the ende ranne away as fast as Quintius

the other did, throwing downe their weapons : insomuch as °,Y^ame

there were slaine of them eight thousande in the fielde, and five armyPpeS

thousande taken prisoners in the chase. And had not the

fault bene in the JEtolians, Philip had not saved him selfe by

flyinge as he did. For whilest the Romaines had their enemies

in chase, the ^Etolians taried, and rifled all kinge Philips

campe, so as they had left the Romaines nothinge to spoyle at

their returne. Whereupon there grew great quarrell, and hot Mutinie be-

words betwene them, and one with an other. But afterwardes twixt the

they angered Titus worse, chalenginge the honor of this vie- J^1808 .and
J j. ii. u- 1.1. -±. J.T- i /-i the Romaines.

tory to them selves, bicause they gave it out through Greece,

that they alone had overthrowen king Philip in the battell.
So that in the songs and ballets the Poets made in praise of
this victory, which every contry and townes man had in his
mouth : they alwaies put the ^Etolians before the Romaines, as
in this that followeth, which was currantly song in every place :

Oh frend, which passest by : here lye we wretched pheares,

Withouten honor of the grave, without lamenting teares.

We thirty thousande were, which ended have our dayes :

In cruell coasts of Thessalie, which caused our decayes.

We have bene overthrowen by th^Etolians men of warre : Alcseus verses

And by the Latine crewes likewise, whom Titus led from farre. jn disgrace

Even out of Italie, to Macedonie lande, of kinee

Us to distroy, he (captaine like) did come with mighty bande. Philipf

And Philip stowte, therewhiles for all his prowde fierce face :

Is fled more swift, then hartes doe runne, which are pursued in chace.

87

Philips verses

against

Alcaeus.

Privy grudge
betwixt Quin-
tius and the
^Etolians.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

FLAMINIUS The Poet was Alcaeus that made these verses for to singe,
who did them in disgrace of kinge Philip, falsely increasinge
the number of his men which died in the battell, only to
shame and spite him the more : howbeit he spited Titus
thereby, more then Philip, bicause it was song in every place.
For Philip laughed at it, and to encounter him againe
with the like mocke, he made a song to counterfeate his, as
followeth :

This gibbet on this hill, which passers by may marke :
Was set to hang Alcaeus up., withouten leaves or barke.

But Titus tooke it grevously, who chiefly desired to be
honored amongest the Greecians, by reason wherof from
that time forwards he delt in the rest of his matters alone,
without making accompt of the ^Etolians : wherwith they
were marvelous angry, and specially when he received an
Ambassador from Philip, and gave eare unto a treaty of
peace which he offred. For then they were so netled
against him, that they gave it out through all Greece,
that Titus had solde peace unto Philip, when he might
altogether have ended the warre, and utterly have destroyed
Philips whole power and Empire, who had first brought
Greece into bondage. These slaunderous reports and false
tales which the ^tolians spred thus abroade, did much
trouble the Romaines frendes and confederates : but Philip
selfe pulled this suspicion out of their heades, when he came
in person to require peace, and did submit him selfe wholly
to the discretion of Titus and the Romaines. Titus then
graunted him peace, and delivered to him his realme of
Macedon, and commaunded him he shoulde give over all that
he helde in Greece, and besides, that he should pay one
thousande talents for tribute, taking from him all his army
by sea, saving only tenne shippes : and for assurance of this
peace, he tooKe one of his sonnes for hostage, whome he sent
to Rome. Wherein Titus certainely did very well, and
wisely did foresee the time to come. For then Hanniball
of Carthage, (the great enemy of the Romaines) was banished
out of his contry, and commen to kinge Antiochus, whome
he put in the head, and earnestly moved, to follow his good

88

T. Quintius
graunted
Philip peace.

Hannibal was
with kinge
Antiochus.

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

fortune, and the increase of his Empire. Whom Hanniball FLAMINIUS]
so followed with these perswasions, that kinge Antiochus at
length was come to it. And trusting to his former good
successe, and notable acts, whereby in the warres before he
had attained the surname of great : he began now to aspire
to the monarchy of the whole world, and sought how to
finde occasion to make warres with the Romaines. So that
if Titus (foreseeing that a far of) had not wisely inclined
to peace, but that the wars of Antiochus had fallen out
together with the warres of king Philip, and that these
two the mightiest Princes of the worlde had joyned together
against the city of Rome : then it had bene in as great
trouble and daunger, as ever it was before, in the time
of their warres against Hannibal. Howbeit Titus havinge
happely thrust in this peace betwene both warres, he cut of
the warre that was present, before the other that was
comminge : by which meanes he tooke from one of the
kinges his last, and from the other his first hope. In the
meane time, the tenne commissioners that were sent by the
Senate from Rome to Titus, to aide and assist him in the
order of the affaiers of Greece : did counsell him to set all
the rest of Greece at liberty, and onely to kepe in their
handes with good garrison, the cities of Chalcide, of Corinthe,
and of Demetriade, to make sure that by practise they should
not enter into league and alliance with Antiochus. Then
the jEtolians (that were the common slaunderers of Titus
proceedinges) beganne openly to make these cities to rebell,
and did summone Titus to loose the chaines of Greece : for Chalcide,
so did kinge Philip call these three cities. Then they asked Corinthe,
the Greecians in mockery, whether they were willing now to Demetnade,
have heavier fetters on their legges, then before, being p^ifipof
somwhat brighter and fayrer then those they had bene Macedon, the
shackled with : and also whether they were not greatly Chaines of
beholding to Titus for taking of the fetters from the Greecians Greece,
legs, and tyinge them about their neckes. Titus beinge
marvelously troubled and vexed with this, moved the tenne
counsellers so earnestly, that he made them graunt his
request in the ende, that those three cities also should be
delivered from garrison : bicause the Greecians thenceforth
3:M 89

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

FLAMINIUS might no more complaine, that his grace and liberality was
not throughly performed, and accomplished in every respect

Isthmia. on them all. Wherefore, when the feast called Isthmia was

come, there were gathered together an infinite multitude of
people come to see the sporte of the games played there :
for Greece having bene long time troubled with warres, they
seeing them selves now in sure peace, and in very good
hope of ful liberty, looked after no other thing, but delited
only to see games, and to make mery. Proclamation was
then made by sounde of trompet in the assembly, that every
man shoulde keepe silence. That done, the heraulde went
forward, and thrust into the middest of the multitude, and
proclaimed out alowde : That the Senate of Rome, and Titus
Quintius Flaminius, Consul of the people of Rome (now that
they had overthrowen kinge Philip and the Macedonians in
battell) did thenceforth discharge from all garrisons, and set
at liberty from all taxes, subsidies, and impositions for ever,
to live after their olde auncient lawes, and in full liberty :
the Corinthians, the Locrians, those of Phocide, those of the
He of Eubcea, the Achaians, the Phthiotes, the Magnesians,
the Thessalians, and the Perrhcebeians. At the first time of
the proclamation, all the people could not heare the voice of
the heraulde, and the most parte of those that hearde him,
coulde not tell distinctly what he sayed : for there ranne up
and downe the she we place where the games were played,
a confused brute and tumult of the people that wondered,
and asked what the matter ment, so as the heraulde was
driven againe to make the proclamation. Whereupon after
silence made, the herauld puttinge out his voice farre lowder
then before, did proclaime it in such audible wise, that the
whole assembly heard him : and then rose there such a
lowde showte and crie of joy through the whole people, that
the sound of it was heard to the sea. Then all the people
that had taken their places, and were set to see the Sword-
players play, rose up all on their feete, lettinge the games
alone, and went together with great joy to salute, to embrace,
and to thanke Titus the recoverer, protector, and patrone of
all their liberties of Greece. Then was scene (which is much
spoken of) the power of mens voyces : for crowes fel downe at
90

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

that present time among the people, which by chaunce flew FLAMINIUS
over the show place at that time that they made the same Crowes flying,
out showte. This came to passe, by reason the ayer was fel1 downe by
broken and cut a sunder, with the vehemency and strength ™ soun.de of

* ^ 111 6 IIS V01C6S

of the voyces, so as it had not his naturall power in it, to
keepe up the flying of the birdes : which were driven of
necessity to fall to the grounde, as flyinge through a voide
place where they lacked ayer. Unlesse we will rather say,
that it was the violence of the crie, which strooke the birdes
passinge through the ayer, as they had bene hit with arrowes,
and so made them fall downe dead to the earth. It may be
also, that there was some hurlinge winde in the ayer, as we
doe see sometime in the sea, when it riseth high, and many
times turneth about the waves, by violence of the storme.
So it is, that if Titus hadde not prevented the whole multi-
tude of people which came to see him, and that he had not
got him away betimes, before the games were ended : he had
hardly scaped from being stifled amongest them, the people
came so thicke about him from every place. But after that
they were weary of crying, and singing about his pavillion untill
night, in the ende they went their way : and as they went,
if they met any of their kinne, frendes or citizens, they did
kisse and embrace one an other for joy, and so supped, and
made mery together. In their more rejoycinge yet, as we
may thinke full well, they had no other talke at the table,
but of the warres of Greece, discoursing amongest them what
sundry great warres they had made, what they had endured
heretofore, and all to defend and recover their liberty. And
yet for all that, they coulde never so joyfully nor more
assuredly obtaine it, then they did even at that present,
receiving the honorablest reward, and that which deserved
greatest fame through the worlde : that by the valliantnesse
of straungers who fought for the same (without any spilt
blood of their owne in comparison, or that they lost the life
of any one man, whose death they had cause to lament) they
were so restored to their auncient freedome and liberty. It
is a very rare thinge amongest men, to finde a man very
valliant, and wise withall : but yet of all sortes of valliant
men, it is harder to finde a ]ust man. For Agesilaus,

91

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

FLAMINIUS Lysander, Nicias, Alcibiades, and all other the famous Cap-
taines of former times, had very good skill to lead an army, and
to winne the battell, as well by sea as by lande : but to turne
their victories to any honorable benefit, or true honor among
men, they could never skill of it. And if you doe except
the battell against the barbarous people, in the plaine of
Marathon, the battell of Salamina, the jorney of Platees,
the battell of Thermopyles, the battell Cimon fought about
Ciprus, and upon the river of Eurymedon : all the other
warres and battels of Greece that were made, fell out
against them selves, and did ever bringe them into bondage :
and all the tokens of triumphe which ever were set up for
the same, was to their shame and losse. So that in the end,
Greece was utterly destroyed and overthrowen, and that
chiefly through the wickednes and selfe will of her governors
and captaines of the cities, one envying an others doing.
Where a straunge nation, the which (as it should seeme) had
very small occasion to move them to do it (for that they
have had no great familiarity with auncient Greece, and
through the counsel and good wisedome of the which it
should seeme very straunge that Greece coulde receive any
benefit) have notwithstanding with dauiigerous battels and
infinite troubles, delivered it from oppression, and servitude,
of violent Lordes and tyrans. This, and such like talke, did
at that time occupy the Greecians heades: and moreover,
the deedes following did aunswer and performe the words of
the proclamation. For at one selfe time, Titus sent Lentulus
into Asia, to set the Bargylians at liberty, and Titillius into
Thracia, to remove the garrisons out of the lies and cities
which Philip had kept there : and Publius lulius was sent also
into Asia, unto king Antiochus, to speake unto him to set
Quintius care the Greecians at liberty which he kept in subjection. And as
to stablish the for Titus, he went him selfe unto the citybf Chalcide, where
liberty of the ne too^e seaj an(j went into the province of Magnesia, out
of the which he tooke all the garrisons of the cities, and
redelivered the government of the common wealth unto the
The feast citizens of the same. Afterwards when time came, that the
Nemea kept feast of Nemea was celebrated in the citie of Argos in the
at Argos. honor of Hercules, Titus was chosen judge, and rector of the
92

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

games that were plaied there : where, after he had set all FLAMINIUS
thinges in very good order, pertaining unto the solemnity of
the feast, he caused againe solemne proclamation to be made
openly, for the generall liberty of all Greece. Further-
more, visiting the cities, he did stablish very good lawes,
reformed justice, and did set the inhabitants and citizens of
every one of them in good peace, amity, and concord one
with an other : and did call home also all those that were
outlawes and banished men, and pacified all olde quarrells
and dissentions amonge them. The which did no lesse
please and content him, that by perswasions he could bring
the Greecians to be reconciled one with the other : then if
he had by force of armes overcome the Macedonians. Inso-
much, as the recovery of the libertie which Titus had restored
unto the Greecians, seemed unto them the least parte of the
goodnesse they had received at his handes. They say, that Lycurgus the
Lycurgus the orator seeinge the collectors of taxes, cary orator, res-
Zenocrates the Philosopher one day to prison, for lacke of c^tes th™
payment of a certaine imposition, which the straungers in- Philosopher
habiting within the citie of Athens were to pay : he rescued and saved him
him from them by force, and moreover prosecuted law so fr°m prison
hard against them, that he made them pay a fyne for the
injury they had done unto so worthy a person. And they
tell, how the same Philosopher afterwardes meeting Lycurgus
children in the city, sayed unto them : I doe wel requite
your fathers good turne he did me : for I am the cause that
he is praised and commended of every man, for the kinde-
nesse he shewed on my behalfe. So the good deedes of
the Romaines, and of Titus Quintius Flaminius unto the
Greecians, did not only reape this benefit unto them, in
recompence that they were praised and honored of all the
worlde : but they were cause also of increasinge their
dominions and Empire over all nations, and that the worlde
afterwardes had great affiance and trust in them, and that
most justly. So that the people and cities did not onely
receive the Captaines and governors the Romaines sent them :
but they also went to Rome unto them, and procured them
to come, and did put them selves into their handes. And
not only the cities and communalties, but kings and princes

93

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

FLAMINIUS also (which were oppressed by other more mighty than them
selves) had no other refuge, but to put them selves under
their protection : by reason whereof in a very shorte time
(with the favor and helpe of the goddes as I am perswaded)
all the world came to submit them selves to their obedience,
and under the protection of their Empire. Titus also did
glory more, that he had restored Greece againe unto liberty,
then in any other service or exployte he had ever done. For
when he offered up unto the temple of Apollo in the citie of
Delphes, the targets of silver with his owne shielde, he made
these verses to be graven upon them, in effect as follow eth :

O noble twynnes Tyndarides, Dan love his children deare :

Throw out lowde shoutes of joy, and mirth, rejoyce and make good cheare.

O noble kings of Spartan soyle, which take delight to ryde,

Your trampling steedes, with fomy byt, and trappings by their side :

Rejoyce you now, for Titus he, the valliant Romaine knight,

These giftes so great to you hath got, even by his force and might.

That having taken cleane away, from of the Greekishe neckes,

The heavy yoke of servitude, which held them thrall to checkes,

Unto their former liberty, he hath restorde them free,

Which altogether perisht was, as men might plainely see.

He gave a crowne of massie gold unto Apollo, uppon the
which he made this inscription to be wrytten :

A valliant Romaine knight, even Titus by his name,

A captaine worthy by desert, of high renowne and fame :

To thee (Apollo god) this crowne of pure fine golde,

Hath geven thy godhead to adorne, with juells manifolde,

Therefore let it thee please (Apollo god of grace)

With favor to requite this love, to him and to his race :

That his renowmed fame, and vertue may be spred,

And biased through the worlde so wide, to shew what life he led.

So hath the city of Corinthe enjoyed this good happe,

that the Greecians have bene twise proclaimed to be set at

liberty : the first time by Titus Quintius Flaminius, and the

Nero did set second time, by Nero in our time, and at the selfe same

Greece at instant when they solemnly kept the feast called Isthmia.

Howebeit the first proclamation of their liberty (as we have

tolde ye before) was done by the voyce of a herauld : and the

seconde time it was done by Nero him selfe, who proclaimed

it in an oration he made unto the people in open assembly,

in the market place of the city of Corinthe. But it was a

94

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

longe time after. Furthermore, Titus beganne then a FLAMINIUS
goodly and just warre against Nabis, the cursed and wicked
tyran of Lacedsemon. Howebeit in the ende he deceaved the
expectation of Greece. For when he might have taken him,
he would not doe it, but made peace with him, forsakinge
poore Sparta unworthily oppressed under the yoke of bond- WhyQuintius
age : either bicause he was afrayed that if the warre helde on, m.^e^e^.ce
there shoulde come a successor unto him from Rome, that ^ tyran of
should cary the glory away to ende the same, or else he stoode Lacedsemon.
Jealous and envious of the honor they did unto Philopcemen. The honor of
Who having shewed him selfe in every place as excellent a Philopoemen.
Captaine as ever came in Greece, and havinge done notable
actes and famous service, both of great wisedome, and also
of valliantnesse, and specially in the Achaians warre, he was
as much honored and reverenced of the Achaians, in the
Theaters and common assemblies, even as Titus was.
Whereat Titus was marvelously offended, for he thought it
unreasonable, that an Arcadian who had never bene generall
of an army, but in small litle warres against his neighbours,
should be as much esteemed and honored, as a Consull of
Rome, that was come to make warres for the recovery of the
libertie of Greece. But Titus alleaged reasonable excuse
for his doinges, saying that he saw very well he coulde not
destroy this tyran Nabis, without the great losse and misery
of the other Spartans. Furthermore, of all the honors the
Achaians ever did him (which were very great) me thinkes
there was none that came neere any recompence of his
honorable and well deserving, but one onely present they
offered him, and which he above all the rest most esteemed :
and this it was. Duringe the seconde warres of Africke,
which the Romaines had against Hanniball, many Romaines
were taken prisoners in the sundry battells they lost, and
beinge solde here and there, remained slaves in many con-
tries : and amongest other, there were dispersed in Greece to
the number of twelve hundred, which from time to time did Twelve
move men with pitie and compassion towardes them, that hundred
saw them in so miserable chaunge and state of fortune. But soj,je for
then much more was their miserie to be pitied, when these slaves.
captives found in the Romaines army, some of them their

95

FLAMINIUS

The Achaians
redeemed the
Romaines that
were solde for
slaves in
Greece.

The ceremony
of slaves

manumised.

T. Quintius
triumphe.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

sonnes, other their brethren, and the rest their fellowes and
frendes, free, and conquerours, and them selves slaves and
bondemen. It grieved Titus much to see these poore men
in such miserable captivity, notwithstanding he would not
take them by force from those that had them. Whereupon
the Achaians redeemed and bought them for five hundred
pence a man, and havinge gathered them together into a
troupe, they presented all the Romaine captives unto Titus,
even as he was ready to take ship to returne into Italie :
which present made him returne home with greater joy and
contentacion, having received for his noble deedes so honor-
able a recompence, and worthy of him selfe, that was so
loving a man to his citizens and con try. And surely, that
onely was the ornament (in my opinion) that did most
beautifie his triumphe. For these poore redeemed captives
did that, which the slaves are wont to doe on that day when
they be set at liberty : to witte, they shave their heades,
ancl doe weare litle hattes apon them. The Romaines that
were thus redeemed, did in like maner : and so followed
Titus charret, on the day of his triumphe and entrie made
into Rome in the triumphing manner. It was a goodly sight
also, to see the spoyles of the enemies, which were caried in
the show of this triumphe : as, store of helmets after the
Greecians facion, heapes of targets, shieldes, and pykes after
the Macedonian manner, with a wonderfull summe of gold
and silver. For Itanus the historiographer writeth, that
there was brought a marvelous great masse of treasure in
niggots of golde, of three thousand seven hundred and
thirteene pounde weight, and of silver, of forty three
thousand e, two hundred, three score and tenne pound
weight, and of gold ready coyned in peeces called Philips
foureteene thousand, five hundred, and foureteene, besides
the thousand talents king Philip should pay for a raunsome.
The which summe, the Romaines afterwardes forgave him,
chiefly at Titus sute and intercession, who procured that
grace for him, and caused him to be called a frend and
confederate of the people of Rome, and his sonne Demetrius
to be sent unto him againe, who remained before as an
hostage at Rome. Shortely after, king Antiochus went out
96

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

of Asia into Greece with a great fleete of shippes, and a very FLAMINIUS
puisant army, to stirre up the cities to forsake their league
and allyance with the Romaines, and to make a dissention
amongest them. To further this his desire and enterprise,
the yEtolians did aide and backe him, which of long time
had borne great and secrete malice against the Romaines,
and desired much to have had warres with them. So
they taught king Antiochus to say, that the warre which he
toolce in hande, was to set the Greecians at liberty, whereof
they had no neede, bicause they did already enjoy their
liberty : but for that they had no just cause to make warre,
they taught him to cloke it the honestest way he coulde.
Wherefore the Romaines fearinge greatly the rising of the
people, and the rumor of the power of this great king, they
sent thither Manius Acilius their generall, and Titus, one of Manius Aci-
his Lieutenaunts for the Greecians sakes. Which arrivall liu^ Consul,
did the more assure them that already bare good will to £.n ^ : ^U1
the Romaines, after they had once seene Manius and Titus : tenaunt sent
and the rest that beganne to flie out, and to shrinke into Greece,
from them, those Titus kept in obedience from starting,
remembringe them of the frendship and good will they had
borne him, even like a good skilfull phisitian that coulde
geve his pacient phisicke to preserve him from a contageous
disease. In deede there were some (but fewe of them) that
left him, which were won and corrupted before by the
JEtolians : and though he had j ust cause of offence towardes
them, yet he saved them after the battell. For king Antio-
chus being overcome in the contry of Thermopyles, fled his Antiochus
way, and in great hast tooke the sea to returne into Asia, pverthrowen
And the Consull Manius following his victory, entred into "\^h e£™°~
the contry of the JEtolians, where he tooke certaine townes Manius the
by force, and left the other for a pray unto kinge Philip. Consull.
So Philip kinge of Macedon on the one side, spoyled and
sacked the Dolopians, the Magnesians, the Athamanians,
and the Aperantines : and the Consull Manius on the other
side, destroyed the city of Heraclea, and layed siege to the
citie of Naupactum, which the ^Etolians kept. But Titus
takinge compassion of them, to see the poore people of
Greece thus spoiled and turned out of all: went out of
3 : N 97

FLAMINIUS

Quintius in-
treateth for
the JEtolians.

King Antio-
chus maried
Cleoptolemus
daughter in
the city of
Chalcide.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

Peloponnesus (where he was then) unto Manius Acilius
campe, and there reproved him for suffering king Philip
to usurpe the benefit and reward of his honorable victory,
still conqueringe many people, kings, and contries, whilest
he continued siege before a city, and only to wreake his
anger upon them. Afterwardes, when they that were besieged
saw Titus from their walles, they called him by his name,
and helde up their handes unto him, prayinge him he would
take pitie upon them : but he gave them never a word at
that time, and turning his backe unto them, he fell a weeping.
Afterwards he spake with Manius, and appeasing his anger,
got him to graunt the ^Etolians truce for certaine dayes, in
which time they might sende Ambassadors to Rome, to see
if they could obtaine grace and pardon of the Senate. But
the most trouble and difficulty he had, was to intreate for
the Chalcidians, with whome the Consull Manius was more
grievously offended, then with all the rest: bicause that
kinge Antiochus after the warres was begonne, had maried
his wife in their citie, when he was past yeares of mariage,
and out of all due time. For he was now very olde, and
beinge in his extreame age, and in the middest of his warres,
he fell in dotage with a young gentlewoman, the daughter
of Cleoptolemus, the fayrest woman that was at that time
in all Greece. Therefore the Chalcidians were much affected
unto king Antiochus, and did put their city into his handes,
to serve him in this warre, for a strong and safe retyring
place. Wherupon, when Antiochus had lost the battel, he
came thither with all possible speede, and takinge from
thence with him his passinge fayer younge Queene which
he had maried, and his golde, his silver, and frendes, he
tooke the seaes incontinently, and returned into Asia. For
this cause the Consull Manius having wonne the battell,
did marche straight with his army towardes the citie of
Chalcide in a great rage and fury. But Titus that followed
him, did alwayes lye uppon him to pacifie his anger, and did
so much intreate him, together with the other Romaines of
state and authoritie in counsell : that in the ende, he gotte
him to pardone them of Chalcide also. Who, bicause they
were preserved from perill by his meanes, they, to recompence
98

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

this fact of his, did consecrate unto him, all their most stately FLAMINIUS
and sumptuous buildinges and common workes in their citie,
as appeareth yet by the superscriptions remaininge to be
seene at this day. As in the show place of exercises : The
people of Chalcide did dedicate this show place of exercises, Honors done
unto Titus and Hercules. And in the temple called Del- ^{J^^~
phinium : The people of Chalcide did consecrate this temple, thTchalc^-1^
unto Titus, and unto Apollo. And furthermore, unto this dians and the
present time, there is a priest chosen by the voyce of the Greecians.
people, purposely to do sacrifice unto Titus : in which sacri-
fice, after that the thing sacrificed is offered up, and wine
powred apon it, the people standing by, do sing a song of
triumphe made in praise of him. But bicause it were to
long to wryte it all out, we have only drawen in briefe the
latter end of the same : and this it is :

The cleare unspotted faith, of Romaines we adore,

And vow to be their faithfull frendes, both now and ever more.

Sing out you Muses nyne, to loves eternall fame,

Sing out the honor due to Rome, and Titus worthy name.

Sing out (I say) the praise, of Titus and his faith :

By whom you have preserved bene, from ruine, dole, and death.

Now the Chalcidians did not alone only honor and rever-
ence Titus, but he was generally honored also by the
Greecians as he deserved, and was marvelously beloved
for his curtesie and good nature : which argueth plainely Quintius
that they did not fainedly honor him, or through compul- curtesie and
sion, but even from the hart. For though there was some g°od nature,
jarre betwixt him and Philopcemen at the first about service,
for emulation of honor, and after betwixt him and Diophanes Emulation
also, both generalls of the Achaians : yet he never bare them betwixt T.
any malice in his hart, neither did his anger move him at
any time to hurt them any way, but he ever ended the
heate of his wordes, in counsell and assemblies, where he
uttered his minde franckely to them both. Therefore none
thought him ever a cruell man, or eger of revenge: but
many have thought him rashe, and hasty of nature. Other-
wise, he was as good a companion in company as possibly
could be, and would use as pleasaunt wise mirthe as any
man. As when he sayed to the Achaians, on a time, who

99

FLAMIN1US
T. Quintius
sayinges.

Autiochus
Ambassadors
doe boast of
their kinges
great army.

Titus Quin-
tius witty
answere to
the Ambas-
sadors

T. Quintius
chosen
Censor with
Marcellus.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

would needes unjustly usurpe the He of the Zacynthians, to
disswade them from it : My Lordes of Achaia, if ye once goe
out of Peloponnesus, you put your selves in daunger, as the
torteyses doe, when they thrust their heades out of their
shell. And the first time he parled with Philip to treate
of peace : when Philip said unto him, you have brought
many men with you, and I am come alone. In deede it is
true you are alone, sayd he, bicause you made all your
frendes and kinne to be slaine. An other time, Dinocrates
Messenian being in Rome, after he had taken in his cuppes
in a feast where he was, he disguised him selfe in womans
apparell, and daunced in that manner : and the next day
followinge he went unto Titus, to pray him to helpe him
through with his sute, which was, to make the citie of
Messina to rebell, and leave the tribe of the Achaians.
Titus made him aunswer, that he would thinke upon it:
but I can but wonder at you (sayd he) howe you can daunce
in womans apparell, and singe at a feast, havinge such matters
of weight in your head. In the counsell of the Achaians,
king Antiochus ambassadors beinge come thither, to move
them to breake their league with the Romanies, and to make
alliance with the king their master, they made a marvelous
large discourse of the great multitude of souldiers that were
in their masters army, and did number them by many diverse
names. Whereunto Titus aunswered, and tolde how a frend
of his having bidden him one night to supper, and having
served so many dishes of meate to his bord, as he was angry
with him for bestowing so great cost apon him, as wonder-
inge howe he could so sodainely get so much store of meate,
and of so diverse kindes. My frende sayed to me againe,
that all was but porke dressed so many wayes, and with
so sundry sawces. And even so (quod Titus) my Lords of
Achaia, esteeme not king Antiochus army the more, to heare
of so many men of armes, numbred with their launces, and of
such a number of footemen with their pykes : for they are
all but Syrians, diversely armed, only with ill favored litle
weapons. Furthermore, after Titus had done these thinges,
and that the warre with Antiochus was ended, he was chosen
Censor at Rome, with the sonne of that same Marcellus,
100

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

who had bene five times Consull. This office is of great FLAMINIUS
dignitie, and as a man may say, the crowne of all the
honors that a citizen of Rome can have in their common
wealth. They put of the Senate, foure men only : but they
were not famous. They did receive all into the number of
citizens of Rome, that would present them selves to be
enrolled in their common regester : with a proviso, that they
were borne free by father and mother. They were compelled
to doe it, by Terentius Culeo, Tribune of the people, who
to despight the nobility, pers waded the people of Rome to
commaunde it so. Nowe at that time, two of the noblest
and most famous men of Rome were great enemies one
against an other : Publius Scipio African, and Marcus P. Scipio, and
Porcius Cato. Of these two, Titus named Publius Scipio M- ?• Cato
African, to be prince of the Senate, as the chiefest and greatenemies.
worthiest persone in the citie : and got the displeasure of the Secret grudge
other, which was Cato, by this mishappe. Titus had a betwixt Titus
brother called Lucius Quintius Flaminius, nothing like unto a ^ato-
him in condition at all : for he was so dissolutely and
licentiously given over to his pleasure, that he forgatte all
comlinesse and honesty. This Lucius loved well a younge
boy, and caried him alwayes with him when he went to the
warres, or to the charge and government of any province.
This boy flattering him, one day sayd unto Lucius Quintius,
that he loved him so well, that he did leave the sight of the
Swordplayers at the sharpe, which were making ready to
the fight, although he had never seene man killed before :
to waite upon him. Lucius being very glad of the boyes
wordes, aunswered him straight, Thou shalt loose nothing for
that my boy, for I will by and by please thee as well. So he A cruell dede
commaunded a condemned man to be fetched out of prison, ^ Lucius
and withall called for the hangman, whome he willed to
strike of his head in the middest of his supper, that the boy
might see him killed. Valerius Antias the historiographer
wryteth, that it was not for the love of the boy, but of a
woman which he loved. But Titus Livius declareth, that in
an oration which Cato him selfe made, it was wrytten, that it
was one of the Gaules : who beinge a traitor to his contry
men, was come to Flaminius gate with his wife and children,

101

Cato beinge
Censor did
put Lucius
Quintius
Flaminius
of the Senate.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

FLAMINIUS and that Flaminius making him come into his halle, killed
him with his owne handes, to please a boy he loved, that was
desirous to see a man killed. Howebeit it is very likely that
Cato wrote in this sorte, to aggravate the offence, and to
make it more cruell. For, many have wrytten it that it is
true, and that he was no traitor, but an offender condemned
to dye : and amonge other, Cicero the orator doth recite it in
a booke he made of age, where he made it to be tolde unto
Catoes owne persone. Howesoever it was, Marcus Cato being
chosen Censor, and clensing the Senate of all unworthy
persones, he put of the same Lucius Quintius Flaminius,
although he had bene Consull : which disgrace did seeme
to redowne to his brother Titus Quintius Flaminius also.
Whereupon both the brethren came weping with all
humility before the people, and made a petition that seemed
very reasonable and civill: which was that they would
commaunde Cato to come before them, to declare the cause
openly why he had with such open shame defaced so noble a
house as theirs was. Cato then without delay, or shrinking
backe, came with his companion into the market place,
where he asked Titus out alowde, if he knew nothing of the
supper where such a fact was committed. Titus aunswered,
he knewe not of it. Then Cato opened all the whole matter
as it was, and in the ende of his tale, he bad Lucius Quintius
sweare openly, if he would deny that he had sayed was true.
Lucius aunswered not a worde. Whereuppon the people
judged the shame was justly layed upon him : and so to
honor Cato, they did accompany him from the pulpit for
orations, home unto his owne house. But Titus beinge much
offended at the disgrace of his brother, became enemy to
Cato, and fell in with those that of long time had hated him.
T. Quintius And so by practise he procured of the Senate, that all
unworthy acts bargaines of leases, and all deedes of sales made by Cato
against Cato. during his office, were called in, and made voyde : and caused
many sutes also to be commenced against him. Wherein,
I can not say he did wisely or civilly, to become mortal!
enemy to an honest man, a good citizen, and duetifull in his
office, for his yeare, [for an] unworthy kinseman, who had
justly deserved the shame layed upon him. Notwithstanding,
102

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

shortely after when the people were assembled in the FLAMINIUS

Theater to see games played, and the Senators were set

according to their custome, in the most honorable places :

Lucius Flaminius came in also, who in lowly and humble

maner went to sit downe in the furthest seates of the

Theater, without regard of his former honor: which when

the people saw, they tooke pity of him, and could not abide

to see him thus dishonored. So they cried out to have Lucius Quin-

him come and sit among the other Senators and Consulls, tius restored

who made him place, and received him accordingly. But to *? his Place V

returne againe to Titus. The naturall ambition and covet- e peop e'

ous greedy minde he had of honor, was very well taken and T. Quintius

esteemed, so long as he had any occasion offered him to ambition.

exercise it in the warres, which we have spoken of before.

For, after he had bene Consull, of his owne seeking he

became a Colonell of a thousand footemen, not being called

to it by any man. So when he beganne to stoupe for age,

and that he had given over as a man at the last cast, to

beare office any longer in the state: they saw plainely he

was ambitious beyond measure, to suffer himselfe in olde age

to be overcome with such youthfull violence, beinge farre un-

meete for any of his yeares. For me thinkes his ambition T. Quintius

was the only cause that moved him to procure Hannibals cause of

death, which bred him much disliking and ill opinion with ^th

many. For, after Hanniball had fled out of his owne contry,

he went first unto king Antiochus : who, after he lost the

battel in Phrygia, was glad the Romaines graunted him

peace with such conditions as them selves would. Wherefore

Hanniball fled againe from him, and after he had long

wandered up and downe, at the length he came to the realme

of Bithynia, and remained there about king Prusias, the

Romaines knowinge it well enough : and bicause Hanniball

was then an olde broken man, of no force nor power, and one

whome fortune had spurned at her feete, they made no more

reckening of him. But Titus being sent Ambassador by Titus sent

the Senate, unto Prusias kinge of Bithynia, and finding Ambassador

Hanniball there, it grieved him to see him alive. So that "?to prusias

notwithstanding Prusias marvelously intreated him, to take °

... TT .in •• •» ^ t -i • i> 1 i

pitie apon Hanniball, a poore olde man, and his trend who

103

Hannibal
deceived by
an oracle con
cerning his
death.

Hanniball
kept at
Libyssa in
Bithynia.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

FLAMINIUS came to him for succor : yet he coulde not perswade Titus
to be content he should live. Hanniball long before had
received aunswer of his death from an oracle, to this effect :

The lande of Lybia, shall cover under mowlde,

The valliant corps of Hanniball, when he is dead and colde.

So Hanniball understoode that of Lybia, as if he should
have dyed in Africke, and bene buried in Carthage. There
is a certaine sandy contry in Bithynia neere to the seaes
side, where there is a litle village called Libyssa, and
where Hanniball remained continually. He mistrusting king
Prusias faynte harte, and fearing the Romaines malice also,
had made seven privy caves and vaultes under grounde longe
before, that he might secretly go out at either of them which
way he woulde, and every one of them came to the maine
vault where him selfe did lye, and coulde not be discerned
outwardly. When it was tolde him that Titus had willed
Prusias to deliver him into his handes, he sought then to
save him selfe by those mynes : but he found that all the
ventes out, had watch and ward apon them by the kinges
commaundement. So then he determined to kill him selfe.
Now some say, that he wounde a linnen towell harde about
his necke, and commaunded one of his men he should set his
knee upon his buttocke, and waying hard upon him, holding
the towell fast he should pull his necke backeward with all
the power and strength he could, and never linne pressing on
him, till he had strangled him. Other say that he drancke
bulles blood, as Midas and Themistocles had done before
him. But Titus Livius wryteth, that he had poyson which
he kept for such a purpose, and tempered it in a cuppe he
helde in his handes, and before he dranke, he spake these
wordes : Come on, let us deliver the Romaines of this great
care, sith my life is so grievous to them, that they thinke it
to long to tary the naturall death of a poore old man, whom
they hate so much : and yet Titus by this shall winne no
honorable victorie, nor worthie the memorie of the auncient
Romaines, who advertised king Pyrrus their enemy, even
when he made warres with them, and had wonne battels
of them, that he should beware of poysoning which was
intended towards him. And this was Hanniballs ende, as we

104

Hanniballs
death.

Midas and
Themistocles
poysoned
them selves.

Hanniballs
last wordes.

finde it wrytten. The newes whereof being come to Rome FLAMINIUS
unto the Senate, many of them thought Titus to violent and Looke in
cruell, to have made Hanniball kill him selfe in that sorte, Pyrrus life
when extreamity of age had overcome him already, and was °r , story
as a birde left naked, her feathers fallinge from her for age : a
and so much the more, bicause there was no instant occasion
offered him to urge him to doe it, but a covetous minde of
honor, for that he would be chronicled to be the cause
and author of Hanniballs death. And then in contrari-
wise they did much honor and commend the clemency and Scipio Afri-
noble minde of Scipio African. Who having overcomen cans clemency
Hanniball in battell, in Africke selfe, and being then in C(
deede to be feared, and had bene never overcome before :
yet he did not cause him to be driven out of his contry,
neither did aske him of the Carthaginians, but both then,
and before the battel, when he parled with him of peace, he
tooke Hannibal curteously by the hand, and after the battell,
in the condicions of peace he gave them, he never spake word
of hurt to Hanniballs person, neither did he shew any cruelty
to him in his misery. And they tell how afterwardes they Talke betwixt
met againe together in the city of Ephesus, and as they Scipio African
were walkinge, that Hanniball tooke the upper hand of a
Scipio : and that Scipio bare it paciently, and left riot of
walking for that, neither shewed any countenaunce of mis-
liking. And in entring into discourse of many matters,
they discended in the ende to talke of auncient Captaines :
and Hanniball gave judgement, that Alexander the great Hannibals
was the famousest Captaine, Pyrrus the second, and him judgement of
selfe the thirde. Then Scipio smilinge, gently asked him : CaPteines-
What wouldest thou say then, if I had not overcome thee ?
Truely, quod Hanniball, I would not then put my selfe the
third man, but the first, and above all the Captaines that
ever were. So divers greatly commending the goodly say-
inges and deedes of Scipio, did marvelously mislike Titus,
for that he had (as a man may say) layed his handes upon
the death of an other man. Other to the contrary againe
sayd, it was well done of him, sayinge, that Hanniball so
longe as he lived, was a fire to the Empire of the Romaines,
which lacked but one to blow it : and that when he was in
3 : O 105

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

FLAMINIUS his best force and lusty age, it was not his hande nor body
that troubled the Romaines, so much, but his great wisedome
and skill he had in the warres, and the mortall hate he bare
in his hart towardes the Romaines, which neither yeares,
neither age would diminishe or take away. For mens naturall
condicions do remaine still, but fortune doth not alwayes
keepe in a state, but chaungeth stil, and then quickeneth up
our desires to set willingly uppon those that warre against
us, bicause they hate us in their hartes. The thinges which
fell out afterwards, did greatly prove the reasons brought
out for this purpose, in discharge of Titus. For one Aris-

Aristonicus. tonicus, sonne of a daughter of a player upon the citherne,
under the fame and glory of Eumenes, whose bastard he was,
filled all Asia with warre and rebellion, by reason the people

Mithridates. rose hi his favor. Againe Mithridates, after so many losses
he had received against Sylla and Fimbria, and after so many
armies overthrowen by battell and warres, and after so many
famous Captaines lost and killed : did yet recover againe,
and came to be of great power both by sea and land against
Lucullus. Truely Hannibal was no lower brought then

Marius. Caius Marius had bene. For he had a king to his frend,

that gave him entertainment for him and his family, and
made him Admirall of his shippes, and Generall of his horse-
and footemen in the field. Marius also went up and

men

To be meane
or great in
this life is
nothing :
but death
bringeth the
estimacion.

downe Africke a begging for his living, insomuch as his
enemies at Rome mocked him to scorne : and soone after
notwithstanding they fell downe at his feete before him,
when they saw they were whipped, murthered, and slaine
within Rome by his commaundement. Thus we see no man
can say certainely he is meane or great, by reason of the uncer-
tainty of thinges to come: consideringe there is but one death,
and chaunge of better life. Some say also, that Titus did not
this act alone, and of his owne authority : but that he was
sent Ambassador with Lucius Scipio to no other end, but to
put Hanniball to death, by what meanes soever they could.
Furthermore after this Ambassade, we do not finde any not-
able thing written of Titus worthy of memory, neither in

peace, nor in warres. For he died quietely of naturall
death at home in his contrie.

106

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

THE COMPARISON OF TITUS QUIN-
TIUS FLAMINIUS WITH PHILOPCEMEN

T is time nowe we come to compare them T. Quintius
together. Therefore as touchinge the benefits unto
great benefits that came to the Greecians, Greece-
neither Philopoemen, nor all the other
former Captaines are to be compared with
Titus. For all the auncient Captaines
almost being Greecians, made warres with
other Greecians : but Titus beinge a
Romaine, and no Greecian, made warres for the liberty of
Greece. When Philopoemen was not able to helpe his poore
citizens distressed sore, and vexed with warres, he sayled
away into Greta. Titus having overcome Philip kinge of
Macedon in battell, did restore againe to liberty all the
people and cities of the same, which were kept before in
bondage. And if any wil narrowly examine the battells
of either partie : they shall finde, that Philopoemen being
Generall of the Achaians, made more Greecians to be slaine,
then Titus did of the Macedonians, fightinge with them for
the liberty of the Greecians. And for their imperfections,
the one of them was ambitious, the other was as obstinate :
the one was quicke and sodainly angered, the other was very
hard to be pacified. Titus left kinge Philip his realme and
crowne after he had overcome him, and used great clemency
towardes the JEtolians : where Philopcemen for spite, and Philopoe-
malice, tooke townes and villages from his owne native menes malice,
contry, and city, wherein he was borne, that had alwayes
payed them tribute. Furthermore, Titus continued a sounde
frend to them, to whome he had once professed frendshippe,
and done pleasure unto : and Philopcemen, in a geare and
anger, was ready to take away that he had given, and to
overthrow the pleasure and good turne he had shewed. For
Philopoemen when he had done the Lacedaemonians great

107

FLAMINIUS

AND

PHILO-
PCEMEN

Titus Quin-
tius wiser then
Philopoemen.

Quintius

commaunded

good

souldiers :

Philopoemen

made good

souldiers.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

pleasure, did afterwards rase the walls of their city, and
spoyled and destroyed all their contry : and lastly, overthrew
their whole government. It seeraeth also by reason of his
immoderate choller, he was him selfe cause of his owne death,
for that he made more hast then good speede, to go out of
time to set upon those of Messina : and not as Titus, who
did all his affaires with wisedome, and ever considered what
was best to be done. But if we looke into the number of
battells, and victories : the warre which Titus made against
Philip was ended with two battells. Whereas Philopoemen
in infinite battells in which he had the better, never left it
doutfull, but that his skill did ever helpe him the more to
victory, then the good fortune he had. Moreover, Titus
wanne honor by meanes of the power of Rome, when it
florished most, and was in best prosperitie: Philopcemen
made him selfe famous by his deedes, when Greece beganne
to stoupe and fall all together. So that the deedes of the
one, were common to all the Romanies: and the dedes of
the other, were private to himselfe alone. For Titus was
General over good and valliant souldiers, that were already
trained to his hand : and Philopcemen being chosen General!,
did traine his men him selfe, and made them afterwards
very expert and valliant, that were but meane and greene
souldiers before. And whereas Philopcemen had continuall
warres with the Greecians, it was not for any good fortune
he had, but that it made a certaine proofe of his valliant-
nesse. For where all other thinges are aunswerable to his,
there we must judge that such as overcome, have the most
corage. Now Philopoemen making warres with the most
warlike nations of all Greece, (as the Cretans, and the Lace-
daemonians) did overcome the subtillest of them, by finenesse
and policy : and the most valliant, by prowes and hardinesse.
But Titus overcame, by putting that only in practise, which
was already found and stablished : as the discipline of the
warres, ana order of battell, in the which his souldiers had
longe before bene trained. Whereas Philopcemen brought
into his contry, both the one and the other, and altered all
the order which before they were accustomed unto. So that
the chiefest point how to winne a battell, was found out a
108

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

new, and brought in by the one, into a place where it was FLAMINIUS
never before : and onely employed by the other, which could AND
very good skill to use it, and had founde it out already
before. Againe, touching the valliant actes done in the PIEMEN
person of them selves, many notable actes may be told
of Philopremen, but none of Titus : but rather to the con-
trary. For there was one Archedemus an ^Etolian, who
flowtinge Titus one day, sayd in his reproche: that at a
day of battell, when Pnilopcemen ranne with his sword in
his hande, to that side where he saw the Macedonians fight-
ing, and making hed against the enemy, Titus held up his
hands unto heaven, and was busie at his prayers to the gods, A Generall
not stirring one foote, when it was more time to handle the must not be at
sword, and to fight of all handes. All the goodly deedes ^enTe^
Titus ever did, were done alwaies as a Consul, or Lieutenant, should occupy
or a Magistrate : whereas Philopcemen shewed him selfe unto his sword,
the Achaians, a man no lesse valliant, and of execution,
being out of office, then when he was a Generall. For
when he was a Generall, he did drive Nabis the tyran of the
Lacedaemonians out of Messina, and delivered the Messenians
out of bondage : and being a private man, he shut the gates
of the city of Sparta, in the face of Diophanes (Generall of
the Achaians) and of Titus Quintius Flaminius, and kept
them both from comminge in, and thereby saved the city
from sacking. Thus being borne to commaunde, he knew
not only how to commaunde according to the law, but could
commaund the law it selfe apon necessity, and when the
common wealth required it. For at such a time he would
not tary, while the Magistrates which should governe him,
did geve him authority to commaund, but he tooke it of
him selfe, and used them when the time served : esteeming
him in deede their Generall, that knew better then they
what was to be done, then him whom they chose of them
selves. And therefore they doe well, that doe commende
Titus actes, for his clemency, and curtesie, used to the Quintius
Greecians : but much more tne noble and valliant actes of clemency to
Philopremen unto the Romaines. For it is much easier phiiopce-
to pleasure and gratifie the weake, then it is to hurt and menes love to
resist the strong. Therfore, sithence we have throughly the Romaines.

109

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

FLAMINIUS examined, and compared the one with the other : it is very
harde to judge altogether the difference that is betwene
them. Perad venture therefore the judgement woulde not
seeme very ill, if we doe geve the Greecian, for disci-
pline of warre, the preheminence and praise of a good
Captaine: and to the Romaine, for justice and
clemency, the name and dignity of a most
just and curteous gentleman.

THE ENDE OF TITUS QUINTIUS FLAMINIUS LIFE

PHILO-
PCEMEN

THE LIFE OF PYRRUS

Pyrrus kin-
red, and be-
ginningof the

T is written, that since Noes floud, the first
king of the Thesprotians, and of the Molos-
sians, was Phaeton, one of those who came
with Pelasgus, into the realme of Epirus.
But some say otherwise, that Deucalion,
and his wife Pyrra remained there, after
they had built and founded the temple of
Dodone, in the contry of the Molossians.
But howsoever it was, a great while after that, Neoptolemus
the sonne of Achilles, bringing thither a great number of
people with him, conquered the contry, and after him left
a succession of kinges, which were called after his name, the
Pyrrides : bicause that from his infancy he was surnamed
Pyrrus, redd. Pyrrus, as much to say, as redde : and one of his legitimate
sonnes whom he had by Lanassa, the daughter of Cleodes,
the sonne of Hillus, was also named by him Pyrrus. And
this is the cause why Achilles is honored as a god in Epirus,
beinge called in their language, Aspetos, that is to say,
mighty, or very great. But from the first kinges of that
race untill the time of Tharrytas, there is no memory nor
mencion made of them, nor of their power that raigned in
the meane time, bicause they all became very barbarous,
and utterly voyde of civility. Tharrytas was in deede the
first that beautified the cities of his contry with the Grecian
110

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

tongue, brought in civill lawes and customes, and made his PYRRUS
name famous to the posterity that followed. This Tharrytas
left a sonne called Alcetas, of Alcetas came Arymbas, of
Arymbas and Troiade his wife, came ^Eacides, who maried
Phthia, the daughter of Menon Thessalian : A famous man
in the time of the warres surnamed Lamiacus, and one that
had farre greater authority then any other of the confederates,
after Leosthenes. This JEacides had two daughters by his
wife Phthia, to say, Deidamia and Troiade, and one sonne
called Pyrrus. In his time the Molossians rebelled, drave
him out of his kingdome, and put the crowne into the hands
of the sonnes of Neoptolemus. Whereupon all the frends of
^Eacides that could be taken, were generally murdered, and
slaine outright. Androclides, and Angelus in the meane time
stale away Pyrrus, being yet but a suckling babe (whome his How Pyrrus
enemies neverthelesse egerly sought for to have destroyed) being an in-
and fled away with him as fast as possibly they might, with an •T*
few servauntes, his nurses and necessary women only to looke
to the childe, and give it sucke : by reason whereof their
flight was much hindered, so as they could go no great
jorneys, but that they might easily be overtaken by them
that followed. For which cause they put the childe into
the handes of Androclion, Hippias, and Neander, three lusty
young men, whome they trusted with him, and commaunded
them to runne for life to a certaine citie of Macedon, called
Megares : and they them selves in the meane time, partely Megares
by intreaty, and partely by force, made stay of those that a city of
followed them till night. So as with much a doe havinge Macedon-
driven them backe, they ranne after them that caried the
childe Pyrrus, whom they overtooke at sunne set. And
now, wening they had bene safe, and out of all daunger :
they found it cleane contrary. For when they came to the
river under the towne walles of Megares, they saw it so
rough and swift, that it made them afrayed to beholde it :
and when they gaged the forde, they found it unpossible
to wade through, it was so sore risen and troubled with the
fall of the raine, besides that the darkenesse of the night
made every thing seeme feareful unto them. So as they now
that caried the child, thought it not good to venter the

111

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

PYRRUS passage over of themselves alone, with the women that
tended the childe: but hearing certaine contrymen on the
other side, they prayed and besought "them in the name
of the goddes, that they would helpe them to passe over
the child, showing Pyrrus unto them a farre of. But the
contrymen by reason of the roaringe of the river understoode
them not. Thus they continued a longe space, the one cry-
inge, the other lystning, yet could they not understand one
an other, til at the last one of the company bethought him
selfe to pill of a peece of the barke of an oke, and upon that
he wrote with the tongue of a buckle, the hard fortune and
necessity of the childe. Which he tyed to a stone to geve
it weight, and so threw it over to the other side of the
river : other say that he did pricke the barke through with
the point of a dart which he cast over. The contrymen on
the other side of the river, havinge red what was wrytten,
and understanding thereby the present daunger the childe was
in : felled downe trees in all the hast they could possibly,
bounde them together, and so passed over the river. And
it fortuned that the first man of them that passed over, and
tooke the child, was called Achilles : the residue of the
contrymen passed over also, and tooke the other that came
with the childe, and conveyed them over as they came first
to hand. And thus having escaped their hands, by easie
Glaucias king jorneys they came at the length unto Glaucias king of
of Illyria. Illyria, whom they found in his house sitting by his wife :
and layed downe the childe in the middest of the flower
before him. The king hereuppon stayed a long time with-
out uttering any one word, waying with him selfe what was
best to be done : bicause of the feare he had of Cassander, a
mortall enemy of ^Eacides. In the meane time, the childe
Pyrrus creeping of all foure, tooke hold of the kinges gowne,
and scrawled up by that, and so got up on his feete against
the kings knees. At the first, the king laughed to see the
childe : but after it pitied him againe, bicause the child
seemed like an humble suter that came to seeke sanctuary
in his armes. Other say that Pyrrus came not to Glaucias,
but unto the alter of the familiar gods, alongest the which
he got up on his feete, and embraced it with both his hands.
112

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

Which Glaucias imagining to be done by gods providence, PYRRUS

presently delivered the childe to his wife, gave her the charge

of him, and willed her to see him brought up with his owne.

Shortely after, his enemies sent to demaunde the childe of

him : and moreover, Cassander caused two hundred talents

to be offered him, to deliver the childe Pyrrus into his

handes. Howebeit Glaucias would never graunt thereunto,

but contrarily, when Pyrrus was comen to twelve yeares

olde, brought him into his contry of Epirus with an army,

and stablished him king of the realme againe. Pyrrus had

a great majesty in his countenaunce, but yet in deede more Pyrrus coun-

fearefull then frendly. He had also no teeth in his upper tenaunce and

jawe that stoode distinctly one from an other, but one whole teetht

bone through out his gomme, marked a litle at the top only,

with certaine riftes in the place where the teeth should be

devided. Men helde opinion also, that he did heale them Pyrrus healed

that were sicke of the splene, by sacrificinge a white cocke, them that

and touchinge the place of the splene on the left side of JJJjj^ ^*| ol

them that were sicke, softely with his right foote, they lying

on their backes : and there was not so poore nor simple a

man that craved this remedy of him, but he gave it him,

and tooke the cocke he sacrificed, for reward of the remedy,

which pleased him very well. They say also that the great

toe of his right foote had some secrete vertue in it. For

when he was dead, and that they had burnt all partes of

his body, and consumed it to ashes : his great toe was The fier

whole, and had no hurt at all. But of that, we will wryte could not

more hereafter. Now, when he was seventeene yeares of age, burne Pyrrus

thinking him selfe sure enough of his kingdome, it chaunced gre<

him to make a jorney into Illyria, where he maried one of

Glaucias daughters, with whom he had bene brought up.

But his backe was no sooner turned, but the Molossians

rebelled againe against him, and drave out his frends, and Pyrrus realme

servaunts, and destroyed all his goods, and yelded them- taken from

selves unto his adversary Neoptolemus. King Pyrrus having im m
., , . ,. ,. , Jj ,. ,«,, &, J IT -j & absence,

thus lost his kingdom, and seeing himself forsaken on all sides,

went to Demetrius (Antigonus sonne) that had maried his
sister Deidamia, who in her young age was assured to Alex-
ander, the sonne of Alexander the great, and of Roxane, and
3 : P 113

PYRRUS

Pyrrus val-
liantnes at
the battell
of Hipsus.

Pyrrus
behavior.

Pyrrus maried
to Antigona
the daughter
of Philip king
of Macedon,
and of his
wife Berenice.

Pyrrus re-
stored to his
kingdome
againe.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

was called his wife. But when all that race was brought to
wicked ende,. Demetrius then maried her, being come to full
and able age. And in that great battell which was striken
neere to the citie of Hipsus, where all the kinges fought
together, Pyrrus being then but a young man, and with
Demetrius, put them all to flight that fought with him,
and was worthely reputed for the valliantest prince amongest
them all. Furthermore, when Demetrius was overcome, and
had lost the battell : Pyrrus never forsooke him, but faith-
fully did keepe for him the cities of Greece, which he put
into his hands. And afterwards when peace was concluded
betwixt Demetrius and Ptolomie, Pyrrus was sent an ostage
for Demetrius into the realme of JEgipte : where he made
Ptolomie know (both in huntinge, and in other exercises of
his persone) that he was very strong, harde, and able to
endure any labor. Furthermore perceiving that Berenice
amongest all king Ptolomies wives, was best beloved and
esteemed of her husbande, both for her vertue and wise-
dome : he beganne to entertaine and honor her above all
the rest. For he was a man that could tell how to humble
him selfe towardes the great (by whom he might winne
benefit) and knewe also how to creepe into their credit :
and in like manner was he a great scorner and despiser of
such as were his inferiors. Moreover, for that he was found
marvelous honorable and of fayer condicion, he was preferred
before all other young princes, to be the husbande of Anti-
gona, the daughter of Queene Berenice, whom she had by
Philip, before she was maried unto Ptolomie. From thence-
forth growing through the allyance of that mariage, more
and more into estimation and favor by meanes of his wife
Antigona, who shewed her selfe very vertuous and loving
towardes him : he found meanes in the ende, to get both
men and money to returne againe into the realme of Epirus,
and to conquer it : so was he then very well received of
the people, and the better, for the malice they bare to
Neoptolemus, bicause he delt both hardly and cruelly with
them. That notwithstandinge, Pyrrus fearinge least Neo-
ptolemus would repaire unto some of the other kings, to
seeke ayde against him, thought good to make peace with
114

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

him. Whereupon it was agreed betwene them, that they PYRRUS
should both together be kinges of Epirus. But in processe Pyrrus devid-
of time, some of their men secretly made strife againe be- eth the realm*
twene them, and set them at defyance one with an other : Neoptolemus.
and the chiefest cause as it is sayed, that angered Pyrrus
most, grew apon this. The kinges of Epirus had an auncient
custome of great antiquity, after they had made solemne
sacrifice unto lupiter Martiall, (in a certaine place in the
province of Molosside, called Passaron) to take their othe,
and to be sworne to the Epirotes, that they would raigne
well and justly, accordinge to the lawes and ordinaunces of
the contry : and to receive the subjectes othes interchaunge-
ably also, that they would defend and maintaine them in
their kingdome, according to the lawes in like maner. This
ceremony was done in the presence of both the kinges, and
they with their frendes did both geve and receive presentes
eche of other. At this meetinge and solemnity, amonge
other, one Gelon a most faithfull servaunt and assured frend
unto Neoptolemus, who besides great showes of frendshippe
and honor he did unto Pyrrus, gave him two payer of
draught oxen, which one Myrtilus a cuppebearer of Pyrrus
beinge present, and seeinge, did crave of his master. But
Pyrrus denyed to geve them unto him whereat Myrtilus was
very angry. Gelon perceivinge that Myrtilus was angry,
prayed him to suppe with him that night. Now some say,
he sought to abuse Myrtilus, bicause he was fayer and
younge : and beganne to perswade him after supper to take
parte with Neoptolemus, and to poyson Pyrrus. Myrtilus
made as though he was willing to geve eare to this
perswasion, and to be well pleased withall. But in the
meane time, he went and tolde his master of it, by whose
commaundement he made Alexicrates, Pyrrus chiefe cuppe-
bearer, to talke with Gelon about this practise, as though
he had also geven his consent to it, and was willinge
to be partaker of the enterprise. This did Pyrrus to
have two witnesses, to prove the pretended poysoninge of
him. Thus Gelon beinge finely deceived, and Neoptolemus
also with him, both imagininge they had cunningly sponne
the threde of their treason : Neoptolemus was so glad of

115

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

PYRRUS it, that he could not kepe it to him selfe, but told it
to certaine of his frendes. And on a time going to be
mery with his sister, he could not keepe it in, but must be
pratling of it to her, supposing no body had heard him but her
selfe, bicause there was no living creature neere them, saving
Phoenareta Samons wife, the kinges chiefe heardman of all
his beastes, and yet she was layed apon a litle bed by, and
turned towards the wall : so that she seemed as though she
had slept. But having heard all their talke, and no body
mistrusting her : the next morning she went to Antigona
king Pyrrus wife, and told her every worde what she had
heard Neoptolemus say to his sister. Pyrrus hearing this,
made no countenaunce of any thing at that time. But
havinge made sacrifice unto the goddes, he bad Neoptolemus
Pyrrus slue to supper to his house, where he slue him, being well in-
Neoptolemus. formed before of the good will the chiefest men of the realme
did beare him, who wished him to dispatch Neoptolemus,
and not to content him selfe with a peece of Epirus only,
but to follow his naturall inclination, being borne to great
thinges : and for this cause therefore, this suspition fallinge
out in the meane while, he prevented Neoptolemus, and slue
him first. And furthermore, remembringe the pleasures he
had received of Ptolomie and Berenice, he named his first
sonne by his wife Antigona, Ptolomie, and having built a
Berenicida, a city in the Prescque, an He of Epirus, did name it Bere-
city of Epirus nicida. When he had done that, imagining great matters

6 °

*n *"s ^eac^» ^ut more *n h*8 hope, he first determined with him
selfe howe to winne that which lay neerest unto him : and so
Pyrrus first tooke occasion by this meanes, first to set foote into the
int° Empire of Macedon. The eldest sonne of Cassander, called
Antipater, put his owne mother Thessalonica to death, and
drave his brother Alexander out of his owne contry, who
sent to Demetrius for helpe, and called in Pyrrus also to his
ayde. Demetrius being troubled with other matters, could
not so quickely go thither. And Pyrrus being arrived
there, demaunded for his charge susteined, the citie of
Nymphaea, with all the sea coastes of Macedon : and besides
all that, certaine landes also that were not belonginge to the
auncient crowne and revenues of the kinges of Macedon,
116

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

but were added unto it by force of armes, as Ambracia, PYRRUS
Acarnania, and Amphilochia. All these, the young king
Alexander leavinge unto him, he tooke possession thereof,
and put good garrisons into the same in his owne name : and
conquering the rest of Macedon in the name of Alexander,
put his brother Antipater to great distresse. In the meane
time kinge Lysimachus lacked no good will to helpe
Antipater with his force, but being busied in other matters,
had not the meane to doe it. Howbeit knowinge very well
that Pyrrus in acknowledginge the great pleasures he had
received of Ptolomie, woulde deny him nothinge : he deter-
mined to wryte counterfeate letters to him in Ptolomies
name, and thereby instantly to pray and require him to
leave of the warres begonne against Antipater, and to take
of him towardes the defrayinge of his charges, the summe of King Lysi-
three hundred talentes. Pyrrus opening the letters, knew machus craft
straight that this was but a fetch and devise of Lysimachus. ^ deceive
For king Ptolomies common manner of greeting of him, which
he used at the beginning of his letters, was not in them
observed : To my sonne Pyrrus, health. But in those counter-
feate was, king Ptolomie, unto king Pyrrus, health. Where-
upon he presently pronounced Lysimachus for a naughty
man : neverthelesse, afterwardes he made peace with Anti-
pater, and they met together at a day appointed, to be
sworne upon the sacrifices unto the articles of peace. There
were three beastes brought to be sacrificed, a goate, a bul,
and a ramme : of the which, the ramme fell downe dead of
him selfe before he was touched, whereat all the standers
by fell a laughinge. But there was a Soothsayer, one
Theodotus, that perswaded Pyrrus not to sweare: saying,
that this signe and token of the gods did threaten one of the Theodotus
three kings with sodaine death. For which cause Pyrrus judgement, a
concluded no peace. Now Alexanders warres beinge ended, So°thsayer.
Demetrius notwithstanding came to him, knowing well
enough at his comming that Alexander had no more neede
of his aide, and that he did it only but to feare him. They
had not bene many dayes together, but thone beganne
to mistrust thother, and to spie all the wayes they could
to intrappe eche other : but Demetrius embracing the first

117

PYRRUS

Pyrrus
quarrell and
warre with
Demetrius.

Pantauchus,
Demetrius
Lieutenant in
^Etolia.

Pyrrus
fight, with
Pantauchus.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

occasion offered, prevented Alexander, and slue him, being
a young man, and proclaimed him selfe king of Macedon
in his roome. Now Demetrius had certaine quarrells
before against Pyrrus, bicause he had overrunne the contry
of Thessalie : and furthermore, greedy covetousnes to have
the more (which is a common vice with princes and noble
men) made, that being so neere neighbours, the one stoode
in feare and mistrust of the other, and yet much more after
the death of Deidamia. But now that they both occupied
all Macedon betwene them, and were to make division of one
selfe kingdome. Now I say began the matter and occasion
of quarrell, to grow the greater betwene them. Whereupon
Demetrius went with his army to set apon the ^Etolians,
and havinge conquered the contry, left Pantauchus his
Lieutenaunt there with a great army : and him selfe in
person in the meane time, marched against Pyrrus, and
Pyrrus on thother side against him. They both missed
of meetinge, and Demetrius goinge on further on the one
side, entred into the realme of Epirus, and brought a great
spoyle away with him : Pyrrus on the other side marched on,
till he came to the place where Pantauchus was. To whome
he gave battell, and it was valliantly fought out betwene
the souldiers of either party, but specially betwene the two
Generalls. For doutlesse, Pantauchus was the valliantest
Captaine, the stowtest man, and of the greatest experience
in armes, of all the Captaines and souldiers Demetrius had.
Whereupon, Pantauchus trusting in his strength and corage,
advaunced him selfe forward es, and lustely chalenged the
combat of Pyrrus. Pyrrus on the other side being inferior
to no king in valliantnes, nor in desire to winne honor, as he
that would ascribe unto himselfe the glory of Achilles, more
for the imitacion of his valliancy, then for that he was
discended of his blood : passed through the middest of the
battell unto the first rancke, to buckle with Pantauchus.
Thus they beganne to charge one an other, first with their
dartes, and then comming nearer, fought with their swordes,
not only artificially, but also with great force and fury :
untill such time as Pyrrus was hurte in one place, and he
hurte Pantauchus in two. The one neere unto his throte and
118

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

the other in his legge : so as in the ende Pyrrus made him PYRRUS
turne his backe, and threw him to the ground, but never-
thelesse killed him not. For, so soone as he was downe, his
men tooke him, and caried him away. But the Epirotes Pyrrus
encoraged by the victory of their kinge, and the admiration victory of
of his valliantnesse, stucke to it so lustely, that in the end
they brake the battell of the Macedonian footemen : and
having put them to flight, followed them so lively, that they
slewe a great number of them, and tooke five thousande
prisoners. This overthrowe did not so much fill the hartes
of the Macedonians with anger, for the losse they had
received, nor with the hate conceived against Pyrrus : as it
wanne Pyrrus great fame and honor, making his corage and
valliantnes to be wondred at of all such as were present at
the battell that saw him fight, and how he layed about him.
For they thought that they saw in his face the very life and
agility of Alexander the great, and the right shadow as it Pyrrus
were, showinge the force and fury of Alexander him selfe in likened to
that fight. And where other kinges did but only counter- Alexander
feate Alexander the great in his purple garments, and in
numbers of souldiers and gardes about their persones, and in a
certaine facion and bowing of their neckes a litle, and in utter-
ing his speech with an high voyce : Pyrrus only was like unto
him, and followed him in his marshall deedes and valliant
actes. Furthermore, for his experience and skill in warlike Pyrrus skil
discipline, the bookes he wrote him selfe thereof, do amply in warlike
prove and make manifest. Furthermore, they reporte, that discipline,
kinge Antigonus being asked, whome he thought to be the
greatest Captaine : made aunswer, Pyrrus, so farre foorth as
he might live to be olde, speaking only of the Captaines of
his time. But Hanniball generally sayd, Pyrrus was the Hanniballs
greatest Captaine of experience and skil in warres of all judgement of
other, Scipio the second, and him selfe the third : as we have <-'aPtaines'
wrytten in the life of Scipio. So it seemeth that Pyrrus gave
his whole life and study to the discipline of warres, as that
which in dede was princely and meete for a king, making no
reckening of all other knowledge. And furthermore touch-
ing this matter, they reporte that he being at a feast one
day, a question was asked him, whom he thought to be the

119

PYRRUS

Pyrrus wise
aunswer.

Pyrrus good-
nes and
curtesie.

Certaine
witty sayinges
of Pyrrus.

Pyrrus wives
and children.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

best player of the flute, Python or Cephesias : whereunto he
aunswered, that Polyperchon in his opinion was the best
Captaine, as if he would have sayd, that was the only thing
a prince should seeke for, and which he ought chiefly to
learne and know. He was very gentle and familiar with his
frendes, easie to forgeve when any had offended him, and
marvelous desirous to requite and acknowledge any curtesie
or pleasure by him received. And that was the cause why
he did very unpaciently take the death of ^Eropus, not
so much for his death (which he knewe was a common
thing to every living creature) as for that he was angry
with himselfe he had deferred the time so long, that time
it selfe had cut him of from all occasion and meanes to
requite the curtesies he had received of him. True it is
that money lent, may be repayed againe unto the heires of
the lender: but yet it greveth an honest nature, when he
can not recompence the good will of the lender, of whom he
hath received the good tume. An other time Pyrrus being
in the city of Ambracia, there were certaine of his frends
that gave him counsel to put a naughty man out of the
city that did nothing but speake ill of him. But he
aunswered, it is better (quod he) to keepe him here still,
speakinge ill of us but to a fewe : then driving him away, to
make him speake ill of us every where. Certaine youthes
were brought before him on a time, who making mery
together, drinking freely, were bolde with the king to
speake their pleasure of him in very unduetifull sorte. So,
Pyrrus askinge them whether it was true they sayed so or
no : It is true, and it please your grace, sayed one of them,
we sayed it in deede, and had not our wine failed us, we had
spoken a great deale more. The king laughed at it, and
pardoned them. After the death of Antigona, he maried
many wives to increase his power vvithall, and to gette moe
frendes. For he maried the daughter of Autoleon kinge of
Pseonia, and Bircenna the daughter of Bardillis, king of
Illyria, and Lanassa, the daughter of Agathocles, tyran of
Syracusa, that brought him for her dower the He of Corphue,
which her father had taken. By Antigona his first wife, he
had a sonne called Ptolomie : By Lanassa, an other called
120

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

Alexander : and by Bircenna, an other (the youngest of all) PYRRUS

called Helenus : all which though they were marshall men

by race and naturall inclination, yet were they brought up by

him in warres, and therein trained as it were even from their

cradell. They wryte, that one of his sonnes beinge but a

boy, asked him one day to which of them he would leave

his kingdome : Pyrrus aunswered the boy, To him that hath

the sharpest sworde. That was much like the tragicall curse

wherewith Oedipus cursed his children :

Let them (for me) devide, both goodes, yea rentes and lande :
With trenchaunt sword, and bloody blowes, by force of mighty
hande.

So cruell, hatefull, and beastly is the nature of ambition
and desire of rule. But after this battell, Pyrrus returned
home againe to his contry, full of honor and glory, his hart
highly exalted, and his minde throughly contented. And as
at his returne the Epirotes his subjectes called him an Eagle, Pyrrus called
he aunswered them : If I be an Eagle, it is through you that an Eagle.
I am so, for your weapons are the winges that have raised me
up. Shortely after, beinge advertised that Demetrius was
fallen sicke, and in great daunger of death, he sodainely went
into Macedon, only to invade it, and to make pray thereof : Pyrrus
howbeit he had in deede almost taken the whole realme, and invadeth
made him selfe Lord of all without stroke striken. For he Macedon.
came as farre as the city of Edessa, and found no resistance :
but rather to the contrary, many of the contry willingly
came to his campe, and submitted them selves. The daunger
Demetrius was in to loose his realme, did move him more :
then the disease and sickenes of his body. And on the other
side, his frendes, servauntes, and Captaines, having gathered
a great number of men of warre together in marvelous shorte
time, marched with great speede towardes Pyrrus, being
earnestly bent to do some exploite against him : who being
come into Macedon but to make a roade only apon them,
would not tary them, but fled, and flying, lost parte of his
men, bicause the Macedonians followed him hard, and set
apon him by the way. But now, though they had driven
Pyrrus thus easily out of Macedon, Demetrius for all that
did not make light accompt of him : but pretending greater

3 : Q 121

PYRRUS

Demetrius
army both by
laud and sea.

Demetrius
maried
Lanassa
Pyrrus wife.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

thinges, (as to recover the landes and dominions of his
father, with an army of an hundred thousand fighting men,
and of five hundred sayle which he put to the sea) would not
stande to make warres against Pyrrus, neither yet leave the
Macedonians (whilest he was; absent) so daungerous a neigh-
bour, and so ill to deale withall. But lacking leasure to
make warres with Pyrrus, concluded a peace with him, to the
ende he might with the more liberty set apon the other kinges.
Thus now, the peace concluded betwixt Demetrius and Pyrrus,
the other kinges and princes beganne to finde out Demetrius
intent, and why he had made so great preparation and being
afrayed therof, wrote unto Pyrrus by their Ambassadors,
that they wondred how he could let go such oportunity
and occasion, and to tary till Demetrius might with better
leasure make warres upon him. And why he chose rather
to tary and fight with him for the aulters, temples, and
sepulchers of the Molossians, when he shoulde be of greater
power, and have no warres elsewhere to trouble him : then
now that he might easily drive him out of Macedon, having
so many things in hand, and being troubled as he was in
other places. And considering also that very lately he had
taken one of his wives from him, with the city of Corphue.
For Lanassa mislikinge, that Pyrrus loved his other wives
better then her, (they being of a barbarous nation) got her
unto Corphue : and desiring to mary some other king, sent
for Demetrius, knowinge that he of all other kinges would
soonest be wonne thereunto. Whereuppon Demetrius went
thither, and maried her, and left a garrison in his citie of
Corphue. Nowe these other kinges that did advertise Pyrrus
in this sorte, them selves did trouble Demetrius in the meane
while : who tracted time, and yet went on with his prepara-
cion notwithstanding, for on the one side, Ptolomie entred
Greece with a great army by sea, where he caused the cities
to revolt against him. And Lysimachus on the other side
also, entring into high Macedon by the contry of Thracia,
burnt and spoyled all as he went. Pyrrus also arminge him
selfe with them, went unto the city of Berroea, imagining
(as afterwardes it fell out) that Demetrius goinge against
Lysimachus, would leave all the lowe contry of Macedon
122

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

naked, without garrison or defence. And the selfe same night PYRRUS
that Pyrrus departed, he imagined that king Alexander the Pyrrus
great did call him, and that also he went unto him, and found dreame.
him sicke in his bed, of whom he had very good wordes
and entertainment : insomuch as he promised to helpe him
throughly. And Pyrrus imagined also that he was so bolde
to demaund of him againe : How (my Lord) can you helpe
me, that lye sicke in your bed ? and that Alexander made
aunswer : With my name only. And that moreover he
sodainely therewithall got up on his horse Nisea, and rode
before Pyrrus to guide him the way. This vision he had in
his dreame, which made him bolde, and furthermore encour-
aged him to goe on with his enterprise. By which occasion,
marching forward with all speede, in few dayes he ended his
intended jorney to the^city of Berrcea, which sodainely he
tooke at his first comming to it : the most parte of his army Pyrrus
he layed in garrison there, the residue he sent away under the seconde

conduct of his Captaines, here and there, to conquer the ^}rne^

... ., i . TA I • i • • j. n- i? i Macedon.

cities thereabouts. .Demetrius having intelligence hereof, and

hearing also an ill rumor that ranne in his campe amongest
the Macedonians, durst not leade them any further, for feare
least (when he should come nere to Lysimachus beinge a
Macedonian king by nation, and a prince estemed for a famous
captaine) they would shrinke from him, and take Lysimachus
parte : for this cause therefore he turned againe upon the
sodaine against Pyrrus, as against a straunge prince, and ill
beloved of the Macedonians, But when he came to incampe
nere him, many comminge from Berrcea into his campe,
blew abroade the praises of Pyrrus, saying, that he was a Pyrrus
noble prince, invincible in warres, and one that curteously Praises.
intreated all those he tooke fo his party : and amongest
those, there were other that were no natural Macedonians
borne, but set on by Pyrrus, and fained them selves to be
Macedonians, who gave out, that nowe occasion was offered
to set them at liberty, from Demetrius prowde and stately
rule, and to take kinge Pyrrus parte, that was a curteous
prince, and one that loved souldiers and men of warre.
These wordes made the most parte of Demetrius army very
doutfull, insomuch as the Macedonians looked about, to see

123

PYRRUS

How Pyrrus
ware his head
peece.

Pyrrus pro-
claimed kinge
of Macedon.

Macedon
devided
betwene
Pyrrus and
Lysimachus.

Covetousnes
hath no ende.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

if they could finde out Pyrrus to yelde them selves unto
him. He had at that present left of his head peece :
by meane whereof, perceiving he was not knowen, he
put it on againe, and then they knew him a farre of, by
the sight of his goodly fayer plume, and the goates homes
which he caried on the toppe of his creast. Where-
upon there came a great number of Macedonians to
his parte, as unto their soveraine Lord and king, and
required the watche word of him. Other put garlandes of
oken bowes about their heades, bicause they saw his men
crowned after that sorte. And some were so bolde also, as
to go to Demetrius him selfe, and tell him, that in their
opinions he should do very well and wisely to geve place to
fortune, and referre all unto Pyrrus. Demetrius hereupon,
seeing his campe in such uprore, was so amased, that he
knewe not what way to take, but stale away secretly, dis-

fuised in a threde bare cloke, and a hoode on his head to
epe him from knowledge. Pyrrus foorthwith seased uppon
his campe, tooke all that he founde, and was presently
proclaimed in the fielde, king of Macedon. Lysima-
chus on thother side, came straight thither after him, and
sayed that he had holpen to chase Demetrius out of
his realme, and therefore claimed halfe the kingdome with
him. Wherefore, Pyrrus not trustinge the Macedonians to
farre as yet, but rather standing in doubt of their faith :
graunted Lysimachus his desire, and thereupon devided all
the cities and provinces of the realme of Macedon betwene
them. This particion was profitable for them both at that
present, and stoode then to good purpose to pacific the
warre, that otherwise might sodainely have risen betwene
them. But shortly after, they found that this particion was
no end of their enmity, but rather a beginning of quarrell
and dissention betwene them. For they whose avarice and
insatiable greedy appetite, neither the sea, the mountaines,
nor the unhabitable desertes coulde containe, nor yet the
confynes that separate Asia from Europe determine : howe
should they be content with their owne, without usurping
others, when their fronters joyne so neere together, that
nothing devides them ? Sure it is not possible. For to say
124

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

truely, they are willingly together by the eares, having these PYRRUS
two cursed thinges rooted in them : that they continually
seeke occasion how to surprise eche other, and either of them
envies his neighbours well doing. Howbeit in apparaunce
they use these two tearmes, of peace and warres, as they doe
money : usinge it as they thinke good, not accordinge to Peace, and
right and j ustice, but for their private profit. And truely warre., used
they are men of farre greater honesty, that make open warre, 15rke monev-
and avow it : then those that disguise and colour the delay
of their wicked purpose, by the holy name of justice or
frendship. Which Pyrrus did truely then verifie. For
desiring to kepe Demetrius downe from rising an other time,
and that he should not revive againe as escaped from a long
daungerous disease : he went to aide the Greecians against Pyrrus ayded
him, and was at Athens, where they suffered him to come into the Grecians
the castell, and doe sacrifice there unto the goddesse Minerva. ^^^ iug
But comming out of the castle againe the same day, he tolde
the Athenians he was greatly beholdinge unto them for their
curtesie, and the great trust they had reposed in him : where-
fore to requite them againe, he gave them counsell, never to
suffer prince nor king from thenceforth to enter into their
city, if they were wise, nor once open their gates unto them.
So, after that he made peace with Demetrius, who within
shorte time beinge gone to make warres in Asia, Pyrrus yet
once againe (perswaded thereunto by Lysimachus) caused all
Thessalie to rise against him, and went him selfe to set upon
those garrisons which Demetrius had left in the cities of
Greece, liking better to continue the Macedonians in warre,
then to leave them in peace : besides that him selfe also
was of such a nature, as could not long continue in peace.
Demetrius thus in the ende being utterly overthrowen in
Syria, Lysimachus seeing him selfe free from feare on that
side, and being at good leasure, as having nothing to trouble
him otherwayes : went straight to make warre apon Pyrrus, Lysimachus
who then remained neere unto the city of Edessa, and meet- maketh warre
ing by the way with the convoy of vittells comming towards w Pyrrus.
him, set upon the conducters, and rifled them wholly. By
this meanes, first he distressed Pyrrus for want of vittels :
then he corrupted the princes of Macedon with letters and

125

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

PYRRUS messengers, declaring unto them, what shame they susteined
to have made a straunger their king (whose auncesters had
ever bene their vassals and subjectes) and to have turned all
those out of Macedon, that had bene familiar frendes of king
Alexander the great. Many of the Macedonians were wonne
by these perswasions, which fact so feared Pyrrus, that
he departed out of Macedon with his men of warre, the
Epirotes, and other his confederates : and so lost Macedon
by the selfe same meanes he wanne it. Kinges and princes
therefore must not blame private men, though they chaunge
and alter sometime for their profit : for therein they do but
follow the example of princes, who teache them all disloyalty,
treason, and infidelity, judging him most worthy of gaine,
that least observeth justice and equity. So Pyrrus being
come home againe to his kingdome of Epirus, forsakinge
Macedon altogether, fortune made him happy enough, and
in deede he had good meanes to live peaceably at home,
without any trouble, if he could have contented him selfe
only with the soverainty over his owne naturall subjectes.
But thinking, that if he did neither hurt other, nor that
other did hurt him, he could not tell how to spend his time,
and by peace he should pyne away for sorow, as Homer sayd
of Achilles :

He languished and pynde by taking ease and rest :

And in the warres where travaile was, he liked ever best.

And thus seeking matter of newe trouble, fortune pre-
sented him this occasion. About this time, the Romaines
by chaunce made warre with the Tarentines, who could
nether beare their force, nor yet devise how to pacifie the
same, by reason of the rashnesse, folly, and wickednes of
their governors, who perswaded them to make Pyrrus their
Generall, and to sende for him for to conduct these warres :
bicause he was lesse troubled at that time, then any of the
other kinges about them, and was esteemed of every man
also to be a noble souldier, and famous Captaine. The
elders, and wise men of the city, utterly misliked that
counsell : but some of them were put to silence, through the
noyse and fury of the people, who cried for warres. Some

126

The Taren-
tines havinge
warre with the
Romaines, de-
termine to
make king
Pyrrus their
Generall.

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

other seeing them checked, and taken up by the multitude PYRRUS
in this manner, woulde no more repayre to their common
assemblies. Among the rest, there was one Meton, an
honest worshipfull citizen, who when the day was come that Meton coun-
the people shoulde conclude in counsel, the decree for the terfeating the

calling in of Pyrrus : all the people of Tarentum being foole' ™{

111 j j_ • J.L. rro. J.L.- -\ir L 11 perswadedthe

assembled, and set in the T. heater, this Meton put an olde Tarentines

withered garlande of flowers upon his head, and carying a not to send
torch in his hande as though he had bene dronke, and having for Pyrrus.
a woman minstrell before him playing on a pype, went dauns- Tarentum a
inge in this goodly aray through the middest of the whole cit7 in Italic,
assembly. And there, (as it happeneth commonly in every
hurly burly of people that will be masters them selves, and
where no good order is kept) some of them clapped their
handes, other burst out in a laughter, and every man suffered
him to doe what he lust: but they all cried out to the
woman minstrell, to play on and spare not, and to Meton
him selfe, that he should sing, and come forward. So Meton
made shewe as though he prepared him selfe unto it : and
when they had geven silence to heare him sing, he spake
unto them with a lowd voice in this manner : My Lordes of Metons coun-
Tarentum, ye doe well sure, not to forbid them to play and sell to *he
to be mery that are so disposed, whilest they may lawfully Tarentines<
do it : and if ye be wise, every of you also (as many as you
be) will take your liberty whilest you may enjoy it. For
when king Pyrrus shalbe in this city, you shall live I
warrant ye after an other sorte, and not as ye now do.
These wordes of Meton moved many of the Tarentines, and
sodainly there ran a rumor through all the assembly, that
he had sayed truely. But they that had offended the
Romaines, fearing if peace were made, that they shoulde be
delivered into their handes, they checked the people, asking
them if they were such fooles, as would abide to be mocked
and played withall to their teeth : and with those wordes
all ranne uppon Meton, and drave him out of the Theater.
The decree thus confirmed by voyces of the people, they sent The Taren-
Ambassadors into Epirus, to cary presents unto king Pyrrus, tines sende
not only from the Tarentines, but from other Greecians also Ambassadors
that dwelt in Italie, saying that they stoode in neede of a

127

PYRRUS

Cineas the
orator, a
Thessalian
borne, and
attending
in Pyrrus
courte.

Cineas grave
talke with
Pyrrus, to
moderate his
ambitious
minde.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

wise and skilful Captaine, that was reputed famous in mar-
shall discipline. And as to the rest, for numbers of good
souldiers, they had men enough in Italie, and were able to
bring an army into the field, of the Lucanians, the Messa-
pians, the Samnites, and Tarentines, of twenty thowsande
horse, and three hundred thowsand footemen being all
assembled together. These wordes of the Ambassadors did
not only lift up Pyrrus harte, but made the Epirotes also mar-
velous desirous to go this jorney. There was in kinge Pyrrus
courte one Cineas Thessalian, a man of great understanding,
and that had bene Demosthenes the orators scholler, who
seemed to be the onely man of all other in his time in
common reputacion, to be most eloquent, following the
lively image and shadow of Demosthenes passing eloquence.
This Cineas, Pyrrus ever entertained about him, and sent
him Ambassador to the people and cities thereabouts : where
he verefied Euripides wordes :

As much as trenchant blades, in mighty handes may doe,
So much can skill of eloquence, atchieve and conquer too.

And therfore Pyrrus would often say, that Cineas had wonne
him moe townes with his eloquence, then him selfe had done
by the sword : for which he did greatly honor and imploy
him in all his chiefe affaires. Cineas perceivinge that Pyrrus
was marvelously bent to these warres of Italie, finding him
one day at leasure, discoursed with him in this sorte : It is
reported, and it please your majesty, that the Romaines are
very good men of warre, and that they commaund many
valliant and warlike nations : if it please the goddes we doe
overcome them, what benefit shall we have of that victory ?
Pyrrus aunswered him againe : Thou doest aske me a question
that is manifest of it selfe. For when we have once overcome
the Romaines, there can neither Greecian nor barbarous city
in all the contry withstande us, but we shall straight conquer
all the rest of Italie with ease : whose greatnes, wealth, and
power, no man knoweth better then thy selfe. Cineas
pawsing a while, replied : And when we have taken Italie,
what shal we do then ? Pyrrus not finding his meaning yet,
said unto him : Sicilia as thou knowest, is hard adjoyning to

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

it, and doth as it were offer it selfe unto us, and is a marvel- PYRRUS

ous populous and riche lande, and easie to be taken : for all

the cities within the Ilande are one against an other, having

no head that governes them, since Agathocles died, more

then orators only that are their counsellers, who will soone Pyrrus

be wonne. In dede it is likely which your grace speaketh, judgement

quod Cineas : but when we have wonne Sicilia, shall then our °or°rat*-rS

warres take ende ? If the goddes were pleased, sayed Pyrrus,

that victory were atchieved : the way were then broade open

for us to attaine great conquestes. For who would not after-

wardes goe into Africke, and so to Carthage, which also will

be an easie conquest, since Agathocles secretly flying from

Syracusa, and having passed the seaes with a fewe shippes,

had almost taken it ? And that once conquered, it is most

certaine there durst not one of all our enemies that now doe

daily vexe and trouble us, lift up their heades or handes

against us. No surely, sayd Cineas : for it is a cleare case,

that with so great a power we may easily recover the realme

of Macedon againe, and commaunde all Greece besides, with-

out let of any. But when we have all in our handes : what

shall we doe in the ende? Then Pyrrus laughing, tolde

him againe : We will then (good Cineas) be quiet, and take

our ease, and make feasts every day, and be as mery one with

an other as we can possible. Cineas having brought him to

that poynt, sayd againe to him : My Lord, what letteth us

now to be quiet, and mery together, sith we enjoy that

presently without further travel and trouble, which we will

now go seeke for abroade, with such sheading of blood, and

so manifest daunger ? and yet we know not whether ever we

shall attaine unto it, after we have both suffered, and caused

other to suffer infinite sorowes and troubles. These last Adaungerous

wordes of Cineas, did rather offende Pyrrus, then make him thing to with-

to alter his minde : for he was not ignorant of the happy ^e the.
state he shoulde thereby forgoe, yet could he not leave of the
hope of that he did so much desire. So he sent Cineas
before unto the Tarentines, with three thousand footemen :
and afterwardes the Tarentines having sent him great store
of flatbottomes, gallies, and of all sortes of passengers,
he shipped into them twenty elephantes, three thousand
3 : R 129

PYRRUS

Pyrrus jorney
into Italy.

Pyrrus daun-
ger by tempest
on the sea.

Pyrrus cast
on shoare
apon the
contry of the
Messapiaus.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

horsemen, and two and twenty thowsande footemen, with
five hundred bowe men and slinges. All thinges thus ready,
he wayed anckers, and hoysed sayles, and was no sooner in
the maine sea, but the north winde blew very roughly, out
of season, and drave him to leeward. Notwithstandinge, the
ship which he was in him selfe, by great toile of the pilots
and mariners turning to windeward, and with much a do,
and marvelous daunger recovered the coast of Italic. How-
beit the rest of his fleete were violently dispersed here and
there, whereof some of them failinge their course into Italic,
were cast into the seas of Libya, and Sicilia. The other not
able to recover the pointe of Apulia, were benighted, and
the sea being hie wrought, by violence cast them apon
the shoare, and against the rockes, and made shipwrackes
of them, the Admirall onely reserved, which through her
strength, and the greatnes of her burden, resisted the force
of the sea that most violently bet against her. But after-
wards, the winde turning and comming from the lande, the
sea cruelly raking over the height of her forecastell : in fyne
brought her in manifest perill of openinge, and splitting, and
in daunger to be driven from the coast, puttinge her out
againe to the mercy of the windes, which chaunged every
hower. Wherefore Pyrrus castinge the perill every way,
thought best to leape into the sea. After him foorthwith
lept his gard, his servauntes, and other his familiar frendes,
venturing their lives to save him. But the darkenes of the
night, and rage of the waves (which the shore breakinge,
forced so to rebound backe upon them) with the great noyse
also, did so hinder their swimming : that it was even day be-
fore they could recover any lande, and yet was it by meanes
that the winde fell. As for Pyrrus, he was so sea beaten,
and wearied with the waves, that he was able to do no more :
though of himselfe he had so great a harte, and stowte a
corage, as was able to overcome any perill. Moreover, the
Messapians (upon whose coast the storme had cast him) ran
out to helpe him, and diligently labored in all they coulde
possible to save him, and received also certaine of his shippes
that had scaped, in which were a few horsemen, about two
thowsande footemen, and two elephantes. With this small
130

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

force, Pyrrus marched on his jorney to goe by lande unto PYRRUS
Tarentum: and Cineas being advertised of his comming,
went with his men to meete him. Now when he was come Pyrrus being
to Tarentum, at the first he would doe nothing by force, nor received of
against the goodwill of the inhabitantes : untill such time as tin^eformed
his shippes that had escaped the daungers of the sea, were their vaine
all arrived, and the greatest parte of his army comen to- voluptuous
gether againe. But when he had all his army he looked for, life,
seeing that the people of Tarentum could neither save them
selves, nor be saved by any other, without straight order and
compulsion, bicause they made their reckening that Pyrrus
should fight for them, and in the meane time they would not
stirre out of their houses from bathing them selves, from
banketing, and making good chere : first of all he caused all
the parkes and places of shew to be shut up, where they were
wont to walke and disporte them selves, in any kind of exer-
cise, and as they walked, to talke of warres as it were in
pastime, and to fight with words, but not to come to the
blowes. And further he forbad all feastinges, mommeries,
and such other like pleasures, as at that time were out of
season. He trained them out also to exercise their weapons, Marshall
and shewed him selfe very severe in musters, not pardoning discipline,
any whose names were billed to serve in the warres : inso-
much as there were many (which unacquainted with such
rough handling and government) forsooke the city alto-
gether, calling it a bondage, not to have liberty to live at
their pleasure. Furthermore, Pyrrus having intelligence that
Levinus the Romaine Consul came against him with a great Levinus
puisant army, and that he was already entred into the lande Consul, sent
of Lucania, where he destroyed and spoyledfall the contry ?£ainst
before him : albeit the Tarentines aide of their confederates
was not as yet comen, he thought it a great shame to suffer,
his enemies approche so nere him, and therefore taking that
small number he had, brought them into the fielde against
Levinus. Howbeit he sent a herauld before to the Romaines,
to understand of them, if (before they entred into this warre)
they coulde be content the controversies they had with
all the Greecians dwellinge in Italic, might be decided by
justice, and therein to referre them selves to his arbitrement,

131

PYRRUS

Pyrrus
camped in
the plaine,,
betwene Pan-
dosia and
Heraclea.
Siris fl.

Pyrrus
Battell.

Pyrrus first
conflict with
the Romaines,

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

who of him selfe would undertake the pacification of them.
Whereunto the Consull Levinus made aunswere, that the
Romaines would never allow him for a judge, neither did
they feare him for an enemy. Wherfore Pyrrus going on
stil, came to lodge in the plaine which is betwene the cities
of Pandosia, and of Heraclea : and having newes brought
him that the Romaines were encamped very nere unto him
on the other side of the river of Siris, he tooke his horse, and
rode to the rivers side to view their campe. So having
throughly considered the forme, the scituacion, and the
order of the same, the maner of charging their watche, and
all their facions of doing : he wondered much thereat. And
speaking to Megacles, one of his familiars about him, he
sayd : This order Megacles (quod he) though it be of bar-
barous people, yet is it not barbarously done, but we shall
shortely prove their force. After he had thus taken this
view, he beganne to be more carefull then he was before, and
purposed to tary till the whole aide of their- confederates
were comen together, leaving men at the rivers side of Siris,
to kepe the passage, if the enemies ventured to passe over as
they did in dede. For they made hast to prevent the aide
that Pyrrus looked for, and passed their footemen over apon
a bridge, and their horsemen at diverse fordes of the river :
insomuch as the Greecians fearinge least they shoulde be
compassed in behinde, drew backe. Pyrrus advertised there-
of, and being a litle troubled therwithall, commaunded the
Captaines of his footemen presently to put their bandes in
battell ray, and not to sturre till they knew his pleasure :
and he him selfe in the meane time marched on with three
thowsande horse, in hope to finde the Romaines by the river
side, as yet out of order, and utterly unprovided. But when
he saw a farre of a greater number of footemen with their
targettes ranged in battell, on this side the river, and their
horsemen marching towardes him in very good order : he
caused his men to joyne close together, and him selfe first
beganne the charge, being easie to be knowen from other, if
it had bene no more but his passinge riche glisteringe armor
and furniture, and withall, for that his valliant dedes gave
manifest proofe of his well deserved fame and renowne. For,
132

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

though he valliantly besturred his hands and body both, PYRRUS
repulsing them he encountered withall in fight, yet he
forgate not him selfe, nor neglected the judgement and Pyrrus wise-
foresight, which should never be wanting in a Generall of dom .ai*d .
an army : but as though he had not fought at all, quietly JJattelf '"
and discretly gave order for everie thinge, rydinge to and
fro, to defende and encorage his men in those places, where
he sawe them in most distresse. But even in the hottest
of the battell, Leonatus Macedonian, spyed an Italian a man
of armes, that followed Pyrrus uppe and downe where he
went, and ever kept in manner of even hande with him,
to set apon him. Wherefore he sayd to Pyrrus : My Lord
doe you not see that barbarous man there uppon a baye
horse with white feete ? Sure he looketh as though he
ment to doe some notable feate and mischiefe with his owne
handes : for his eye is never of you, but wayteth only apon
you, being sharpe set to deale with your selfe and none other,
and therefore take hede of him. Pyrrus aunswered him, It
is impossible Leonatus, for a man to avoyde his destinie :
but neither he, nor any other Italian whatsoever, shall have
any joy to deale with me. And as they were talkinge thus
of the matter, the Italian taking his speare in the middest,
and setting spurres to his horse, charged apon Pyrrus,
and ranne his horse through and through with the same.
Leonatus at the selfe same instant served the Italians horse
in the like manner, so as both their horses fell dead to the
ground. Howbeit Pyrrus men that were about him, saved
him presently, and slew the Italian in the fielde, although
he fought it out right valliantly. The Italians name was
Oplacus, borne in the city of Ferentum, and was Captaine
of a bande of men of armes. This mischaunce made kinge
Pyrrus looke the better to him selfe afterwardes, and seeinge
his horsemen geve backe, sent presently to hasten his foote-
men forward, whom he straight set in order of battell : and
delivering his armor and cloke to one of his familiars called Pyrrus
Megacles, and being hidden as it were in Megacles armor, changed
returned againe to the battell against the Romaines, who
valiantly resisted him, so that the victory depended longe in
doubt. For it is sayd, that both the one side and the other

133

PYRRUS

Megacles
slaine, taken
for Pyrrus.

Pyrrus
victory of
Levinus the
Consull.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

did chase, and was chased, above seven times in that conflict.
The chaunginge of the kinges armor served very well for the
safety of his owne persone, howebeit it was like to have marred
all, and to have made him loose the fielde. For many of his
enemies set uppon Megacles, that ware the kings armor : and
the partie that slue him dead, and threw him starke to the
grounde, was one Dexius by name, who quickely snatched of
his head peece, tooke away his cloke, and ranne to Levinus
the Consul, crying out alowde, that he had slaine Pyrrus, and
withall shewed foorth the spoyles he supposed to have taken
from him. Which being caried about through all the bands,
and openly shewed from hand to hand, made the Romaines
marvelous joyfull, and the Greecians to the contrary, both
afeard and right sorowfull: untill such time as Pyrrus hearing
of it, went and passed alongest all his bandes bare headed,
and bare faced, holdinge up his hande to his souldiers, and
gevinge them to understande with his owne voyce, that it
was him selfe. The elephantes in the ende were they in
deede that wanne the battell, and did most distresse the
Romaines : for, their horses seeing them a farre of, were
sore afrayed, and durst not abide them, but caried their
masters backe in despite of them. Pyrrus at the sight
thereof, made his Thessalian horsemen to geve a charge
apon them whilest they were in this disorder, and that so
lustely, as they made the Romaines flie, and susteine great
slaughter. For Dionysius wryteth, that there dyed few
lesse, then fifteene thowsand Romaines at that battell. But
Hieronymus speaketh onely of seven thowsande. And of
Pyrrus side, Dionysius wryteth, there were slaine thirteene
thowsande. But Hieronymus sayth lesse then foure thow-
sande : howebeit they were all of the best men of his army,
and those whome most he trusted. King Pyrrus presently
hereupon also tooke the Romaines campe, which they for-
sooke, and wan many of their cities from their allyance,
spoyled, and overcame much of their contry. Insomuch as
he came within six and thirty mile of Rome, whither came
to his aide, as confederates of the Tarentines, the Lucanians,
and the Samnites, whom he rebuked bicause they came to
late to the battel. Howbeit a man might easily see in his
134

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

face, that he was not a litle glad and proude to have over- PYRRUS
throwen so great an army of the Romaines with his owne
men, and the aide of the Tarentines onely. On thother side,
the Romaines hartes were so great, that they would not de-
pose Levinus from his Consullshippe, notwithstandinge the
losse he had received : and Caius Fabricius sayed openly, that
they were not the Epirotes that had overcomen the Romaines,
but Pyrrus had overcome Levinus : meaning thereby, that this
overthrow chaunced unto them, more through the subtilty
and wise conduction of the Generall, then through the valliant
feates and worthines of his army. And hereuppon they
speedily supplied their legyons againe that were minished,
with other newe souldiers in the dead mens place, and leavied
a fresh force besides, speaking bravely and fiercely of this
warre, like men whose hartes were nothinge appawled.
Whereat Pyrrus marvelinge much, thought good first to
send to the Romaines, to prove if they would geve any
eare to an offer of peace, knowing right well that the
winning of the city of Rome was no easie matter to com-
passe, or attaine, with that strength he presently had : and
also that it would be greatly to his glory, if he could bring
them to peace after this his valliant victory. And hereupon Cineas sent
he sent Cineas to Rome, who spake with the chiefest of the Ambassador
city, and offred presentes to them and their wives, in the to Rome-
behalfe of the king his master. Howbeit, neither man nor The noble
woman would receive any at his handes, but aunswered all roinde of the
with one voyce : that if the peace might be general to all, Komames-
they all privately woulde be at the kinges commaun dement,
and woulde be glad of his frendshippe. Moreover, when
Cineas had talked in open audience before the Senate, of
many curteous offers, and had delivered them profitable
capitulacions of peace : they accepted none, nor shewed
any affection to geve eare unto them, although he offered to
deliver them their prisoners home againe without raunsome,
that had bene taken at the battell, and promised also to aide
them in the conquest of Italie, requiring no other recom-
pence at their handes, saving their goodwills only to his
master, and assurance for the Tarentines, that they should
not be annoyed for any thinge past, without demaunde of

135

PYRRUS

Appius
Claudius
disswaded
the Romanies
from making
peace with
Pyrrus.

Appius
Claudius
oration to
the Senate.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

other matter. Neverthelesse in the ende, when they had
hearde these offers, many of the Senators yeelded, ana were
willinge to make peace : alleaginge that they had already
lost a great battell, and howe they looked for a greater,
when the force of the confederates of Italic should joyne
together with king Pyrrus power. But Appius Claudius,
a famous man, who came no more to the Senate, nor delt
in matters of state at all by reason of his age, and partely
bicause he was blinde : when he understoode of king Pyrrus
offers, and of the common brute that ranne through the city,
howe the Senate were in minde to agree to the capitulacions
of peace propounded by Cineas, he could not abide, but
caused his servauntes to cary him in his chayer apon their
armes unto the Senate dore, his sonnes, and sonnes in law
taking him in their armes, caried him so into the Senate
house. The Senate made silence to honor the comming in
of so notable and worthy a personage : and he so soone as
they had sette him in his seate, beganne to speake in this
sorter 'Hitherunto with great impacience (my Lordes of
' Rome) have I borne the losse of my sight, but now, I
' would I were also as deafe as I am blinde, that I might
' not (as I doe) heare the reporte of your dishonorable con-
' sultacions determined upon in Senate, which tende to subvert
' the glorious fame and reputacion of Rome. What is now
' become of all your great and mighty bragges you biased
' abroade, through the whole worlde ? that if Alexander the
' great him selfe had come into Italic, in the time that our
' fathers had bene in the flower of their age, and we in the
' prime of our youth, they would not have sayed every where
' that he was altogether invincible, as now at this present
' they doe : but either he should have left his body slaine
' here in battell, or at the least wise have bene driven to
' flie, and by his death or flyinge shoulde greatly have en-
' larged the renowne and glory of Rome ? you plainly show
' it now, that all these words spoken then, were but vaine
' and arrogant vaunts of foolish pride. Considering that you
' tremble for feare of the Molossians and Chaonians, who
' were ever a pray to the Macedonians : and that ye are
4 arrayed of Pyrrus also, who all his life time served and
136

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

1 followed one of the gard unto Alexander the great, and PYRRUS
' nowe is come to make warres in these partes, not to aide
* the Greecians inhabiting in Italie, but to flie from his
' enemies there about his owne contry, offering you to con-
' quer all the rest of Italie with an army, wherewith he was
' nothing able to kepe a small parte of Macedon only for
' him selfe. And therefore you must not perswade your
' selves, that in making peace with him, you shall thereby
' be rid of him : but rather shall you draw others to come
' and set apon you besides. For they will utterly despise
' you, when they shal heare ye are so easily overcome, and
' that you have suffered Pyrrus to escape your handes, before
' you made him feele the just reward of his bolde presump-
' tuous attempt upon you : carying with him for a further
' hier, this advantage over you, that he hath geven a great
1 occasion both to the Samnites, and Tarentines, hereafter
' to mocke and deride you.1 After that Appius had tolde
this tale unto the Senate, every one through the whole
assembly, desired rather warre then peace. They dis-
patched Cineas away thereupon with this aunswere, that
if Pyrrus sought the Romaines frendshippe, he must first
departe out of Italie, and then sende unto them to treate
of peace : but so longe as he remained there with his army,
the Romaines would make warres upon him, with all the
force and power they could make, yea although he had
overthrowen and slaine tenne thowsand such Captaines as
Levinus was. They say that Cineas, during the time of his
abode at Rome, intreating for this peace, did curiously labor
to consider and understande, the manners, order, and life of
the Romaines, and their common weale, discoursing thereof
with the chiefest men of the city : and how afterwards he
made ample reporte of the same unto Pyrrus, and tolde him
amongest other thinges, that the Senate appeared to him, a
counsell house of many kinges. And furthermore (for the The majestie
number of people) that he feared greatly they should fight of the Senate
against such a serpent, as that which was in olde time in the at Rome>
marises of Lerne, of which, when they had cut of one heade,
seven other came up in the place : bicause the Consul!
Levinus had nowe leavied an other army, twise as great as
3 : S 137

PYRRUS

Caius Fabri-
cius, Ambas-
sador to
Pyrrus.

Caius Fabri-
cius a noble
Captaine, but
very poore.

Fabricius re-
fused king-
Pyrrus giftes.

The opinion
of the Epicu-
rians touch-
inge felicity.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

the first was, and had left at Rome also, many times as
many good able men to cary armor. After this, there were
sent Ambassadors from Rome unto Pyrrus, and amongest
other, Caius Fabricius touching the state of the prisoners.
Cineas tolde the kinge his master, that this Fabricius was
one of the greatest menne of accompt in all Rome, a right
honest man, a good Captaine, and a very valliant man of his
handes, yet poore in deede he was notwithstanding. Pyrrus
taking him secretly a side, made very much of him, and
amongest other thinges, offered him bothe golde and silver,
prayinge him to take it, not for any dishonest respect he
ment towardes him, but only for a pledge of the goodwill
and frendshippe that should be betwene them. Fabricius
would none of his gift : so Pyrrus left him for that time.
Notwithstanding, the next morninge thinkinge to feare him,
bicause he had never seene elephant before, Pyrrus com-
maunded his men, that when they sawe Fabricius and him
talkinge together, they shoulde bringe one of his greatest
elephantes, and set him harde by them, behinde a hanging :
which being done at a certaine signe by Pyrrus geven,
sodainly the hanging was pulled backe, and the elephant
with his troncke was over Fabricius heade, and gave a terrible
and fearefull crie. Fabricius softely geving backe, nothing
afrayed, laughed and sayd to Pyrrus smiling: Neither did
your golde (oh king) yesterday move me, nor your elephant
to day feare me. Furthermore, whilest they were at supper,
fallinge in talke of diverse matters, specially touchinge the
state of Greece, and the Philosophers there : Cineas by
chaunce spake of Epicurus, and rehearsed the opinions of
the Epicurians touching the goddes and government of the
common wealth, how they placed mans chiefe felicity in
pleasure, how they fled from all office and publike charge, as
from a thing that hindereth the fruition of true felicity :
howe they maintained that the goddes were immortall,
neither moved with pity nor anger, and led an idle life full
of all pleasures and delightes, without taking any regarde of
mens doinges. But as he still continued this discourse,
Fabricius cried out alowde, and sayd : The goddes graunt
that Pyrrus and the Samnites were of such opinions, as long
138

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

as they had warres against us. Pyrrus marveling much PYRRUS

at the constancy and magnanimity of this man, was more

desirous a great deale to have peace with the Romaines, then

before. And privately prayed Fabricius very earnestly, that

he would treate for peace, whereby he might afterwards

come and remaine with him, saying: that he would give

him the chiefe place of honor about him, amongest all his

frendes. Whereunto Fabricius aunswered him softly : That

were not good (oh king) for your selfe, quod he : for your

men that presently doe honor and esteeme you, by experience

if they once knew me, would rather choose me for their

kinge, then your selfe. Such was Fabricius talke, whose

wordes Pyrrus tooke not in ill parte, neither was offended

with them at all, as a tyran woulde have bene : but did him

selfe reporte to his frendes and familiars the noble minde he

founde in him, and delivered him apon his faith only, all the

Romaine prisoners : to the ende that if the Senate would

not agree unto peace, they might yet see their frendes, and

kepe the feast of Saturne with them, and then to send them

backe againe unto him. Which the Senate established by

decree, upon paine of death to all such as should not

performe the same accordingly. Afterwardes Fabricius was

chosen Consull, and as he was in his campe, there came a

man to him that brought him a letter from kinge Pyrrus King Pyrrus

Phisitian, wrytten with his owne handes: in which the Phisitian

Phisitian offered to poyson his maister, so he would promise p1"^?1?1 to

him a good reward, for ending the warres without further an(j Offereth

daunger. Fabricius detestinge the wickednesse of the to poyson

Phisitian, and having made Q. ^milius his colleague, and his master.

fellowe Consull also, to abhorre the same: wrote a letter

unto Pyrrus, and bad him take heede, for there were that Fabricius

ment to poyson him. The contentes of his letter were letter to

these : Caius Fabricius, and Quintus .Emylius Consuls of P.v.rrus>adveJ-

i • T» i- XT- i_ / i i • \ tising him of '

Rome, unto king Pyrrus greeting. You have (oh king) his phisitions

made unfortunate choise, both of your frendes and of your treason,
enemies, as shall appeare unto you by reading of this letter,
which one of yours hath wrytten unto us : for you make
warres with just and honest men, and do your selfe trust
altogether the wicked and unfaithfull. Hereof therfore

139

PYRRUS

Pyrrus

sendeth the
Romaines
their prison-
ers without
raunsome.

Pyrrus second
battel with the
Romaines, by
the city of
Asculum.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

we have thought good to advertise you, not in respect to
pleasure you, but for feare least the misfortune of your death
might make us unjustly to be accused: imagining that by
trechery of treason, we have sought to end this warre, as
though by valliantnesse we coulde not otherwise atchieve it.
Pyrrus having red this letter, and proved the contentes
thereof true, executed the Phisitian as he had deserved :
and to requite the advertisement of the Consulls, he sent
Fabricius and the Romaines their prisoners, without payinge
of raunsome, and sent Cineas againe unto them, to prove if
he could obtaine peace. Howbeit, the Romaines, bicause
they would neither receive pleasure of their enemies, and
least of all reward, for that they consented not unto so
wicked a deede : did not only refuse to take their prisoners
of free gift, but they sent him againe so many Samnites, and
Tarentines. And furthermore, for peace, and his frend-
shippe, they would geve no eare to it, before the warres were
ended, and that he had sent away his army againe by sea,
into his kingdome of Epirus. Wherefore Pyrrus seing no
remedy, but that he must needes fight an other battell, after
he had somewhat refreshed his army, drewe towardes the citie
of Asculum, where he fought the seconde time with the
Romaines : and was brought into a marvelous ill grounde for
horsemen, by a very swift running river, from whence came
many brookes and deepe marishes, insomuch as his elephantes
could have no space nor ground to joine with the battel of the
footemen, by reason wherof there was a great number of
men hurt and slaine on both sides. And in the ende, the
battell being fought out all day longe, the darke night did
sever them : but the next morninge, Pyrrus to winne the
advantage to fight in the plaine field, where he might
prevaile with the force of his elephantes, sent first certaine
of his bandes to sease upon the naughty ground they had
fought on the day before. And by this policy having
brought the Romaines into the plaine field, he thrust in
amongest his elephants, store of shot, and slingmen, and
then made his army marche (being very well set in order)
with great furie against his enemies. They missinge thother
dayes turninges and places of retyre, were now compelled to

1 "rU

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

fight all on a fronte in the plaine fielde : and striving to PYRRUS
breake into the battell of Pyrrus 'footemen before the ele-
phantes came, they desperately preaced in apon their enemies
pykes with their swordes, not caring for their owne persones
what became of them, but only looked to kill and destroy
their enemies. In the ende notwithstandinge, after the
battell had holden out very long, the Romaines lost it, and Pyrrus vic-
they first beganne to breake and flie on that side where toryofthe
Pyrrus was, by reason of the great force and furie of his Komames-
charge, and much more through the violence of the ele-
phantes : against which, the Romaines valliantnes nor corage
coulde ought prevaile, but that they were driven to geve
them place (much like the rage of surging waves, or
terrible tremblinge of the earth) rather then tary to be
troden under feete, and overthrowen by them, whome they
were not able to hurte againe, but be by them most
grevously martyred, and their troubles thereby yet nothinge
eased. The chase was not long, bicause they fled but into
their campe : and Hieronymus the historiographer writeth,
that there died six thowsande men of the Romaines, and of
Pyrrus parte about three thowsande five hundred and five,
as the kinges owne Chronicles doe witnesse. Neverthelesse,
Dionysius makes no mencion of two battells geven neere unto The wryters
the city of Asculum, nor that the Romaines were certainely agree not
overthrowen : howbeit he confirmeth that there was one ? yrrus

battell only that continued until sunne set, and that they
scarcely severed also when night was come on, Pyrrus being
hurte on the arme with a speare, and his cariage robbed and
spoiled by the Samnites besides. And further, that there died
in this battell, above fifteene thowsande men, as well of Pyrrus
side, as of the Romaines parte : and that at the last, both
the one and the other did retyre. And some say, that it
was at that time Pyrrus aunswered one, who rejoyced with
him for the victory they had wonne : If we winne an other
of the price, quod he, we are utterly undone. For in dede
then had he lost the most parte of his army he brought with
him out of his reahne, and all his frendes and Captaines in
manner every one, or at the least there lacked litle of it : and
besides that, he had no meanes to supplie them with other

141

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

PYRRUS from thence, and perceived also that the confederates he had
in Italic, beganne to waxe colde. Where the Romaines to
the contrary, did easily renue their army with freshe souldiers,
which they caused to come from Rome as neede required,
(much like unto a lively spring, the head whereof they had
at home in their contry) and they fainted not at all for any
losses they received, but rather were they so much the more
hotly bent, stowtely determining to abide out the warres,
what ever betyde. And thus whilest Pyrrus was troubled in
this sorte, newe hopes, and newe enterprises were offred unto
him, that made him doubtful what to do. For even at a
Ambassadors clap came Ambassadors to him out of Sicilia, offering to put
out of Sicilia, into his handes, the cities of Syracusa, of Agrigentum, and
to pray aide of ^he Leontines, and beseeching him to aide them to drive
the Carthaginians out of the He, thereby to deliver them
from all the tyrannes. And on the other side also, newes
was brought him from Greece, howe Ptolomie surnamed the
lightning, was slaine, and all his army overthrowen in battell
against the Gaules, and that now he shoulde come in good
hower for the Macedonians, who lacked but a king. Then
he cursed his hard fortune that presented him all at once,
such sundry occasions to doe great thinges : and as if both
enterprises had bene already in his hande, he made his
accompt that of necessitie he must loose one of them. So,
long debating the matter with him selfe, which of the two
wayes he should conclude uppon : in the ende he resolved,
that by the warres of Sicilia, there was good meane to attaine
to the greater matters, considering that Africke was not
farre from them. Wherefore, disposinge him selfe that way,
he sent Cineas thither immediatly to make his way, and to
speake to the townes and cities of the contry as he was wont
to doe : and in the meane time left a strong garrison in the
Pyrrus jorney city of Tarentum, to kepe it at his devotion, wherewith the
into Sicilia. Tarentines were very angry. For they made request unto
him, either to remaine in their contry to maintaine warres
with them against the Romaines, (which was their meaning
why they sent for him) or else if he would needes go, at the
least wise to leave their city in as good state as he founde
it. But he aunswered them againe very roughly, that they

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

shoulde speake no more to him in it, and that they should PYRRUS
not choose but tary his occasion. And with this aunswere
tooke shippe, and sailed towardes Sicilia : where so soone
as he was arrived, he founde all that he hoped for, for the
cities did willingely put them selves into his handes. And
where necessity of battell was offered him to employ his
army, nothing at the beginning could stande before him.
For, with thirty thowsande footemen, two thowsande five
hundred horsemen, and two hundred sayle which he brought
with him, he drave the Carthaginians before him, and con-
quered all the contry under their obedience. Nowe at that
time, the city of Erix was the strongest place they had : and Pyrrus wanne
there were a great number of good souldiers within it to
defende it. Pyrrus determined to prove the assault of it,
and when his army was ready to geve the charge, he armed
him selfe at all peeces from toppe to toe, and approching
the walls, vowed unto Hercules to geve him a solemne sacri-
fice, with a feast of common playes, so that he would graunt
him grace to shew him selfe unto the Greecians inhabiting
in Sicilia, worthy of the noble auncesters from whence he
came, and of the great good fortune he had in his handes.
This vowe ended, he straight made the trompettes sound to
the assault, and caused the barbarous people that were on
the walles, to retyre with force of his shot. Then when
the scaling ladders were set up, him selfe was the first that
mounted on the walle, where he found diverse of the bar-
barous people that resisted him. But some he threw over
the walles on either side of him, and with his sword slew
many dead about him, himselfe not once hurt : for the bar-
barous people had not the harte to looke him in the face,
his countenaunce was so terrible. And this doth prove that
Homer spake wisely, and like a man of experience, when he
sayd : that valliantnesse onely amongest all other morall Homer of
vertues is that, which hath somtimes, certaine furious motions valliantnes.
and divine provocations, which make a man besides him selfe.
So the city being taken, he honorably performed his vowed
sacrifice to Hercules, and kept a feast of all kindes and sortes
of games and weapons. There dwelt a barbarous people
at that time about Messina, called the Mamertines, who did

143

The Alamer-
tines why so
called.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

PYRRUS much hurt to the Greecians therabouts, makinge many of
them pay taxe and tribute : for they were a great number
of them, and all men of warre and good souldiers, and had
their name also of Mars, bicause they were marshall men,
and geven to armes. Pyrrus led his army against them, and
overthrew them in battell : and put their collectors to death,
that did leavy and exact the taxe, and rased many of their
fortresses. And when the Carthaginians required peace and
his frendship, offering him shippes and money, pretending
greater matters : he made them a shorte aunswere, that
there was but one way to make peace and love betwene
them, to forsake Sicilia altogether, and to be contented to
make Mare Libycum the border betwixt Greece and them.
For his good fortune, and the force he had in his handes, did
set him aloft, and further allured him to follow the hope
that brought him into Sicilia, aspiring first of all unto the
conquest of Libya. Now, to passe him over thither, he had
ships enough, but he lacked owers and mariners : wherefore
when he would presse them, then he began to deale roughly
with the cities of Sicilia, and in anger compelled, and severely
punished them, that would not obey his commaundement.
This he did not at his first comminge, but contrarily had
wonne all their good wills/speaking more curteously to them
then any other did, and shewing that he trusted them alto-
gether, and troubled them in nothing. But sodainly being
altered from a populer prince, unto a violent tyran, he was
not only thought cruell and rigorous, but that worst of all
is, unfaithfull and ingratefull : neverthelesse, though they
received great hurt by him, yet they suffered it, and graunted
him any needefull thing he did demaund. But when they
saw he began to mistrust Thaenon and Sostratus, the two
chiefe Captaines of Syracusa, and they who first caused him
to come into Sicilia, who also at his first arrivall delivered
the city of Syracusa into his hands, and had bene his chiefe
aiders in helping him to compasse that he had done in
Sicilia : when I say they saw he would no more cary them
with him, nor leave them behinde him for the mistrust he
had of them, and that Sostratus fled from him, and absented
him selfe, fearing least Pyrrus would doe him some mischiefe :
144

Pyrrus

cruelty in
Sicilia.

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

and that Pyrrus moreover, had put Thaenon to death, mis- PYRRUS
trusting that he would also have done him some harme.
Then all things fell out against Pyrrus, not one after an
other, nor by litle and litle, but all together at one instant,
and all the cities generally hated him to the death, and did
againe some of them confederate with the Carthaginians, and
others with the Mamertines, to set upon him. But when all
Sicilia was thus bent against him, he received letters from TheSamnites
the Samnites and Tarentines, by which they advertised him, and Taren-
how they had much a doe to defende them selves within pnes se"t *or
their cities and strong holdes, and that they were wholly re^r^e -m^0
driven out of the field: wherfore they earnestly besought Italic,
him speedily to come to their aide. This newes came happely
to him, to cloke his flying, that he might say it was not for
dispaire of good successe in Sicilia that he went his way : but
true it was in dede, that when he saw he could no longer
keepe it, then a shippe could stand still among the waves, he
sought some honest shadow to colour his departing. And
that surely was the cause why he returned againe into Italie.
Neverthelesse, at his departure out of Sicile, they say that
looking backe apon the lie, he said to those that were about
him : O what a goodly field for a battell, my frendes, doe we
leave to the Romaines and Carthaginians, to fight thone
with thother ? And verily so it fell out shortely after, as he
had spoken. But the barbarous people conspiringe together
against Pyrrus, the Carthaginians on the one side watching Pyrrus re-
his passage, gave him battel on the sea, in the very straight turne into
it selfe of Messina, where he lost many of his ships, and Italy out
fled with the rest, and tooke the coast of Italie. And of Sicile>
there the Mamertines on the other side, being gone thither
before, to the number of eighteene thowsande fighting men :
durst not present him battell in open fielde, but taried for
him in certaine straites of the mountaines, and in very hard
places, and so set upon his rereward, and disordered all
his army. They slew two of his elephants, and cut of a
great number of his rereward, so as he was compelled him
selfe in persone to come from his vangard, to helpe them
against the barbarous people, which were lusty valliant
men, and olde trained souldiers. And there Pyrrus caught a
3 : T 145

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

PYRRUS blow on his head with a sworde, and was in great daunger :
Pyrrus hurt insomuch as he was forced to retyre out of the prease and
on his head fight, which did so much the more encorage his enemies,
with a sworde. Among which there was one more adventurous then the
rest, a goodly man of personage, fayer armed in white
armor, who advauncing him selfe farre before his company,
cried out to the king with a bolde and fierce voyce, and
chalenged him to fight with him if he were alive. Pyrrus
beinge mad as it were with this bravery, turned againe with
his garde, in spight of his men, hurt as he was. And besides
that he was all on a fire with choller, and his face all bloody
and terrible to behold, he went through his men, and came
at the length to this barbarous villen that had challenged
Pyrrus with him : and gave him such a blow on his head with all his
a blow of his force and power, that what by the strength of his arme, and
through the goodnes of the temper and mettle of the sword,
head in the the blow clave his head right in the middest, downe to the
middest, and shoulders : so that his heade beinge thus devided, the one
layed it on parte fell on the one shoulder, and the other parte on the
his shoulders. otner> This matter sodainly stayed the barbarous people,
and kept them from goinge any further, they were so afrayed
and amased both to see so great a blowe with ones hande,
and it made them thinke in dede that Pyrrus was more then
a man. After that, they let him go, and troubled him no
more. Pyrrus holding on his jorney, arrived at the length
in the city of Tarentum, with twenty thowsand footemen,
and three thowsand horse. And with these (joyning thereto
the choycest pyked men of the Tarentines) he went incon-
tinently into the field to seeke out the Romaines, who had
their campe within the territories of the Samnites, which
were then in very hard state. For their hartes were killed,
bicause that in many battells and encounters with the
Romaines, they were ever overthrowen. They were very
angry besides with Pyrrus, for that he had forsaken them,
to goe his voyage unto Sicilia, by reason whereof there came
no great number of souldiers into his campe. But notwith-
standing, he devided all his strength into two partes, whereof
he sent the one parte into Lucania, to occupy one of the
Romaine Consulls that was there, to the end he should not
146

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

come to aide his companion : and with the other parte he PYRRUS
went him selfe against Manius Curius, who lay in a very Manius
straunge place of advantage nere to the citie of Benevento, ^uriu^.
attending the aide that should come to him out of Lucania, t/onsu11-
besides also that the Soothsayers (by the signes and tokens
of the birdes and sacrifices) did counsell him not to sturre
from thence. Pyrrus to the contrary, desiring to fight with
Manius before his aide came unto him, which he looked for
out of Lucania, tooke with him the best souldiers he had in
all his army, and the warlikest elephantes, and marched away
in the night, supposing to steale upon Manius on the sodaine,
and geve an assault unto his campe. Now Pyrrus having a
long way to go, and through a woddy contry, his lightes and
torches failed him, by reason whereof many of his souldiers
lost their way, and they lost a great deale of time also, before
they could againe be gathered together : so as in this space
the night was spent, and the day once broken, the enemies
perceived plainely how he came downe the hills. This at
the first sight made them muse a while, and put them in
a litle feare : neverthelesse Manius having had the signes
of the sacrifices favorable, and seeing that occasion did
presse him to it, went out into the field, and set apon the Pyrrus thirde
vowarde of his enemies, and made them turne their backes. ^tt^ with
The which feared all the rest in such wise, that there were t]
slaine a great number of them in the fielde, and certaine Pyrrus over-
elephantes also taken. This victory made Manius Curius throwen by
leave his strength, and come into the plaine field, where CuriuTin
he set his men in battell ray, and overthrew his enemies by battell.
plaine force on the one side : but on the other he was re-
pulsed by violence of the elephantes, and compelled to drawe
backe into his owne campe, wherein he had left a great
number of men to garde it. So when he saw them upon
the rampers of his campe all armed, ready to fight, he called
them out, and they comming fresh out of places of advantage
to charge upon the elephantes, compelled them in a very
shorte time to turne their backes, and flie through their
owne men, whom they put to great trouble, and disorder :
so as in the ende, the whole victory fell apon the Romaines
side, and consequently by meanes of that victory, followed

147

PYRRUS

Pyrrus com-
pared to a
dyce player.

Pyrrus re-
turne into
Epirus out
of Italie.

Pyrrus vic-
tory of Anti-
gonus king
of Macedon.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

the greatnes and power of their Empire. For the Romaines
being growen more coragious by this battell, and having
increased their force, and wonne the reputacion of men un-
conquerable: immediatly after conquered all Italie besides,
and soone after that, all Sicilia. To this ende as you see,
came king Pyrrus vaine hope he had to conquer Italie and
Sicilia, after he had spent sixe yeares continually in warres,
during which time his good fortune decayed, and his army
consumed. Notwithstanding, his noble corage remained
alwayes invincible, what losses soever he had susteined : and
moreover whilest he lived, he was ever esteemed the chiefest
of all the kings and princes in his time, as well for his ex-
perience and sufficiency in warres, as also for the valliantnes
and hardines of his person. But what he wanne by famous
deedes, he lost by vaine hopes : desiring so earnestly that
which he had not, as he forgate to kepe that which he had.
Wherefore Antigonus compared him unto a dice player that
casteth well, but can not use his lucke. Now having brought
backe againe with him into Epirus, eight thowsande foote-
men, and five hundred horsemen, and being without money
to pay them, he devised with him selfe to seeke out some
new warre to entertaine those souldiers, and kepe them
together. Wherefore uppon a newe aide of certaine of the
Gaules beinge comen unto him, he entered into the realme
of Macedon (which Antigonus, Demetrius sonne held at that
time) with intent only to make a forrey, and to get some
spoyle in the contry. But when he saw that he had taken
diverse holdes, and moreover, that two thowsand men of
warre of the contry came and yelded them selves unto him :
he beganne to hope of better successe, then at the first he
looked for. For upon that hope he marched against king
Antigonus selfe, whom he met in a very straight valley, and
at his first comming, gave such a lusty charge upon his
rereward, that he put all Antigonus army in great disorder.
For Antigonus had placed the Gaules in the rereward of his
army to close it in, which were a convenient number, and did
valliantly defend the first charge : and the skirmishe was so
hotte, that the most of them were slaine. After them, the
leaders of the elephantes perceiving they were environned
148

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

on every side, y elded them selves and their beastes. Pyrrus PYRRUS

seeing his power to be now increased with such a supply,

trusting more to his good fortune, then any good reason

might move him : thrust further into the battel of the

Macedonians, who were all afrayed, and troubled for the

overthrowe of their rereward, so as they would not once

base their pykes, nor fight against him. He for his parte

holdinge up his hande, and callinge the Captaines of the

bandes by their names, straight wayes made all the foote-

men of Antigonus turne wholly to his side: who flying, Antigonus

saved him selfe with a few horsemen, and kept certaine of flieth from

the cities in his realme apon the sea coast. But Pyrrus in kin&e *Trrus-

all his prosperity, judging nothing more to redownde to his

honor and glory, then the overthrow of the Gaules, layed

aside their goodliest and richest spoyles, and ofrred up the

same in the temple of Minerva Itonida, with this inscription :

When Pyrrus had subdude, the puisant Gaules in fields,

He caused of their spoiles to make, these targets, armes, and

shields :

The which he hanged up, in temple all on high,
Before Minerva (goddesse here) in signe of victory.
When he had overcome, the whole and hugie hoast :
The which Antigonus did bring, into his contries coast.
Ne marvell should it seeme, though victory he wonne,
Since valliantnes bringes victory, and evermore hath done :
And valliantnes alwayes, hath constantly kept place,
From age to age, and time to time, in JSacus his race.

Immediatly after this battell, all the cities of the realme
of Macedon yelded unto him : but when he had the citie of
JEges in his power, he used the inhabitantes thereof very
hardly, and specially bicause he left a great garrison of the
Gaules there which he had in pay. This nation is extreame
covetous, as then they shewed them selves : for they spared The covetous-
not to breake up the tombes wherein the kinges of Macedon nesse of
lay buried there, tooke away all the gold and silver they Gaules-
could finde, and afterwards with great insolency cast out
their bones into the open winde. Pyrrus was tolde of it,
but he lightly passed it over, and made no reckening of it :
either bicause he deferred it till an other time, by reason of

149

PYRRUS

Areus made
king of
Sparta, and
Cleonymus
put downe.

The cause of
Pyrrus invad-
ing Pelopon-

nesus.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

the warres he had then in hande : or else for that he durst
not meddle with punishing of these barbarous people at that
time. But whatsoever the matter was, the Macedonians
were very angry with Pyrrus, and blamed him greatly for
it. Furthermore, having not yet made all thinges sure in
Macedon, nor being fully possest of the same : new toyes and
hope came into his head, and mocking Antigonus, sayd, he
was a mad man to goe apparrelled in purple like a king, when
a poore cloke might become him like a private man. Now,
Cleonymus king of Sparta being come to procure him to bring
his army into the contry of Lacedaemon, Pyrrus was very
willing to it. This Cleonymus was of the blood royall of
Sparta, but bicause he was a cruell man, and would do all
thinges by authority, they loved him not at Sparta, nor
trusted him at all : and therefore did they put him out, and
made Areus king, a very quiet man. And this was the
oldest quarrell Cleonymus had against the common wealth
of Sparta : but besides that, he had an other private quarrel,
which grewe uppon this cause. In his olde yeares, Cleonymus
had maried a fayer younge Lady called Chelidonida, which
was also of the blood royall, and the daughter of Leotychides.
This Lady being fallen extreamely in love with Acrotatus,
king Areus sonne, a goodly young gentleman, and in his
lusty youth, she greatly vexed and dishonored her husbande
Cleonymus, who was over heade and eares in love and jealousie
with her : for there was not one in all Sparta, but plainely
knewe that his wife made none accompt of him. And thus
his home sorowes, being joyned with his outwarde common
greves, even for spight, desiring a revenge, in choller he went
to procure Pyrrus to come unto Sparta, to restore him againe
to his kingdome. Hereupon he brought him into Lacedae-
monia forthwith, with five and twenty thowsand footemen,
two thowsand horse, and foure and twenty elephantes : by
which preparacion, though by nothing else, the worlde might
plainely see, that Pyrrus came with a minde not to restore
Cleonymus againe unto Sparta, but of intent to conquer for
him selfe (if he could) all the contrie of Peloponnesus. For
in wordes he denied it to the Lacedaemonians them selves,
who sent Ambassadors unto him when he was in the city of
150

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

Megalipolis, where he tolde them that he was come into PYRRUS
Peloponnesus, to sette the townes and cities at libertie which Pyrrus strata-
Antigonus kept in bondage : and that his true intent and geame to the
meaning was to send his young sonnes into Sparta (so they Pa ns'
would be contented) to the end they might be trained after
the Laconian manner, and from their youth have this advan-
tage above all other kinges, to have bene well brought up.
But faining these thinges, and abusing those that came to
meete him on his way, they tooke no heede of him, till he
came within the coast of Laconia, into the which he was no
sooner entred, but he beganne to spoyle and wast the whole
contry. And when the Ambassadors of Sparta reproved
and founde fault with him, for that he made warres upon
them in such sorte, before he had openly proclaimed it : he
made them aunswer : No more have you your selves used to
proclaime that, which you purposed to do to others. Then
one of the Ambassadors called Mandricidas, replied againe
unto him in the Laconian tongue : If thou be a god, thou Mandricidas
wilt doe us no hurt, bicause we have not offended thee : and stowtaunswer
if thou be a man, thou shalt meete with an other that shalbe ^ s
better then thy selfe. Then he marched directly to Sparta,
where Cleonymus gave him counsell even at the first, to Pyrrus be-
assault it. But he would not so do, fearing (as they sayd) siegeth Lace-
that if he did it by night, his souldiers would sacke the city : daemon'
and sayd it should be time enough to assault it the next day
at broad day light, bicause there were but few men within the
towne, and beside they were very ill provided. And further-
more, king Areus him selfe was not there, but gone into
Greta to aide the Gortynians, who had warres in their owne
contry. And doutlesse, that only was the saving of Sparta
from taking, that they made no reckening to assault it
hotly : bicause they thought it was not able to make resist-
aunce. For Pyrrus camped before the towne, throughly
perswaded with him selfe, that he should finde none to fight
with him : and Cleonymus frends and servauntes also did
prepare his lodging there, as if Pyrrus should have come
to supper to him, and lodged with him. When night was
come, the Lacedaemonians counselled together, and secretly
determined to send away their wives, and litle children into

151

PYRRUS

The corage of
the women of
Sparta.

Women
wrought in
the trench.

Women en-
coraged their
men to fight.

Pyrrus battel.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

Greta. But the women them selves were against it, and
there was one amonge them called Archidamia, who went
into the Senate house with a sword in her hand, to speake
unto them in the name of all the rest, and sayd : That they
did their wives great wronge, if they thought them so fainte
harted, as to live after Sparta were destroyed. Afterwards
it was agreed in counsel!, that they should cast a trenche
before the enemies campe, and that at both the endes of the
same they should bury cartes in the ground unto the middest
of the wheeles, to the end that being fast set in the ground,
they should stay the elephantes, and kepe them from passing
further. And when they beganne to go in hand withall,
there came wives and maides unto them, some of them their
clothes girte up round about them, and others all in their
smockes, to worke at this trenche with the old men, advising
the young men that should fight the next morning, to rest
them selves in the meane while. So the women tooke the
third parte of the trenche to taske, which was six cubittes
broade, foure cubits deepe, and eight hundred foote long
as Philarchus sayth : or litle lesse as Hieronymus wryteth.
Then when the breake of day appeared, and the enemies
removed to come to the assault : the women them selves
fetched the weapons which they put into the young mens
hands, and delivered them the taske of the trenche ready
made, which they before had undertaken, praying them
valliantly to keepe and defend it, tellinge them withall,
howe great a pleasure it is to overcome the enemies, fighting
in view and sight of their native contry, and what great
felicity and honor it is to dye in the armes of his mother
and wife, after he hath fought valliantly like an honest man,
and worthy of the magnanimity of Sparta. But Chelidonida
being gone a side, had tyed a halter with a riding knot about
her necke, ready to strangle and hang her selfe, rather then
to fall into the hands of Cleonymus, if by chaunce the city
should come to be taken. Now Pyrrus marched in person
with his battell of footemen, against the fronte of the
Spartans, who being a great number also, did tary his
comming on the other side of the trenche : the which,
besides that it was very ill to passe over, did let the souldiers
152

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

also to fight steadely in order of battell, bicause the earth PYRRUS
being newly cast up, did yeld under their feete. Wherefore,
Ptolomie king Pyrrus sonne, passing all alongest the trench
side with two thowsand Gaules, and all the choyce men of
the Chaonians, assayed if he could get over to the other side
at one of the endes of the trenche where the cartes were :
which being set very deepe into the ground, and one joyned
unto an other, they did not only hinder thassaylants, but
the defendants also. Howbeifr in the end, the Gaules began
to plucke of the wheeles of these cartes, and to draw them
into the river. But Acrotatus, king Areus sonne, a young
man, seeing the daunger, ranne through the city with a
troupe of three hundred lusty youthes besides, ana went to
inclose Ptolomie behinde before he espied him, for that he
passed a secret hollow way till he came even to geve the
charge upon them : whereby they were enforced to turne
their faces towardes him, one runninge in an others necke,
and so in great disorder were thrust into the trenches, and
under the cartes : insomuch as at the last, with much a doe,
and great bloodshed, Acrotatus and his company drave them
backe, and repulsed them. Now the women and old men,
that were on thother side of the trenche, saw plainly before
their face, howe valliantly Acrotatus had repulsed the Gaules. Acrotatus
Wherefore, after Acrotatus had done this exployte, he re- valliantnes.
turned againe through the city unto the place from whence
he came, all on a goare blood, coragious and lively, for the
victory he came newly from. The women of Sparta thought
Acrotatus farre more noble and fayrer to beholde, then ever
he was : so that they all thought Chelidonida happy to have
such a frend and lover. And there were certaine olde men
that followed him, crying after him, Goe thy way Acrotatus,
and enjoy thy love Chelidonida : beget noble children of her
unto Sparta. The fight was cruell on that side where Pyrrus
was, and many of the Spartans fought very valliantly. How-
beit amongest other, there was one named Phillius, who after
he had fought long, and slaine many of his enemies with his
owne handes, that forced to passe over the trenche : per-
ceiving that his hart fainted for the great number of woundes
he had apon him, called one of them that were in the rancke
3 : U 153

Pyrrus
dreame.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

PYRRUS next behinde him, and geving him his place, fell downe
deade in the armes of his frendes, bicause his enemies shoulde
not have his body. In the ende, the battell havinge con-
tinued all the day longe, the night did separate them : and
Pyrrus being layed in his bed, had this vision in his sleepe.
He thought he strake the city of Lacedaemon with lightning,
and that he utterly consumed it : whereat he was so passing
glad, that even with the very joy he awaked. And there-
uppon foorthwith commaunded his Captaines to make their
men ready to the assault : and told his dreame unto his
familiers, supposing that out of dout it did betoken he
should in that approache take the citie. All that heard it,
beleved it was so, saving one Lysimachus : who to the con-
trary, sayed that this vision liked him not, bicause the places
smitten with lightning are holy, and it is not lawfull to enter
into them : by reason whereof he was also affraied, that the
goddes did signifie unto him, that he should not enter into
the citie of Sparta. Pyrrus aunswered him : That saied he, is
a matter disputable to and fro in an open assembly of people,
for there is no maner of certainty in it. But furthermore,
every man must take his weapon in his hand, and set this
sentence before his eyes :

A right good sigue it is, that he would hazard life

In just defence of masters cause with speare and bloody knife.

Alludinge unto Homers verses, which he wrote for the de-
fence of his contry. And saying thus, he rose, and at the
breake of day led his army unto the assault. On thother
side also, the Lacedaemonians with a marvelous corage and
magnanimity, farre greater then their force bestirred them
selves wonderfully to make resistaunce, having their wives by
them that gave them their weapons wherewith they fought,
and were ready at hand to geve meate and drinke to them
that needed, and did also withdrawe those that were hurt
to cure them. The Macedonians likewise for their parte,
endevored them selves with all their might to fill uppe the
trenche with wodde and other thinges, which they cast upon
the dead bodies and armors, lying in the bottome of the
ditche : and the Lacedaemonians againe, labored all that they

154

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

could possible to let them. But in this great broyle, one PYRRUS

perceived Pyrrus a horse backe to have lept the trenche, past

over the strength of the cartes, and make force to enter into

the city. Wherfore those that were appointed to defende

that parte of the trench, cried out straight : and the women

fell a shreeking, and running, as if all had bene lost. And as

Pyrrus passed further, striking downe with his owne handes

all that stoode before him, a Cretan shot at him, and strake Pyrrus in

his horse through both sides : who leapinge out of the prease £?un£er of

for paine of his wounde, dying, caried Pyrrus away, and threw .^ jjf ' _a_f

1_ * Jl 1 * (* 1 • 11 11 * tUC olCiiC OI

mm uppon the hanging ot a steepe hill, where he was m Sparta,
great daunger to fall from the toppe. This put all his
servauntes and frendes about him in a marvelous feare, and
therewithall the Lacedaemonians seeing them in this feare
and trouble ran immediatly unto that place, and with force
of shotte drave them all out of the trenche. After this
retyre, Pyrrus caused all assault to cease, hoping the Lace-
daemonians in the end would yeelde, consideringe there were
many of them slaine in the two dayes past, and all the rest
in maner hurt. Howbeit, the good fortune of the citie
(whether it were to prove the valliantnes of the inhabit-
antes them selves, or at the least to shew what power they
were of even in their greatest nede and distresse, when the
Lacedaemonians had small hope left) brought one Aminias
Phocian from Corinthe, one of king Antigonus Captaines
with a great band of men, and put them into the city to
aide them: and straight after him, as soone as he had entred,
king Areus arrived also on thother side from Greta, and two King Areus
thowsand souldiers with him. So the women went home to arriyed in
their houses, makinge their reckening that they should not
neede any more to trouble them selves with warres. They
gave the olde men liberty also to goe and rest them selves,
who being past all age to fight, for necessities sake yet were
driven to arme them selves, and take weapon in hande : and
in order of battell placed the newe come souldiers in their
roomes. Pyrrus understanding that newe supplies were come,
grewe to greater stomake then before, and inforced all that
he could, to winne the towne by assault. But in the end,
when to his cost he founde that he wanne nothing but

155

PYRRUS

Sedition in
the city of
Argos.

Pyrrus re-
pulsed from
Sparta goeth
to Argos.

Ptolomie
kinge Pyrrus
sonne, slaine
by Oraesus
Cretan.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

blowes, he gave over the siege, and went to spoyle all the
contry about, determining to lye there in garrison all the
winter. He coulde not for all this avoide his destenie.
For there rose a sedition in the city of Argos betwene two
of the chiefest citizens, Aristeas and Aristippus : and bicause
Aristeas thought that kinge Antigonus did favor his enemy
Aristippus, he made hast to sende first unto Pyrrus, whose
nature and disposition was such, that he did continually
heape hope uppon hope, ever taking the present prosperity,
for an occasion to hope after greater to come. And if it
fell out he was a loser, then he sought to recover him selfe,
and to restore his losse, by some other newe attempts. So
that neither for being conqueror, nor overcomen, he would
ever be quiet, but alwayes troubled some, and him selfe
also : by reason wherof, he sodainly departed towardes Argos.
But king Areus having layed ambushes for him in diverse
places, and occupied also the straightest and hardest passages,
by the which he was to passe : gave a charge uppon the
Gaules and Molossians, which were in the tayle of his army.
Now, the selfe same day Pyrrus was warned by a Soothsayer,
who sacrificing had founde the liver of the sacrificed beast
infected : that it betokened the losse of some most neere
unto him. But when he heard the noyse of the charge
geven, he thought not of the forwarning of his Soothsayer,
but commaunded his sonne to take his household servauntes
with him, and to go thither: as he him selfe in the meane time
with as great hast as he could, made the rest of his army
marche, to get them quickely out of this daungerous way.
The fraye was very hotte about Ptolomie Pyrrus sonne, for
they were all the chiefe men of the Lacedaemonians with
whome he had to doe, led by a valliant Captaine called
Evalcus. But as he fought valliantly against those that
stoode before him, there was a souldier of Greta called
Oraesus, borne in the citie of Aptera, a man very ready of
his hande, and light of foote, who running alongest by him,
strake him such a blowe on his side, that he fell downe dead
in the place. This prince Ptolomie being slaine, his com-
pany began straight to flie : and the Lacedaemonians followed
the chase so hottely, that they tooke no heede of them selves,
156

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

untill they sawe they were in the plaine field farre from their PYRRUS
footemen. Wherefore, Pyrrus unto whom the death of his
sonne was newly reported, being a fire with sorow and
passion, turned sodainly upon them with the men of armes
of the Molossians, and being the first that came unto them,
made a marvelous slaughter among them. For, notwith-
standing that every where before that time he was terrible
and invincible, having his sword in his hande : yet then he
did shewe more proofe of his valliantnes, strength, and
corage, then he had ever done before. And when he had
sette spurres to his horse against Evalcus to close with him,
Evalcus turned on the toe side, and gave Pyrrus such a
blowe with his sword, that he missed litle the cutting of his
bridle hande : for he cut in deede all the raines of the bridle
a sunder. But Pyrrus straight ranne him through the body Pyrrus slue
with his speare, and lighting of from his horse, he put all Evalcus.
the troupe of the Lacedaemonians to the sword that were
about the body of Evalcus, being all chosen men. Thus
the ambition of the Captaines was cause of that losse unto
their contry for nothing, considering that the warres against
them were ended. But Pyrrus having now as it were made
sacrifice of these poore bodies of the Lacedaemonians, for the
soule of his dead sonne, and fought thus wonderfully also to
honor his funeralls, converting a great parte of his sorow for
his death, into anger and wrath against the enemies : he
afterwardes held on his way directly towardes Argos. And
understanding that king Antigonus had already seased the
hills that were over the valley, he lodged neere unto the city
of Nauplia : and the next morning following sent a heraulde
unto Antigonus, and gave him defyance, calling him wicked
man, and chalenged him to come downe into the valley to
fight with him, to trye which of them two should be king.
Antigonus made him aunswer, that he made warres as much Antigonus
with time, as with weapon : and furthermore, that if Pyrrus aun|were
were weary of his life, he had wayes open enough to put him ch
selfe to death. The citizens of Argos also sent Ambassadors
unto them both, to pray them to departe, sith they knew
that there was nothing for them to see in the city of Argos,
and that they would let it be a newter, and frend unto them

157

PYRRUS

Tokens of
Pyrrus death.

Pyrrus fight
in the city
of Argos.

Aspides, the
Castell in
Argos.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

both. King Antigonus agreed unto it, and gave them his
sonne for hostage. Pyrrus also made them fayer promise to
do so too, but bicause he gave no caution nor sufficient pledge
to performe it, they mistrusted him the more. Then there
fel out many great and wonderful tokens, as wel unto Pyrrus,
as unto the Argives. For Pyrrus having sacrificed oxen,
their heades being striken of from their bodies, they thrust
out their tongues, and licked up their owne blood. And
within the city of Argos, a sister of the temple of Apollo
Lycias, called Apollonide, ranne through the streetes, crying
out that she saw the city full of murder, and blood running
all about, and an Eagle that came unto the fraye, howbeit
she vanished away sodainly, and no body knewe what became
of her. Pyrrus then comminge hard to the walles of Argos
in the night, and finding one of the gates called Diamperes,
opened by Aristeas, he put in his Gaules : who possessed the
market place, before the citizens knew any thing of it. But
bicause the gate was too low to passe the elephantes through
with their towers upon their backes, they were driven to take
them of, and afterwards when they were within, to put them
on in the darke, and in tumulte : by reason whereof they lost
much time, so that the citizens in the ende perceived it, and
ran incontinently unto the castell of Aspides, and into other
strong places of the city. And therewithall, they sent with
present speede unto Antigonus, to pray him to come and
helpe them, and so he did : and after he was come hard to
the walles, he remained without with the skowtes, and in the
meane time sent his sonne with his chiefest Captaines into the
towne, who brought a great number of good souldiers and
men of warre with them. At the same time also arrived
Areus, king of Sparta, with a thowsand of the Cretans, and
most lusty Spartans : all which joyning together, came to
geve a charge upon the Gaules that were in the market
place, who put them in a marvelous feare and hazard.
Pyrrus entring on that side also of the city called Cylarabis,
with terrible noyse and cries : when he understoode that the
Gaules aunswered him not lustely and coragiously, he doubted
straight that it was the voyce of men distressed, and that
had their handes full. Wherefore, he came on with speede
158

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

to relieve them, thrusting the horsemen forwards that PYRRUS

marched before him, with great daunger and paine, by

reason of holes, and sinckes, and water conduites, whereof

the city was full. By this meane there was a wonderfull

confusion amongest them, as may be thought fightinge by

night, where no man saw what he had to doe, nor could

heare what was commaunded, by reason of the great noyse

they made, straying here and there up and downe the

streetes, thone scattered from the other : neither could the

Captaines set their men in order, as wel for the darkenes of

the night, as also for the confused tumult that was all the

city over, and for that the streetes also were very narrow.

And therefore they remained on both sides without doing

any thing, looking for day light : at the dawning wherof,

Pyrrus perceived the castel of Aspides, ful of his armed

enemies. And furthermore, sodainly as he was come into

the market place, amongest many other goodly common

workes sette out to beautifie the same, he spied the images

of a bull and a woulfe in copper, the which fought one with A bull and

an other. This sight made him afrayed, bicause at that wolfe in

present he remembred a prophecy that had bene tolde him, ?°PPer> .set UP
Fi . , . jjj.i.riju i. ii? m the city of

that his end and death should be, when he sawe a woulte Areos fiffht-

and a bull fight together. The Argives reporte, that these ing together,
images were set up in the market place, for the remem-
braunce of a certaine chaunce that had happened in their
contrie. For when Danaus came thither first, by the way
called Pyramia (as one would say, land sowen with corne) in
the contry of Thyreatide, he saw as he went, a woulfe fight Danaus wan
with a bull : whereupon he stayed to see what the end of
their fight would come to, supposing the case in him selfe,
that the woulfe was of his side, bicause that being a
straunger as he was, he came to set uppon the naturall
inhabitantes of the contry. The woulfe in the ende obtained
the victory : wherefore Danaus making his prayer unto
Apollo Lycias, followed on his enterprise, and had so good Apollo Lycias.
successe, that he drave Gelanor out of Argos, who at that Gelanor
time was king of the Argives. And thus you heare the king of the
cause why they say these images of the woulfe and bull were r£lves>
set up in the market place of Argos. Pyrrus being halfe

159

Helenus
Pyrrus sonne

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

PYRRUS discoraged with the sight of them, and also bicause nothinge
fell out well according to his expectacion, thought best to
retyre : but fearing the straitenesse of the gates of the city,
he sent unto his sonne Helenus, whome he had left without
the city with the greatest parte of his force and army, com-
maunding him to overthrow a peece of the wall that his men
might the more readily get out, and that he might receive
them,if their enemies by chaunce did hinder their comming out.
But the messenger whom he sent, was so hasty and fearefull,
with the tumult that troubled him in going out, that he did
not well understand what Pyrrus sayd unto him, but reported
his message quite contrary. Whereuppon the young prince
Helenus taking the best souldiers he had with him, and the
rest of his elephantes, entred into the city to helpe his father,
who was now geving backe : and so long as he had roome to
fight at ease, retyring still, he valliantly repulsed those that
set upon him, turning his face oft unto them. But when he
was driven unto the streete that went from the market place
to the gate of the city, he was kept in with his owne men
that entered at the same gate to helpe him. But they
coulde not heare when Pyrrus cried out, and bad them go
backe, the noyse was so great : and though the first had
heard him, and would have gone backe, yet they that were
behinde, and did stil thrust forward into the prease, did
not permit them. Besides this moreover, the biggest of all
the elephantes by misfortune fell downe overthwart the gate,
where he grindinge his teeth did hinder those also, that
would have comen out and geven backe. Furthermore, an
other of the elephantes that were entred before into the city,
called Nicon (as much to say, as conquering) seeking his
governor that was striken downe to the ground from his backe
with terrible blowes : ran upon them that came backe upon
him, overthrowing frendes and foes one in an others necke,
til at the length having founde the body of his master slaine,
he lift him up from the ground with his troncke, and cary-
ing him upon his two tushes, returned backe with great
fury, treading all under feete he found in his way. Thus
every man being thronged and crowded up together in this
sorte, there was not one that could helpe him selfe : for it
160

The straunge
love of an
Elephant to
his keeper.

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

seemed to be a masse and heape of a multitude, and one PYRRUS
whole body shut together, which sometime thrust forward,
and somtime gave backe, as the sway went. They fought
not so much against their enemies, who set apon them
behinde : but they did them selves more hurt, then their
enemies did. For if any drew out his sword, or based his
pyke, he could neither scabard thone againe, nor lift up
thother, but thrust it full upon his owne fellowes that came
in to helpe them, and so killed them selves one thrusting
upon an other. Wherefore Pyrrus seeing his people thus
troubled and harried to and fro, tooke his crowne from his
heade which he ware apon his helmet, that made him knowen
of his men a farre of, and gave it unto one of his familiars
that was next unto him : and trusting then to the goodnes
of his horse, flewe upon his enemies that followed him. It
fortuned that one hurt him with a pyke, but the wound was
neither daungerous nor great : wherfore Pyrrus set upon him
that had hurt him, who was an Argian borne, a man of
meane condition, and a poore olde womans sonne, whose
mother at that present time was gotten up to the toppe of
the tyles of a house, as all other women of the city were, to
see the fight. And she perceiving that it was her sonne
whome Pyrrus came apon, was so afrighted to see him in
that daunger, that she tooke a tyle, and with both her Kinge Pyrrus
handes cast it apon Pyrrus. The tyle falling of from his
head by reason of his head peece, lighted full in the nape of
his necke, and brake his necke bone a sunder : wherewith he
was sodainly so benummed, that he lost his sight with the
blow, the raines of his bridle fell out of his hande, and him
selfe fell from his horse to the ground, by Licymmias tombe,
before any man knew what he was, at the least the common
people. Untill at the last there came one Zopyrus, that was
in pay with Antigonus, and two or three other souldiers
also that ran straight to the place, and knowing him,
dragged his body into a gate, even as he was comming againe
to him selfe out of this traunse. This Zopyrus drewe out a
Slavon sword he wore by his side, to strike of his head. But
Pyrrus cast such a grimme countenance on him betwene his
eyes, that made him so afrayed, and his hand so to shake
3 : X 161

PYRRUS

Alcyoneus
king Anti-
gouus sonne.

Antigonus
curtesie to-
wards Pyrrus
body and
frendes.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

therewith : that being thus amazed, he did not strike him
right in the place where he should have cut of his head, but
killed him under his mouth about his chinne, so that he was
a great while ere he could strike of his head. The matter
was straight blowen abroade amongest diverse : whereupon
Alcyoneus running thither, asked for the head that he might
know it againe. But when he had it, he ranne presently
unto his father withall, and found him talking with his
familiar frends, and cast Pyrrus head before him. Antigonus
looking upon it, when he knew it, layed apon his sonne with
his staffe, and called him cruell murderer, and unnaturall
barbarous beast : and so hyding his eyes with his cloke, wept
for pity, (remembring the fortune of his grandfather Anti-
gonus, and of his father Demetrius) and then caused Pyrrus
head and body to be honorably burnt and buried. After-
wards Alcyoneus meeting Helenus (king Pyrrus sonne) in
very poore state, mufled up with a poore shorte cloke : used
him very curteously with gentle wordes, and brought him to
his father. Antigonus seeing his sonne bringing of him,
sayd unto him : This parte now (my sonne) is better then
the first, and pleaseth me a great deale more. But yet
thou hast not done all thou shouldest : for thou shouldest
have taken from him his beggerly cloke he weareth, which
doth more shame us that are the gainers, then him that is
the loser. After he had spoken these wordes, Antigonus
embraced Helenus, and having apparelled him in good
sorte, sent him home with honorable convoy into his
real me of Epirus. Furthermore, seasing all Pyrrus
campe and army, he curteously received all his
frendes and servauntes.

THE END OF PYRRUS LIFE

162

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

THE LIFE OF CAIUS MARIUS

Romaines.

T is not knowen what was the third name of
Caius Marius, no more then of Quintius
Sertorius, who had all Spayne in his handes
at one time : nor of Lucius Mummius, he
that destroyed the citie of Corinthe. For Of the names
this name of Achaicus, that was g-even V/the.

, *—• . W f\-m 01*

unto Mummius, of Afncanus unto Scipio :
and of Numidicus unto Metellus: were all
surnames geven them, by reason of the conquestes they wan.
By this reason Posidonius thinketh to overcome them that
say, that the third name the Romaines have, is their proper
name : as Camillus, Marcellus, Cato. For if it fell out so,
sayd he, then it must needes follow that they which have
two names, should have no proper name. But on the other
side also, he doth not consider that by the like reason he
should say, that women have no names : for there is not a
woman in Rome that is called by her first name, which
Posidonius judgeth to be the proper name of the Romaines.
And that of the other two, the one is the common name of
all the house or family, as of the Pompeians, of the Manlians,
and of the Cornelians, like as the Heraclides and the Pelopides
are amongest the Greecians : and the other is a surname
taken of the deedes, or of the nature, forme, or shape of the
body, or of some other like accident, as are these surnames,
Macrinus, Torquatus, and Sylla. Even as amongest the
Greecians likewise, Mnemon, which signifieth having good
memory : Grypos, having a crooked nose : Callinicos, con-
quering. But as for that, the diversitie of custome would
deliver objection sufficient to the contrary, to him that
listed. And furthermore, as touching the favor of Marius Marius favor,
face, we have seene an image of his in marbell at Ravenna,
a city of the Gaules, which doth lively represent that rough
severity of nature and maner which they say was in him.
For being borne a rough man by nature, and geven to the

163

CAIUS
MARIUS

Marius could
no skill of the
Greeke tonge.

Platoes say-
ing to Xeno-
crates.

Marius
parents,
maners, and
contry.

Marius first
jorney unto
the warres.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

warres, and having followed the same altogether from his
youth, more then the civill life : when he came to authority,
ne could not bridle his anger and chollericke nature. And
they say furthermore, that he never learned the Greeke
tongue, nor used it in any matters of weight : as though it
had bene a mockery to study to learne the tongue, the
masters whereof lived in bondage under others. After his
second triumphe, in the dedication of a certaine temple, he
made Greeke playes to shewe the Romaines pastime : and
came into the Theater, howbeit he did but sit downe only,
and went his way straight. Wherfore me thinkes, that as
Plato was wont to say oft unto Xenocrates the Philosopher,
who was of a currish nature, had his head ever occupied, and
to severe : Xenocrates, my frend : I pray thee doe sacrifice
to the Graces. So if any man could have perswaded Marius
to have sacrificed to the Muses, and to the Greecian Graces :
(that is to say, that he had knowen the Greeke tongue) to so
many famous and glorious deedes as he did, both in peace
and warres, he had not joyned so unfortunate and miserable
an end as he made, through his choller and extreame ambi-
tion, at such yeares, and through an unsatiable covetousnes,
which like boysterous windes made him to make shipwracke
of all, in a most cruell, bloody, and unnaturall age. The
which is easily knowen in reading the discourse of his
doinges. First of all he was of a meane house, borne of
poore parents by father and mother, that got their livings by
sweate of their browes. His father as him selfe, was called
Caius : Fulcinia was his mother. And this was the cause
why he beganne so late to haunt the city, and to learne
the civility and manners of Rome, having bene brought
up alwayes before in a litle poore village called Cirroeaton,
within the territory of the city of Arpos: where he led a
hard contry life, in respect of those that lived pleasauntly
and finely in the cities, but otherwise well reformed, and
nearest unto the manners of the auncient Romaines. The
first jorney he made unto the warres, was against the Celti-
berians in Spayne, under Scipio African, when he went to
besiege the city of Numantia : where his Captaines in shorte
time found that he was a better souldier, then any other of
164

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

his companions. For he did marvelous easily receive the CAIUS

reformation of manners, and the discipline of warres, which MARIUS

Scipio advaunced amongest his souldiers that were ill trained

before, and geven over to all pleasure. And they say, that

in the sight of his Generall he fought hand to hand with one

of his enemies, and slew him : upon which occasion, Scipio

to make him love him, did offer him many curtesies and

pleasures. But specially one day above the rest, having

made him suppe with him at his table, some one after

supper falling in talke of Captaines that were in Rome

at that time : one that stoode by Scipio, asked him (either

bicause in deede he stoode in doubt, or else for that he

would curry favor with Scipio) what other Captaine the

Romaines should have after his death, like unto him. Scipio

having Marius by him, gently clapped him apon his shoulder,

and sayd : Peradventure this shalbe he. Thus happely were Scipio Afri-

they both borne, the one to shew from his youth that one cans Ju^ge-

day he should come to be a great man, and the other also ?Len. °

for wisely conjecturing the end, by seeing of the beginning.

Well, it fortuned so, that these words of Scipio (by reporte)

above all things else put Marius in a good hope, as if they

had bene spoken by the oracle of some god, and made him

bold to deale in matters of state and common wealth :

where, by meanes of the favor and countenaunce Caecilius

Metellus gave him (whose house his father and he had

alwayes followed and honored) he obtained the office of Marius

Tribuneshippe. In this office he preferred a law touching Tribune of
i ^1 i . • /• ji the people,

the manner howe to geve the voyces in election 01 the

Magistrates, which did seeme to take from the nobility the
authority they had in judgement. And therefore the Con-
sull Cotta stepped up against it, and perswaded the Senate CottaConsull.
to resist that lawe, and not suffer it to be authorised, and
therewithall presently to call Marius before them to yeld
a reason of his doing. So was it agreed uppon in the Senate.
Now Marius comming into the Senate, was not abashed at
any thing, as some other young man would have bene, that
had but newly begonne to enter into the world as he did,
and having no other notable calling or quality in him,
saving his vertue only to commend him : but taking boldenes

165

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

CAIUS of him selfe (as the noble actes he afterwards did, gave show
MARIUS of his valor) he openly threatned the Consull Cotta to sende
him to prison, if he did not presently withdrawe the con-
clusion he had caused to be resolved apon. The Consull
then turning him selfe unto Caecilius Metellus, asked him
how he liked it ? Metellus standing up, spake in the behalfe
of the Consull : and then Marius calling a sergeaunt out,
commaunded him to take Metellus selfe, and to cary him
to prison. Metellus appealed to the other Tribunes, but
never a one would take his matter in hand : so that the
Senate when all was done, were compelled to call backe
the conclusion that before was taken. Then Marius re-
turning with great honor into the market place among
the assembly of the people, caused this law to passe and
be authorised : and every man held opinion of him that
he would prove a stowt man, and such a one, as would
not stoupe for any feare, nor shrinke for bashfullnes,
but would beard the Senate in favor of the people. Not-
withstanding, he shortly after chaunged opinion, and
altered the first, by an other act he made. For when an
other went about to have a law made, to distribute corne
unto every citizen without payment of any penny, he was
vehemently against it, and overthrew it : so that thereby he
came to be a like honored and estemed of either party, as
he that would neither pleasure the one, nor the other, to
the prejudice of the common wealth. After he had bene
Tribune, he sued for the chiefest office of yEdilis. Of the
Two sortes of JEdiles there are two sortes : the first is called ^Edilitas
^diles. CuruliS) so named bicause of certaine chayers that have

jEdilitas crooked feete, upon which they sit when they geve audience.
Curuhs. T^ other js of iesse dignity, and that is called JEdilitas

JEdilitas popularis : and when they have chosen the first and greater
populans. ^Edilis at Rome, they presently proceede the same day also
in the market place unto election of the lesser. Marius see-
Marius ing plainely that he was put by the chiefest of the ^Ediles,

denyed to turned againe straight yet to demaund the second : but this
be vEdilis. was mjslikecl jn hjm) and they tooke him for too bold, too
shameles, and too presumptuous a man. So that in one
selfe day he had two denyalles and repulses, which never
166

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

man but him selfe before had. And neverthelesse, all this CAIUS
could not cut his combe, but shortely after he sued also MARIUS
for the Praetorshippe, and he lacked but litle of the deniall
of that: yet in the ende, being last of all chosen, he was Marius chosen
accused to have bribed the people, and bought their voyces Praetor,
for money. And surely amongest many other, this pre-
sumption was very great : that they saw a man of Cassius
Sabacon within the barres where the election is made, run-
ning to and fro amonge them that gave their voyces, bicause
this Sabacon was Marius very great frend. The matter
came before the j udges, and Sabacon was examined upon it.
Whereunto he aunswered, that for the great extreame heate
he felt, he was very dry, and asked for colde water to drinke,
and that this man had brought him some in a potte where
he was, howbeit that he went his way as soone as ever he
had dronke. This Sabacon was afterwardes put out of the Sabacon put
Senate by the next Censors, and many judge that he was of the Senate,
worthy of this infamy, for that he was perjured in judgement,
or bicause he was so subject and geven to his pleasure.
Caius Herennius was also called for a witnesse against CaiusHeren-
Marius : but he did alleage for his excuse, that the law and nius pl?aded
custome did dispense with the Patrone, to be a witnesse j"jy a™uspe-
against his follower and client, and he was quit by the ing the patron
judges. For the Romaines alwayes call those Patrons, who and client,
take the protection of meaner then them selves into their
handes : saying, that Marius predecessors, and Marius him
selfe, had ever bene followers of the house of the Herennians.
The judges received his aunswere, and allowed thereof. But
Marius spake against it, alleaging, that since he had received
this honor to beare office in the common wealth, he was now
growen from this base condicion, to be any more a follower
of any man : the which was not true in all. For every office
of a Magistrate doth not exempt him that hath the office,
nor yet his posterity, to be under the patronage of an other,%
nor doth discharge him from the duety of honoring them :
but of necessity he must be a Magistrate, which the law doth
permit to sit in the crooked chayer called Curulis, that is to
say, caried uppon a charet through the city. But notwith-
standing that at the first hearing of this cause, Marius had

167

CAIUS
MARIUS

Marius actes
in Spayne.

The opinion
of Spanyards
in olde time.

Eloquence,
and riches,
raised men to
authority.

How Marius
credit and
estimacion
grew.

lulia, Marius
wife.

Marius tem-
peraunce and
pacience.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

but ill successe, and that the judges were against him all
they could : yet in the ende for all that, at the last hearing
of his matter, Marius, contrary to all mens opinions, was dis-
charged, bicause the judges opinions with and against him
fell to be of like number. He used him selfe very orderly in
his office of Praetorshippe, and after his yeare was out, when
it came to devide the provinces by lot, Spaine fell unto him,
which is beyond the river of Baetis : where it is reported that
he skowred all the contrie thereabouts of theeves and robbers,
which notwithstanding was yet very cruell and savage, for
the rude, barbarous, and uncivill manner and facion of life
of the inhabitantes there. For the Spanyards were of
opinion even at that time, that it was a goodly thinge to
live apon thefte and robbery. At his returne to Rome out
of Spayne, desiring to deale in matters of the common
wealth, he saw that he had neither eloquence nor riches,
which were the two meanes, by the which those that were
at that time in credit and authority, did cary the people
even as they would. Notwithstanding, they made great
accompt of his constancy and noble minde they found in
him, of his great paynes and travell he tooke continually,
and of the simplicity of his life : which were causes to bring
him to honor and preferment, insomuch as he maried very
highly. For he maried lulia, that was of the noble house
of the Caesars, and aunte unto lulius Caesar : who after-
wardes came to be the chiefest man of all the Romaines, and
who by reason of that allyance betwene them, seemed in
some thinges to followe Marius, as we have wrytten in his
life. Marius was a man of great temperaunce and pacience,
as may be judged by an acte he did, puttinge him selfe into
the handes of surgeons. For his shanckes and legges were
full of great swollen veynes, and being angrie bicause it was
no pleasaunt thinge to beholde : he determined to put him
selfe into the handes of surgeons to be cured. And first,
laying out one of his legges to the surgeon to worke upon,
he would not be bound as others are in the like case :
but paciently abode all the extreame paines a man must of
necessity feele being cut, without sturring, groning, or sigh-
ing, still keeping his countenaunce, and sayed never a word.
168

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

But when the surgeon had done with his first legge, and CAIUS
would have gone to the other, he would not geve it him : MARIUS
Nay sayd he, I see the cure is not worth the paine I must
abide. Afterwardes, Csecilius Metellus the Consull, being Csecilius
appointed to go into Africke to make warre with king Metellus
lugurthe, tooke Marius with him for one of his Lieutenauntes. Consull.
Marius being there, seeing notable good service to be done, Marius,
and good occasion to shew his manhoode, was not of minde Metellus
in this voyage to increase Metellus honor and reputacion, as ^euteuaunt
4.u T • jP j-j j 0.1. i-o. j.u i. -i. o. m the warre

other Lieutenauntes did : and thought that it was not against

Metellus that called him forth for his Lieutenaunt, but lugurthe.
fortune her selfe that presented him a fit occasion to raise
him to greatnes, and (as it were) did lead him by the hand
into a goodly field, to put him to the proofe of that he
coulde doe. And for this cause therefore, he endevored him
selfe to shew all the possible proofes of valliantnesse and
honor he could. For, the warres being great continually
there, he never for feare refused any attempt or service, how
daungerous or painfull soever it were, neither disdained to
take any service in hand, were it never so litle : but exceeding
all other his fellowes and companions in wisedome and fore-
sight, in that which was to be done, and striving with the
meanest souldiers in living hardly and painefully, wanne the
goodwill and favor of every man. For to say truely, it is a
great comforte and refreshing to souldiers that labor, to have
companions that labor willingly with them. For they thinke,
that their company laboring with them, doth in manner take
away the compulsion and necessity. Furthermore, it pleaseth
the Romaine souldier marvelously to see the Generall eate
openly of the same bread he eateth, or that he lyeth on a The labour
hard bed as he doth, or that him selfe is the first man to set and presence
his hande to any worke when a trenche is to be cast, or their of ^e 9e^~
campe to be fortified. For they doe not so much esteeme tjje soui(iiers
the Captaines, that honor and reward them : as they doe worke wil-
those that in daungerous attempts labor, and venture their lingly.
lives with them. And further, they do farre better love
them that take paines with them, then those that suffer them
to live idlely by them. Marius performing all this, and
winning thereby the love and goodwills of his souldiers : he
3 : Y 169

CAIUS
MARIUS

Marius the
author of
Turpilius
false accusa-
tion and
death.

Vacca, a

great city.

The cause of
the supposed
treason
against
Turpilius.

Turpilius
wrongfully
put to death.

Displeasure
betwixt
Metellus and
Marius.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

straight filled all Libya and the city of Rome with his glory,
so that he was in every manns mouth. For they that were
in the campe in Africke, wrote unto them that were at
Rome, that they should never see the ende of these warres
against this barbarous king, if they gave not the charge unto
Marius, and chose him Consull. These thinges misliked
Metellus very much, but specially the misfortune that came
apon Turpilius, did marvelously trouble him : which fell out
in this sorte. Turpilius was Metellus frende, yea he and
all his parentes had followed Metellus in this warre, being
master of the workes in his campe. Metellus made him
governor over the city of Vacca, a goodly great city : and he
using the inhabitantes of the same very gently and curteously,
mistrusted nothing, till he was fallen into the handes of his
enemies through their treason. For they had brought king
lugurthe into their city unknowing to him, howbeit they
did him no hurt, but onely begged him of the king, and let
him goe his way safe. And this was the cause why they
accused Turpilius of treason. Marius being one of his
judges in the counsell, was not contented to be bitter to him
him selfe, but moved many of the counsell besides to be
against him. So that Metellus by the voyces of the people,
was driven against his will to condemne him, to suffer as a
traitor : and shortly after it was founde, and proved, that
Turpilius was wrongfully condemned, and put to death. To
say truely, there was not one of the counsel but were very
sory with Metellus, who marvelous impaciently tooke the
death of the poore innocent. But Marius contrarily re-
joy ced, and tooke it upon him that he pursued his death,
and was not ashamed to make open vauntes, that he had
hanged a fury about Metellus necke, to revenge his
frendes blood, whom he giltlesse had caused to be put to
death. After that time they became mortall enemies. And
they say, that one day Metellus to mocke him withall, sayd
unto him : O good man, thou wilt leave us then, and returne
to Rome to sue for the Consulshippe, and canst thou not be
contented to tary to be Consull with my sonne ? Now his
sonne at that time was but a boy. But whatsoever the
matter ment, Marius left him not so, but labored for leave
170

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

all he could possible. And Metellus after he had used many CAIUS
delayes and excuses, at the length gave him leave, twelve MARIUS
dayes only before the day of election of the Consulls. Where-
fore Marius made hast, and in two dayes and a night came
from the campe to Utica apon the sea side, which is a mar-
velous way from it : and there before he tooke shippe, did
sacrifice unto the goddes, and the Soothsayer tolde him,
that the goddes by the signes of his sacrifices, did promise
him uncredible prosperity, and so great, as he himselfe durst
not hope after. These wordes made Marius hart greater.
Whereupon he hoysed sayle, and having a passing good gale
of winde in the poope of the shippe, passed the seaes in foure
dayes, and being landed, rode poste to Rome. When he
was arrived, he went to shewe him selfe unto the people :
who were marvelous desirous to see him. And being brought
by one of the Tribunes of the people unto the pulpit for
orations, after many accusations which he objected against
Metellus, in the end he besought the people to choose him
Consull, promising that within few dayes he would either
kill, or take king lugurthe prisoner. Whereupon he was
chosen Consull without any contradiction. And so soone as Marius first
he was proclaimed, he beganne immediatly to leavie men of **me of being
warre, causing many poore men that had nothing, and many
slaves also, to be enrolled against the order of auncient
custome : where other Captaines before him did receive no
such maner of men, and did no more suffer unworthy men to
be souldiers, then they did allow of unworthy officers in the
common wealth : in doing the which every one of them that
were enrolled, left their goodes behinde them, as a pledge of
their good service abroade in the warres. Yet this was not
the matter that made Marius to be most hated, but they
were his stowte prowde wordes, full of contempt of others, Marius
that did chiefely offende the noble men in the city. For he offended the
proclaimed it every where abroade as it were, that his Con- nobilitv-
sullshippe was a spoyle he had gotten of the effeminate riche
noble men through his valliantnes, and that the wounds
which he had upon his body for service of the common
wealth, and not the monuments of the dead, nor the images
and statues of others, were those that recommended him to

171

CAIUS
MARIUS

Marius
deprived
Metellus of
the honor of
conquering
of king
lugurthe.

Bocchus
kinge of
Numidia,
delivereth
lugurthe
unto Sylla.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

the people, nor weare his strength. And ofttimes naming
Albinus, and otherwhile Bestia, both noble men, and of
great houses, who having bene Generalls of the Romaine
army, had very ill fortune in the contry of Libya : he called
them cowardes, and simple souldiers, asking them that were
about him, if they did not thinke that their auncesters would
rather have wished to have left their children that came of
them like unto him selfe, then such as they had bene : con-
sidering that they them selves had wonne honor and glory,
not for that they were discended of noble blood, but through
their deserved vertue and valliant deedes. Now Marius
spake not these wordes in a foolishe bravery, and for vaine
glory onely, to purchase the ill will of the nobility for
nothing : but the common people being very glad to see him
shame and despite the Senate, and measuring alwayes the
greatnes of his corage with his hawty fierce wordes, they
egged him forward still not to spare the nobility, and to
reprove the great men, so that he ever held with the com-
munalty. And furthermore, when he was passed over againe
into Africke, it spited Metellus to the hart, bicause that he
having ended all the warre, that there remained almost no
more to take or winne, Marius should come in that sorte to
take away the glory and triumphe out of his handes, having
sought to rise and increase by unthankefullnes towards him.
He would not come to him therefore, but went an other
way, and left the army with Rutilius one of his Lieutenauntes,
to deliver the same unto him. Howbeit the revenge of this
ingratitude, lighted in the ende upon Marius owne necke.
For Sylla tooke out of Marius hands, the honor of ending
this warre : even as Marius had taken it from Metellus. But
how, and after what sorte, I will repeate it in few words,
bicause we have written the particularities more at large in
the life of Sylla. Bocchus king of high Numidia, was father
in law unto king lugurthe, unto whom he gave no great
aide, whilest he made warres with the Romaines, bicause he
hated his unfaithfullnes, and feared least he would make
him selfe greater then he was : but in the end, after lugurthe
had fled, and wandered up and downe in every place, he was
constrained of very necessity to cast his last hope and ancker
172

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

apon him, as his finall refuge, and so repayre unto him. CAIUS
King Bocchus received him rather for shame, bicause he MARIUS
durst not punish him, then for any love or goodwill he bare
him : and having him in his hands, seemed openly to intreate
Marius for him, and secretly to wryte the contrary unto him.
But in the meane time, he practised treason under hande,
and sent prively for Lucius Sylla, who then was Quaestor (to Lucius Sylla
say, high treasorer) under Marius, and of whome he had Qufst?T
received certaine pleasures in those warres. Sylla trusting u
to this barbarous king, went at his sending for to him. But
when he was come, king Bocchus repented him of his pro-
mise, and altered his minde, standing many dayes in doubt
with him selfe howe to resolve, whether he should deliver
king lugurthe, or keepe Sylla him selfe : yet at the last he
went on with his purpose and intended treason, and delivered
king lugurthe alive into Syllaes hands. And this was the The originall
first originall cause of the pestilent and mortall enmitie that c?u*® °* *
grew afterwardes betwixt Marius and Sylla, and was like to Betwixt81
have utterly overthrowen the citie of Rome, and to have Marius and'
rased the foundation of the empyre unto the grounde. For Sylla.
many envyinge the glorie of Marius, gave it out every where,
that this acte of the taking of king lugurthe, appertained
only unto Sylla : and Sylla him selfe caused a ring to be
made, which he ware commonly, and had graven upon the
stone of the same, how Bocchus delivered lugurthe into his
handes. And afterwardes he made it allwayes his seale to
dispite Marius with all, who was an ambitious and proude
man, and coulde abide no companion to be partaker of the
glorie of his doings : and Sylla did it specially at the pro-
curement of enemies and ill willers, who gave the glory of
the beginning and chiefe exployts of this warre, unto Metellus,
and the last and finall conclusion unto Sylla, to the ende
that the people should not have Marius in so great estima-
cion and good opinion, as they had before. But all this
envy, detraction, and hatred against Marius, was soone after
extinguished and troden under foote, by reason of the great
daunger that fell apon all Italic out of the West : and they
never spake of it afterwardes, knowing that the common
wealth stoode in neede of a good Captaine, and that they

173

The comming
into Italic of
the Teutons
and Cimbres.

The army of
the Teutons
and Cimbres
300000 men.

Cimbri.

beganne to looke about, and consider who should be that
great wise Pylot, that might save and preserve it, from so
exceding daungerous storme of warres. For there was not a
noble man of all the auncient houses of Rome, that durst
undertake to offer him selfe to demaunde the Consullshippe :
but Marius being absent, was chosen Consull the second time.
For lugurthe was no sooner taken, but newes came to Rome
of the comming downe of the Teutons, and of the Cimbres,
the which would not be beleved at the first, by reason of
the infinite number of the fighting men which was sayd to
be in their company, and for the uncredible force and power
of armies which was j ustified to come also : but afterwardes
they knew plainely, that the rumor that ranne abroade was
lesse, then the troth fell out in deede. For they were three
hundred thowsand fighting men all armed, who brought
with them also an other multitude as great (or more) of
women and children : which wandered up and downe seeking
contries and townes to dwell and live in, as they heard say
the Gaules had done in olde time, who leaving their owne
contry, came, and had possessed the best parte of Italic,
which they had taken away from the Thuscans. Now to
say truely, no man knewe of what nation they were, nor
from whence they came : as well for that they had no frend-
shippe with any other people, as also bicause they came out
of a farre contry, as a clowde of people that was spred all
over Gaule and Italie. It was douted much that they came
out of Germanye, dwelling about the north sea: and this
they conjectured by viewe of the greatnes of their bodies,
and also for that they had darke blew eyes and redde, besides
that the Germanes in their tongue doe call theeves and
robbers, Cimbri. Other say that Celtica, for the great length
and largenes of the contry, stretching it selfe from the coast
of the great Occean sea and from the north partes, drawing
towards the marisses Moeotides, and the East runneth into
Scythia, or Tartaria Pontica : and that for neighbourhood
these two nations joyned together, and went out of their
contrie, not that they made this great voyage all at one
time, but at many sundry times, marching yearely in the
spring further and further into the contry. And thus by
174

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

continuance of time, they passed by force of armes through CAIUS
all the firme lande of Europe : and that for this cause, MARIUS
although they had many particular names according to
the diversitie of their nations, yet all this masse and
multitude of people gathered together, were called not-
withstanding, the army of the Celtoscythes, as who would
say, the Celtotartares. Other hold opinion that the nation
of the Cimmerians, who were knowen in old time for auncient Cimmerij.
Greecians, the one parte of them were not very great in
respect of the whole, the which being fled (or driven out
of their contrie for some civill dissention) were compelled by
the Tartares to passe beyond the marisses Moeotides, into
the contries of Asia, under the conduction of a Captaine
called Ligdamis. But the residue of them which were a
farre greater number, and more warlike men, they dwelt in
the furdest partes of the earth, adjoyning unto the great
Occean sea, in a darke shadowed contrie, covered with wonder-
full forrestes, of such length, and so great and thicke, and
the trees so high, that the sunne can have no power upon
the ground, and they joyne hard upon the great forrest of
Hercynia. And furthermore, they are under such a climate,
where the pole is of such a height by the inclination of
the circles equidistant, which they call Parallelles, that it is
not farre from the poynte that aunswereth directly to the
plummet uppon the head of the inhabitantes : and where
the dayes are equinoctiall, they doe devide all their time
in two partes, the which geveth Homer occasion to fayne,
that when Ulisses would call upon the dead, he went into the
contry of the Cimmerians, as into the contry of hell. And
this is the cause why they say these barbarous people left
their owne contries to come into Italie, which from the be-
ginning were called Cimmerians, and afterwardes they say
(and not without great likelyhoode) that they were surnamed
Cimbres : howebeit that is spoken rather by a likely conjec-
ture, then by any assured troth of history. And as for the
multitude of men, the most parte of historiographers doe
wryte, that they were rather moe, then lesse then we have
spoken of: and that they were so hardy and valliant, that
nothing coulde stande before them, they did so great thinges

175

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

CAIUS by the strength of their handes where they fought with any,
MARIUS so violently, and so sodainely, that they seemed to be like
a lightninge fire all about where they came. By meanes
whereof, they met with no man that durst resist them, but
scraped together and caried away, all that they found, hande
over head : and there were many Romaine Captaines ap-
pointed governors to keepe that which the Romaines held
in Gaule beyonde the mountaines, who with great armies
were shamefully overthrowen by them. The cowardlynes of
those, whom they had overcome, was the chiefest cause that
moved them to direct their jorney to Rome. For when they
had vanquished the first they fought withall, and gotten
great richesse also : they were so fleshed by this, that they
determined to stay no where before they had first destroyed
Rome, and sacked all Italic. The Romaines hearing of this
out of all partes, sent for Marius to geve him the conduc-
Mariuschosen tion and leading of these warres, and chose him Consull the
Consull the seconde time : notwithstanding that it was directly against
a^ust tnT ^e lawe, that did expressely forbid any man to be chosen
law< being absent, and untill also a certaine time appointed had

past betwene the vacation and election, before they could
choose him officer twise in one office. Some alleaged this
law, of intent to hinder the election. But the people
repulst them, objecting to the contrary : that this was not
the first time the law had geven place to the benefit of the
Law must give common wealth, and that the occasion offered to abrogate
place for com- ^ne jaw aj. ^^ present was no lesse, then former occasions
by the which they chose Scipio Consull, against the course
and time appointed by the law, not for any feare they stoode
in to lose their owne contrie, but for the desire they had to
destroy the contry of the Carthaginians, by reason whereof
the people proceeded to election. And Marius bringing
home his armie againe out of Libya into Italie, tooke posses-
sion of his Consulship the first day of January (on which day
the Romaines beginne their yeare) and therwithall made

Marms ^jg triumphe into the city of Rome, showing that to the

tnumphe „ ~ , . , , . , J •,. •,

into Rome, Romaines, which they thought never to have scene : and

for king that was, kinge lugurthe prisoner, who was so subtill a man,

lugurthe. and coulde so well frame him selfe unto his fortune, and with
176

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

his craft and subtiltie was of so great corage besides, that CAIUS
none of his enemies ever hoped to have had him alive. But MARIUS
it is sayd, that after he was led in this triumphe, he fell mad
straight apon it. And the pompe of triumphe being ended,
he was caried into prisone, where the sergeauntes for hast to
have the spoyle of him, tare his apparell by force from of
his backe : and bicause they would take away his rich golde
eare ringes that hong at his eares, they pulled away with
them the typpe of his eare, and then cast him naked to the
bottome of a deepe dungeon, his wittes being altogether
troubled. Yet when they did throw him downe, laughing
he sayd : O Hercules, how colde are your stoves. He lived
there yet six dayes, fighting with hunger, and desiring
alwayes to prolong his miserable life unto the last hower :
the which was a just deserved punishment for his wicked life.
In this triumphe were caried (as they say) three thowsand
and seven hundred pound weight in gold, and of silver nygots,
five thowsand seven hundred and Ixxv. pounde weight : and
more in golde and ready coyne, eight and twenty thowsand
and seven hundred crownes. After this triumphe, Marius
caused the Senate to assemble within the Capitoll, where he
entred into the companie with his triumphinge robe, either
bicause he forgot it, or else of too grosse and uncivill arro-
gancy : but perceiving that all the assemblie misliked of it,
he rose sodainly, and tooke his long Consulls gowne, and
then returned quickely againe into his place. Furthermore
Marius departing to goe to the warres, thought to traine How Marius
his army by the way, and to harden his souldiers unto trained his
labor, causing them to runne every way, making great longe s< 3rs*
jorneys, compelling ech souldier to cary his owne furniture,
and to prepare him necessary vittells to finde him selfe
withall : so that ever after they made a proverbe of it,
and called such as were paineful and willing to do that
which they were commaunded without grudging, Marius Marius
movies. Other notwithstanding, do shew an other cause movies,
and beginning of this proverbe. For they say, that Scipio
lying at the siege of the city of Numantia, would not only
take view of the armor and horses of service that were in
his armie, but also of the movies and other beastes of burden,
3 : Z 177

CAIUS
MARIUS

Marius com-
mended for
his justice.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

bicause he would see how they were kept and furnished. So
Marius brought his horse and moyle to the muster which
he kept him selfe, fatte, fayer, and very well drest, and his
movies heare so slike and smooth, and therewithal! so lusty
and trimme, as none of the rest were like unto them. Scipio
tooke great pleasure to see these beastes so well kept, and
in so good plyte : insomuch as he spake of it afterwards many
a time and oft. And upon his words, this manner of talke
was taken up ever after, and became a common proverbe :
when they meane to mocke any man that is painefull, and
geven to sore labor, makinge as though they would praise
him, they call him Marius moyle. Furthermore, it was
a happy turne for Marius (in mine opinion) that these
barbarous people (like in force to the beating backe of the
raging seaes) turned their first fury towardes Spayne : and
that he in the meane space had time and leasure to traine
and exercise his souldiers, to make them bolde, and withall,
him selfe to be throughly knowen amongest them. For when
by litle and litle they had learned not to offend, nor disobey:
then they found his rough commaunding, and sharpe severity
in punishing such as slacke their duety, both profitable and
very necessarie, besides that it was also just and reasonable.
Againe, his great fury, his sharpe words, and his fierce
lookes, after they had a while bene used to them, by litle
and litle they seemed nothinge so fearfull to them, as to
their enemies. But the thing that pleased the souldiers
more then all the rest, was his justice and upright deal-
inge : whereof they reporte such an example : Marius had
a nephewe of his in his campe called Caius Lusius, who had
charge of men in the army. This Lusius was taken for a
marvelous honest man, saving that he had this fowle vice
in him, that he would be sodainly in love with fayer young
boyes: and as at that time he fell in love with a trimme
younge striplinge, called Trebonius, that served under him,
and having many times lewdly entised him, and never could
obtaine his purpose, at the last sent for him one night by his
servaunt. The young man might not disobay his Captaine
being sent for, but presently went unto him. When he was
come into his tent, and that his Captaine did strive with all
178

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

his force to doe him villanny : he drewe out his sworde, and CAIUS
killed him in the place. And this was done when Marius MARIUS
was out of his campe : who so soone as he returned, caused
the marshall to bring the young man before him. Many
stepped forth straight to accuse him, but no man to defend
him. Wherefore he boldly began to tell his tale himselfe,
and to name many witnesses, who had both scene and knowen
how his dead Captaine had oftentimes offered him dishonor,
and how that he had continually resisted his abhominable
motion, and would never yeld him selfe unto him, for any
gift or present he could offer him. Wherefore Marius com-
mending him greatly, and being very glad of it, caused
presently one of those crownes to be brought unto him,
which are used to be geven to them that in a day of
battel have done some valliant deede, and he him selfe
did crowne Trebonius withall, as one that had done a
noble acte, and at such a time, as good and honest ex-
amples were requisite. This judgement of Marius beinge
caried to Rome, stoode him to great good purpose towardes
the obtaining of his third Consulshippe : besides also that Marius third
they looked for the comming backe of these barbarous Consull-
people about the springe with whome the Romaine souldiers shippe.
would not fight under any other Captaine, then Marius.
Howbeit they came not so soone againe as they looked for
them, but Marius passed over also the yeare of his third
Consullshippe. So time comming about againe for the
election of newe Consulls, and his companion also being
dead : he was driven to goe him selfe unto Rome, leaving
the charge of his campe in his absence, unto Manius Acilius. Manius
At that time there were many noble men that sued for the Acilius Lieu-
Consulshippe : but Lucius Saturninus one of the Tribunes, tenant of the
who had the communalty under his girdell as he would him M^ms?11
selfe, more then any of thother Tribunes, and being wonne
under hand by Marius, made many orations, in the which he Lucius
perswaded the people to choose Marius Consull the fourth Saturninus
time. Marius to the contrary, seemed to refuse it, saying Tribune,
that he would none of it, though the people chose him.
Whereupon Saturninus called him traitor, crying out, that
his refusall in such a daunger and time of necessity, was an

179

Luctatius.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

CAIUS apparant parte to betray the common wealth. It was found
MARIUS straight that this was a grosse packe betwixt Saturninus and
Marius, by such as could see day at a litle hole. Neverthe-
lesse, the people considering that their present troubles
required Marius skil and good fortune in the warres, they
Marius fourth made him Consull the fourth time, and joyned Catulus
Cpnsullshippe Luctatius Consul with him, a man that was greatly honored
with Catulus Qf ^e nobility, and not misliked also of the common people.
Marius having newes of the approching of the barbarous
people, passed over the Alpes with great speede, and fortify-
Rhodanus fl. ing his campe by the river of Rhone, he brought great pro-
vision of all kindes of vittels thither with him, least being
straighted by lacke therof, he should be forced to come to
battell at any other time, but even as he would him selfe,
and as it should seeme good unto him. And where before
that time the transporting of vittells unto his campe by
sea was very long, and daungerous, and a marvelous great
charge besides : he made it very shorte and easie by this
meanes. The mouth of the river of Rhone had gathered
together so much mudde, and such store of sande, which the
waves of the sea had cast on heapes together, that the same
was becomen very high and depe : so as the banckes made
the entry into it very narrow, hard, and daungerous for
great shippes of burden that came from the sea. Marius
considering this matter, set his men a worke while they had
nothing to do, and made them digge a large trench and deepe
channell, into the which he turned a great parte of the river,
and caried it to a convenient place of the coast, where the
water fell into the sea by an open gulfe, wherby he made it
able to cary the greatest shippes that were : and besides
that, it was in a very still quiet place, not being troubled
with windes nor waves. The channell carieth yet his name,
and is called Marius Channell or trenche. These barbarous
people devided them selves into two armies to passe into
Italic, so that it fell out to the one parte which were the
Cimbres, to goe through high Germanye, and to force that
passage which Catulus kept : and unto the other parte,
which were the Teutons and Ambrons, to passe through the
contry of the Genouesians by the sea side against Marius.
180

Marius
channell.

The Cimbres
went through
Germanieinto
Italic.

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

Now the Cimbres having the greater compasse to fetch CAIUS
about, stayed lenger, and remained behinde : but the MARIUS
Teutons and the Ambrons going their way first, had in fewe The Teutons
dayes dispatched their jorney they had to go, to bring them ^ Ambrons
to the campe where the Romaines lay, unto whom they jy|arius to
presented themselves by infinite numbers, with terrible faces passe into
to beholde, and their cryes and voyces farre contrary unto Italie,through
other mens. They tooke in a marvelous deale of grounde in the territory
length to campe upon, and so came forth to defie Marius, °
and provoke him to battell in open field. Marius made
no reckoning of all their bragging defiances, but kept his
men together within his campe, taking on terribly with them
that would rashely take upon them to move ought to the
contrary, and which through impacience of choller would
nedes go forth to fight, calling them traytors to their
contry. For said he, we are not come to fight for our
private glory, neither to winne two triumphes nor victories
for our selves : but we must seeke by all meanes to divert
and put by this great shower of warres from us, and this
lightning and tempest, that it overcome not all Italic.
These words he spake unto the private Captaines which were
under him, as unto men of havior and quality. But as for
the common souldiers, he made them stande upon the
trenches of his campe, one after an other to behold the
enemies, and to acquaint them selves with sight of their
faces, their countenaunce, and marching, and not to be
afrayed of their voyces to heare them speake, which were
wonderfull, both straunge and beastly : and also that they
might know the facion of their weapons, and how they
handled them. And by this order and ordinary viewing of
them, in time he made the things that semed fearefull unto
his men at the first sight, to be afterwards very familiar : so
that they made no more wondring at them. For he judged,
the thing which in deede is true, that a rare and new matter
never seene before, for lacke of judgement and understand-
ing, maketh things unknowen to us, more horrible and feare-
full then they are : and to the contrary, that custome taketh
away a great deale of feare, and terror of those things, which
by nature are in deede fearefull. The which was seene then

181

CAIUS
MARIUS

Martha, a
wise woman
or prophet-
esae.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

by experience. For they being dayly acquainted to looke
upon these barbarous people, it did not only diminish some
parte of the former feare of the Romaine souldiers : but
furthermore they whetting their choller with the fierce un-
tollerable threates and bragges of these barbarous brutish
people, did set their hartes a fire to fight with them,
bicause they did not only wast and destroy all the contry
about them, but besides that, came to geve assault even
unto their campe with such a boldnes, that the Romaine
souldiers could no lenger suffer them, and they letted not to
speake wordes that came to Man us eares him selfe. What
cowardlines hath Marius ever knowen in us, that he keepes
us thus from fighting, and under locke and key as it were, in
the gard of porters, as if we were women ? Let us there-
fore shew our selves like men, and go aske him if he looke
for any other souldiers beside our selves to defend Italic :
and if he have determined to employ us as pioners onely,
when he would cast a trenche to ridde away the mudde, or to
turne a river contrary. For therein hath he onely hither-
unto employed us in great labor, and they are the notable
workes he hath done in his two Consullshippes, whereof he
maketh his boast unto them at Rome. Is he afrayed they
should take him, as they did Carbo and Caepio, whom the
enemies have overthrowen ? He must not be afrayed of
that : for he is a Captaine of an other manner of valor and
reputacion then they were, and his army much better then
theirs was. But howesoever it be, yet were it much better
in proving to loose something, then to be idle, and to suffer
our frends and confederats to be destroyed and sacked
before our eyes. Marius was marvelous glad to heare his
men complaine thus, and did comfort them, and told them
that he did nothing mistrust their corage and valiantnes :
howbeit that through the counsell of certaine prophecies
and oracles of the gods, he did expect time and place fit for
victory. For he ever caried a Syrian woman in a litter
about with him called Martha, with great reverence, whom
they said had the spirit of prophecie in her : and that he
did ever sacrifice unto the gods by her order, and at such
time as she willed him to do it. This Syrian woman went
182

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

first to speake with the Senate about these matters, and did CAIUS

foretell and prognosticate what should follow. But the MARIUS

Senate would not heare her, and made her to be driven

away. Wherupon she went unto the women, and made

them see proofs of some things she vaunted of, and specially

Marius wife, at whose feete she was set one day in an

assembly of the common playes, to see swordplayers fight

for life and death : for she told her certenly which of them

should overcome. Whereupon this Lady sent her unto her

husband Marius, who made great reckening of her, and

caried her even in a litter with him whersoever he went.

She was alwaies at Marius sacrifices, apparelled in a gown of The attier

purple in graine, clasped to her with claspes, and held a of Martha

speare in her hand wound all about with noseeayes, and m tl.I?e

i j * a j -ii. i rro. • f • ±. sacrifice,

garlands or flowers tyed on with laces. Ihis maner or jeast

made many dout whether Marius shewed this woman openly,
beleving in dede that she had the gift of prophecy : or els
that knowing the contrary, he made as though he did beleve
it, to helpe her fayning. But that which Alexander the
Myndian wrote touching Vultures, is a thing greatly to be A wonder of
wondred at. For he said there were two of them followed the Vultures
Marius in his warres, and that they ever shewed them selves *jhe^ed to
and missed not, when he should win any great battel,
and' that they did know them by latin collers they ware
about their necks, which the souldiers had tyed about them,
and afterwards let them go where they would : by reason
wherof, they did know the souldiers againe, and it semed
also that they did salute them, and were very glad when
they saw them, and perswaded them selves, that it was
a signe and token of good lucke to follow. Many signes and
tokens were seene before the battell : howbeit all the rest Wonders
were ordinary sightes, saving that which was reported to seene.
be seene at Tudertum, and Ameria, two cities of Italie.
For they say there were seene speares and targets in the
night, burning like fire in the element, which first were caried
up and downe here and there, and then met together even as
men move and sturre that fight one with an other : untill at
the length, the one geving backe, and the other followinge
after, they all vanished away, and consumed towardes the

183

CAIUS
MARIUS

Batabaces the
priest of the
mother of the
goddes.

Aulus

Pompeius

Tribune.

The enemies
campe were
removing
sixe dayes
together.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

West. About the selfe same time also, there came from the
citie of Pessinunta, Batabaces, the chiefe priest of the great
mother of the goddes, who brought nevves, that the goddesse
had spoken to him within her sanctuary, and told him that
the victory of this warre should fall out on the Romaines
side. The Senate beleved it, and ordained that they should
build a temple unto that goddesse, to geve her thankes for
the victorie which she did promise them. Batabaces also
would have presented him selfe unto the people in open
assemblie, to tell them as much. But there was one Aulus
Pompeius a Tribune that would not suffer him to do it,
calling him tombler, or jugler, and violently thrust him
behinde the pulpit for orations: but the mischaunce that
fell apon Pompeius afterwards, made them the more to
beleve Batabaces words. For Pompeius the Tribune no
sooner came home unto his house, but a great vehement
agew tooke him, wherof he dyed the seventh day after, as all
the world could witnes. Now the Teutons perceiving that
Marius stirred not at all out of his campe, they proved
to assault him : howbeit they were so well received with
shotte and slinges, that after they had lost certaine of their
men, they gave it over, and determined to goe further, per-
swading them selves that they might easily passe the Alpes
without daunger. Wherfore trussing up al their baggage,
they passed by Marius campe : at which time it appeared
more certainly then before, that they were a marvelous great
multitude of people, by the length of time which they tooke
to passe their way. For it is sayd they were passing by his
campe, sixe dayes continually together. And as they came
raking by the Romaines campe, they asked them in mockery,
if they would wryte or send home any thing to their wives,
for they would be with them ere it were long. When they
were all passed and gone, and that they continued on their
jorney still, Marius also raised his campe, and went and
followed them fayer and softly foote by foote, and ever
kept hard at their taile as neere as he could, alwayes fortify-
ing his campe very well, and ever choosing strong places of
scituacion and advantage to lodge in, that they might be
safe in the night time. Thus they marched on in this sorte,
184

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

untill they came unto the city of Aix, from whence they had CAIUS
not farre to goe, but they entered straight into the moun- MARIUS
taines of the Alpes. Wherefore Marius prepared nowe to
fight with them : and chose out a place that was very strong
of scituacion to lodge his campe in, howebeit there lacked
water. And they say he did it of purpose, to the ende to
quicken his mens corage the more thereby. Many repined
at it, and tolde him that they should stande in great
daunger to abide marvelous thirst if they lodged there.
Whereunto he made aunswere : shewing them the river that
ranne hard by the enemies campe, saying withall, that they
must go thither and buy drinke with their blood. The Marius bolde
souldiers replyed againe : And why then doe ye not lead us wordes to his
thither, whilest our blood is yet moyste? he gently aunswered sou diers, and
them againe : Bicause the first thing we doe, we must fortifie
our campe. The souldiers, though they were angry with
him, yet they obeyed him : but the slaves having neither
drinke for them selves, nor for their cattell, gathered to-
gether a great troupe of them, and went towardes the river :
some of them carying axes, other hatchets, other swords and
speares, with their pottes to cary water, determining to fight
with the barbarous people, if otherwise they could not come
by it. A fewe of the barbarous people at the first fought
with them, bicause the most parte of their company were at
dinner, after they had bathed, and others were still in the
bathe washinge them selves, finding in that place many
springes of hotte naturall bathes. Thus the Romaines
founde many of the barbarous people makinge mery, and
taking their pleasure about these bathes, for the great delite
they tooke to consider the pleasauntnes of the place : but
when they heard the noyse of them that fought, they
beganne to runne one after an other unto the place from
whence the noyse came. Wherefore it was a hard thing for
Marius any lenger to keepe the Romaine souldiers in from
going to their helpe, for that they feared their slaves should
have bene slaine of the barbarous people : and moreover,
bicause the valliantest souldiers of their enemies called the
Ambrons (who before had overcome Manlius and Caepio, two
Romaine Captaines with their armies, and that made of them
3 : AA 185

CAIUS
MARIUS

Battell be-
twixt the
Ambrons and
Marius.

Marius over-
came the
Ambrons.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

selves thirty thowsande fighting men) ranne to armes, being
very heavy of their bodies, as having filled their bellies well,
but otherwise valliant and coragious fellowes, and more lively
then they were wont to be, by reason of the wine they had
dronke. They ran not furiously to fight out of order,
neither did they crie out confusedly, but marching all
together in good array, making a noyse with their harnes
all after one sorte, they oft rehearsed their owne name
Ambrons, Ambrons, Ambrons : which was, either to call
one an other of them, or else to feare the Romaines with
their name only. The Italians also on thother side, being
the first that came downe to fight with them, were the
Ligurians, dwelling upon the coast of Genuoa, who hearing
this noyse and crye of theirs, plainely understanding them :
aunswered them againe with the like noyse and crye,
Ligurians, Ligurians, Ligurians, saying that it was the true
surname of all their nation. And so before they joyned
together, this crye was redoubled many a time on either
side : and the Captaines of both partes made their souldiers
crye out all together, contendinge for envy one against
an other, who should crye it out lowdest. This contention
of crying, inflamed the souldiers corages the more. Now the
Ambrons having the river to passe, were by this meanes put
out of order, and before they could put them selves in battell
ray againe, after they had passed the river, the Ligurians
ranne with great fury to set apon the formest : and after
them, (to aide the Ligurians that had begon the charge) the
Romaines them selves fell also apon the Ambrons, comming
downe from the places of advantage upon these barbarous
people, and compelled them by this meanes to turne their
backes, and flie. So the greatest slaughter they made,
fortuned uppon the bancke of the river, whereinto they
thrust one an other in such sorte, that all the river ran
blood, being filled with dead bodies. And they that could
get over the river againe, and were on thother side, durst
not gather together any more to stand to defence : so as
the Romaines slew them, and drave them into their campe,
even unto their cariage. Then their women came out against
them with swordes and axes in their handes, grinding their
186

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

teeth : and crying out for sorrow and anger, they charged as CAIUS
well upon their owne people that fled, as upon them that MARIUS
chased them : the one as traitors, and the other as enemies. The mannish-
Furthermore, they thrust them selves amongest them that nes of the
fought, and strove by force to plucke the Romaines targets w
out of their handes, and tooke holde of their naked swordes
bare handed, abiding with an invincible corage to be hacked
and mangled with their swordes. And thus was the first
battell geven (as they say) by the rivers side, rather by
chaunce unlocked for, then by any set purpose, or through
the generals counsel. Now the Romaines, after they had
overcome the most parte of the Ambrons, retyring backe by
reason the night had overtaken them, did not (as they were
wont after they had geven such an overthrow) sing songes of
victory and triumphe, nor make good chere in their tentes
one with an other, and least of all sleepe : (which is the best
and sweetest refreshing for men that have fought happely)
but contrarily, they watched all that night with great feare
and trouble, bicause their campe was not trenched and forti-
fied, and bicause they knewe also that there remained almost
innumerable thowsandes of barbarous people, that had not
yet fought : besides also, that the Ambrons that had fled
and scaped from the overthrow, did howle out all night with
lowd cries, which were nothing like mens lamentacions and
sighes, but rather like wilde beastes bellowing and roaringe.
So that the bellowing of such a great multitude of beastly
people, mingled together with threates and waylinges, made
the mountaines thereabouts and the running river to re-
bounde againe of the sounde and ecco of their cries marvel-
ously : by reason whereof, all the valley that lay betwene
both, thundered to heare the horrible and fearefull trembling.
This made the Romaine souldiers afeard, and Marius him
selfe in some doubt : bicause they looked to have bene
fought withall the same night, being altogether troubled
and out of order. Notwithstanding, the barbarous people
did not assault them that night, nor the next day following,
but only prepared them selves unto battell. And in the
meane time Marius knowing that there was above the place
where they were camped, certaine caves and litle valleyes

187

CAIUS
MARIUS

Marius
seconde
battell with
the Teutons.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

covered with wodde : he secretly sent Claudius Marcellus
thither with three thowsand footemen well armed, and com-
maunded him to keepe close in ambushe, untill he saw that the
barbarous people were fighting with him, and that then he
should come and set apon their rereward. The residue of his
armie, they supped when time came, and after supper reposed
them selves. The next morning at the breake of day, Marius
brought his men into the fielde out of his forte : where he put
them in order of battell, sending his horsemen before to draw
the enemies out to skirniishe. The Teutons seeing them
come, had not the pacience to tary till the Romaines were come
downe into the plaine fielde to fight without advantage, but
arming them selves in hast, and in a rage, ranne up the hill
to the Romaines, where they stoode in battell ray. Marius
taking good regard to that they did, sent here and there
unto the private' Captaines, charging them they should
not stirre, and onely to temporise and forbeare, untill the
enemies came within a stones cast of them : and that they
should then throw their dartes at them, and afterwardes drawe
their swordes, and repulse the barbarous people with their
shieldes. For he did foresee before, that when they should
clime up against the hill (uppon the hanging whereof the
Romaines had set their battell) that their blowes would not
be of great force, nor their order and ranckes could stand
close together to any effect or purpose : bicause they could
not have sure footing, nor march assuredly, but would easily
be throwen backeward if they were never so litle repulsed,
by reason of the hanging of the hill. Marius gave this order
unto his folke and there withall was him selfe the first man
that put it in execution : for he was as trymme a warriour,
and as valliant a souldier, as any man in all his army :
besides, not one amongest them all would venter furder, and
be more bolde then him selfe. So when the Romaines had
resisted them, and stayed them sodainely, going with fury
to have wonne the hill, perceiving them selves to be repulsed,
they gave backe by litle and litle, untill they came into the
field : and then beganne the formest of them to gather to-
gether, and to put them selves in battell ray uppon the plaine,
when sodainly they heard the noyse and charging of them
loo

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

that were in the tayle of their army. For Claudius Marcellus CAIUS
failed not to take the occasion when it was offered him, MARIUS
bicause that the noyse of the first charge comming up
against the hills thereabouts, under the which he lay in
ambushe, gave him advertisement thereof: whereupon he
caused his men presently to shew, and running with great
cryes, came to geve a charge upon those which were in the
tayle of the barbarous people, putting the hindemost to the
sworde. They made their fellowes whose backes were next
unto them, to turne their faces, and so from man to man,
till at the length, in shorte time all their battell beganne to
waver in disorder : and they made no great resistaunce, when
they saw they were so charged before and behinde, but
beganne straight to flie for life. The Romaines following Marius vic-
them hard at the heeles, killed and tooke prisoners above tory of the
a hundred thowsande of them, and tooke moreover their Teutons and
cartes, their tentes and ah1 their cariage. Which the whole
army by consent agreed to present unto Marius, excepting
nothing, saving that which was imbeaceled and conveyed
away under hande. Now, though this was a marvelous
honorable and right noble present yet they thought it not a
recompence sufficient for that he had deserved, for the valure
he had shewed of a famous Captaine in leading of his army,
and for the good order he kept in this warre : so happy
thought they them selves to have escaped so great a daunger.
Notwithstanding, some wryters doe not agree, that the
spoyle of the barbarous people was geven unto Marius : nor
that there were also so great a number of men slaine as we
have spoken of. But they say, that after this battell the
Marssilians did inclose their vines, with hedges made of
dead mens bones : and that the bodies being rotten and
consumed upon the fieldes through the great raine that fell
upon them the winter following, the ground waxed so fatte,
and did soke the grease so deepe in the same, that the
sommer following they did beare an uncredible quantity of
all sortes of frutes. And by this meanes were Archilocus
wordes proved true, that the errable land doth waxe fat with
such rottennesse or putrification. And it is sayd also, that
of ordinary after great battells, there falleth great store of

189

CAIUS
MARIUS

Much raine
followeth
after great
battells.

Marius the
fift time
Consull.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

raine. Either it is by meane of some god that powring downe
pure raine water doth purifie, wash, and dense the grounde,
defiled and polluted with mans blood : or else it happeneth
by naturall cause. For that the overthrow of so many
dead bodies, and of the blood spilt, engendreth a moyst,
grosse, and heavy vapoure, which doth thicken the ayer
(that by nature is chaungeable, and easie to alter) from a
very small or litle beginning, unto an exceeding great chaunge.
After this battell, Marius caused the harnesse and spoyles of
the barbarous people to be layed aside, that were left whole
and fayer to sight, to beautifie and enrich the pompe of his
triumphe. Then he caused the rest to be gathered together
on a great heape, and layed apon a stake of wodde, to make
a noble sacrifice unto the gods, all his army being armed
about him, crowned with garlandes of triumphe, and him
selfe apparelled in a long gowne of purple, according to the
custome of the Romaines in such a case, and holding a
torch burning in both his hands, which he first lifted up unto
heaven. And as he was turning downe the torch to put fire
to the stake of wood, they saw some of his frends a good way
of a horse backe, comming post unto him : then sodainly
there was a great silence made of all the assembly, every man
desirous to heare what good newes they had brought. When
they were come and lighted of their horses, they ranne
straight to embrace Marius, and brought him newes that he
was chosen Consull the fift time : and presented him the
letters sent him from Rome confirming the same. And thus,
this new joy falling out besides the victory, the private
souldiers did shewe the great joy and pleasure they tooke in
both, with great showtes and beating upon their harnesse :
and the Captaines also, they crowned Marius againe with
new garlandes of laurell which they put about his head, and
that done, he put fire under the stake of wodde, and ended
his sacrifice. But that which never suffereth men quietly to
enjoy the good happe of any victory clearely, but in this
mortall life doth ever mingle the ill with the good, be
it either fortune or spight of fatall destenie, or else the
necessitie of the naturall causes of earthly thinges : did
shortely after this great joy bring newes unto Marius, of
190

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

his companion Catulus Luctatius the other Consul!, who CAIUS
was like a cloude in a fayer bright day, and brought the MARIUS
city of Rome againe into a new feare and trouble. For
Catulus that went against the Cimbres, thought it was not
for him to keepe the straightes of the mountaines, in hope
to let the barbarous people for passing : bicause that in so
doing, he had bene compelled to devide his army into many
partes, and had weakened him selfe very much if he had
taken that course. Wherefore comming a litle on this side
the Alpes towardes Italic, he planted him selfe uppon the river Athesis flu.
of Athesis, and built a bridge apon it, to passe and repasse
over his men when he would, and sette up at either ende
of the bridge two strong fortes well fortified, that he might
more commodiously helpe the places on the other side of the
river, if the barbarous people by chaunce would offer to force
them, after they had gotten out of the straights of the
mountaines. Now, these barbarous people had such a glory
in them selves, and disdained their enemies so much, that
more to shew their force and boldnes, then of any necessity
that compelled them, or for any benefit they got by it : they
suffred it to snow apon them being starke naked, and did
clime up to the toppe of the mountaines, throw great heapes
of ise and snow. And when they were at the very toppe of all,
they layed their long broad targets under their bodies, and
lay all along apon them, sliding downe the steepe high rockes,
that had certaine hanginges over of an infinite height. In
the ende, they came to campe neere unto the Romaines
by the river side, and considered howe they might passe it
over : and beganne to fill it up, tearing downe (like gyants)
great hilles of earth which they founde thereabouts, brought
thither great trees which they pulled up whole by the rootes,
threw in great peeces of rockes which they brake, and whole
towers of earth after them, to stoppe and breake the course
of the river. But besides all this, they threw great tymber
into the river, which being caried downe the streame, came
with such a force, and hit against the postes of the bridge so
violently, that they shaked the Romaines bridge marvelously.
Whereuppon many of the souldiers of the great campe were
afrayed, and forsaking it, beganne to retyre. But then did

191

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

CAIUS Catulus, like a perfit good Captaine showe, that he made
MARIUS lesse accompt of his owne private honor and estimacion, then
Catulus he did of the generall honor of all his souldiers. For, seeing

Luctatius the ^hat he could not perswade his men by any reason to tary,
from'the " anc^ ^at in this feare they dislodged in disorder against
Cimbres. his will : he him selfe commaunded the standerd bearer of
the Eagle to marche on, and ranne to the foremest that
went their way, and marched him selfe before them all, to
the intent that the shame of this retyre should altogether
light upon him, and not apon his contry, and that it
might appeare the Romaines did follow their Captaine, and
not flie away. The barbarous people therefore assaulting
the forte at the end of the bridge of the river of Athesis,
tooke it, and all the men that were in it. And bicause
the Romaines defended it like valliant men, and had
lustely ventured their lives to the death for defence of
their contry : the barbarous people let them go upon com-
position, which they sware to kepe faithfully, by their bull
of copper. This bull afterwards was taken when they
lost the battell, and caried (as they say) into Catulus
Luctatius house, as the chiefest thing of the victory. Fur-
thermore, the barbarous people finding the contry open
without any defence, scattered here and there, and destroyed
all where they came. Whereuppon the Romaines sent for
Marius to Rome to goe against them : and after he was
arrived, every man thought he shoulde have entred in
triumphe, bicause also the Senate did graunt it him very
willingly. But he would not doe it, either bicause he would
not deprive his souldiers and the Captaines that had fought
Marius re- under him, of any parte of the honor that was due unto
fused to enter them, they being absent : or bicause that he would warrant
in triumphe. ^he people from the present daunger they were in, by layinge
aside the glory of his former victories, into the handes of the
good fortune of Rome, in certaine hope to take it againe
afterwardes, by a more honorable and perfit confirmation of
the second. Wherefore, after he had made an oration to the
people, and Senate according to the time, he went his way
immediatly towardes Catulus Luctatius, whose comming did
comforte him much : and sent also for his army that was
192

yet in Gaule beyond the mountaines. And after his army CAIUS
was come, he passed the river of Po, to kepe the barbarous MARIUS
people from hurting Italic on this side the Po. Now, the Marius goeth
Cimbres still deferred to geve battell bicause they looked for towardes
the Teutons, and sayd : that they marveled much what they ^ius'to helve
ment to tary so long : either bicause they knewe not in him>
deede of their overthrowe, or else for that they would not
seeme to knowe it, bicause they handeled them cruelly that Po flu.
brought the newes of their deathes. At the length, they
sent unto Marius to aske him landes and townes sufficient,
to kepe them and their brethren. Marius asked their Am-
bassadors what brethren they ment. They aunswered, that
they were the Teutons. Whereat the standers by beganne to
laugh : and Marius finely mocked them, saying : Care not Marius
for those brethren sayd he, for we have geven them ground mocke to the
enough, which they will kepe" for ever. These Ambassadors ^imbres.
found his mock straight, and beganne to revile and threaten
him, that the Cimbres shoulde presently make him repent
it, and the Teutons so soone as they arrived. Why, sayd
Marius unto them againe, they are come already : and there
were no honesty in you, if you could goe your way and not
salute them, since they are your brethren. And as he spake
these wordes, he commaunded his men to bring him the
kinges of the Teutons bounde and chained, that had bene
taken within the mountaines of the Alpes by the Sequani.
The Cimbres understanding this by reporte of their Ambas-
sadors, presently marched towardes Marius, who stirred not The Cimbres
at all, but only fortified and kept his campe. They say that ™ar?h a£ainst
it was for this battell that Marius first invented the newe
devise he brought in for the darte which the Romaines were Marius devise
wont alwayes to throwe against the enemies at the first *°r alteringe
charge. For before, the staffe of the darte was fastned unto fi ?t 1
the iron, and the iron unto the staffe, with two litle iron
pinnes that passed through the wodde : and then Marius left
one of the iron pinnes as it was before, and taking away the
other, put a litle thinne pinne of wodde, easie to be broken,
in place of the same, making it craftely, to the end that
when the darte was throwen, and stucke in the enemies
target, it should not stand right forward, but bow downe-
3 : BB 193

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

CAIUS wards towardes the iron, that the wodden pinne being
MARIUS broken, the staffe of the darte should hang downewardes,
holding yet by the iron pinne running quite through at the
Bceorix king poynte. So Boeorix king of the Cimbres, comming neere to
of the Marius campe with a small number of horsemen, sent him

Cimbres. defyaunce, and willed him to appoint a day and place for
battell, that they might trye it out, who should be owners
of the contry. Whereunto Marius made aunswer, that it
was not the manner of the Romaines to counsell with their
enemies, of the time and place when they should geve
battell : but neverthelesse, he would not sticke to pleasure
the Cimbres so much. And thus they agreed betwene them,
that it should be the thirde day following, in the plaine of
Vt^elles, which was very commodious for the horsemen of
the Romaines : and also for the barbarous people to put
out at will their great number of fighting men. So both
armies failed not to meete according to appointment, but
appeared ranged in battell, the one before the other. Catulus
Two and fiftie Luctatius the other Consull, had in his campe twenty thow-
thowsand and sand, and three hundred souldiers : and Marius had in his
mree, "n r<5 campe two and thirty thowsand fighting men, which he
Marius and placed in the two winges of the battell, shutting in Catulus
Catulus. with his men in the middest. As Sylla writeth it, who was

present at the same : saying, that Marius did it of malice,
for the hope he had to overthrowe his enemies with the two
The Romaines winges of the battell, to the end that the whole victory
battell. should light apon his two winges, and that Catulus and his

men in the middest should have no parte therof. For he
could not so much as fronte the enemy, bicause that com-
monly when the fronte of a battell is of such a bredthe, the
two winges are ever stretched out before, and is made like
the cressant of a moone, where the middest is thickest and
fardest in. And it is wrytten also in other stories, that
Catulus him selfe accusing the malice of Marius, bicause he
did so : spake it to excuse his owne dishonor. As for the
The battell of Cimbres, the troupes of their footemen comming out of their
the Cimbres. fortes leasurely, did put them selves into a squadron, as
broade as long, for in every side they occupied almost thirty
furlong : but their horsemen which were fifteene thowsande,
194

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

marched before in sumptuous furniture. For they had CAIUS
helmets on their heades, facioned like wilde beastes neckes, MARIUS
and straunge bevers or buffes to the same, and ware on their
helmets great high plumes of feathers, as they had bene
winges : which to sight made them appeare taller and bigger
men then they were. Furthermore, they had good curases
on their backes, and caried great white targets before them :
and for weapons offensive, every man had two dartes in his
hand to bestow a farre of, and when they came to hand
strokes, they had great heavy swords which they fought
withall neere hand. But at that time they did not marche
directly in rancke against the army of the Romaines, but
turned a litle on the right hand, meaning to inclose the
Romaines betwene them and their footemen that were on
the left hand. The Romaine Captaines founde their policy
straight, but they coulde not keepe their souldiers backe:
for there was one that cried, the enemies fled, and imme-
diatly all the rest beganne to runne after. In the meane
time, the footemen of the barbarous people that were like
to a sea before them, came forwards still : and then Marius
having washed his handes, and lifting them up to heaven,
promised, and vowed a solemne sacrifice unto the goddes of
a hundred oxen. Catulus also made a vow, lifting up his
handes to heaven in like maner, that he would build a
temple unto fortune for that day : and it is reported, that
Marius having sacrificed, when they shewed him the intralls
of the beastes sacrificed : he cried out a lowde, The victory
is mine. But when they came to geve the charge, Marius
had a great misfortune happened him, powred apon him by
Goddes justice, who turned his craft against him selfe, as
Sylla wryteth : for there rose very credibly so great a dust, A dust raised,
that both armies lost the sight one of an other. And here- that neither
upon Marius being the first that ranne to beginne the charge,
and having placed his men about him, missed to meete with
his enemies : and being passed beyonde their battell, wandred
a great while up and downe the field, whilest the barbarous
people fought against Catulus. So that the greatest fury of
the battel was against Catulus and his army : in the which,
Sylla wryteth he was him selfe, and sayeth, that the heate

195

CAIUS
MARIUS

The sunne ful
in the Cimbres
faces.

The fielde
fought the
27 of luly.

Horrible
cruelty of
women.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

and the sunne which was full in the Cimbres faces, did the
Romaines marvelous pleasure at that time. For the barbarous
people being very hard brought up to away with cold (bicause
they were borne and bred in a cold contry, shadowed alto-
gether with woddes and trees as we have sayd) were to the
contrary very tender against the heate, and did melt with
sweating against the sunne, and gaped straight for breathe,
putting their targets before their faces : for it was also in
the hart of sommer, about the seven and twentie day of the
moneth of lulie, that this battell was geven, and this dust
also made the Romaines the bolder, and kept them that they
could not see the innumerable multitude of their enemies
farre from them. And every man runninge to set apon
them that came against them, they were joyned together in
fight, before that the sight of their enemies could make them
afrayed. And furthermore, they were so good souldiers, and
so able to take paines, that how extreame soever the heate
was, no man was sene sweate nor blow, though they ranne at
the first to set apon them : and this hath Catulus Luctatius
him selfe left in wryting unto the praise of his souldiers. So
vere the most parte of the barbarous people, and specially
of the best souldiers, slaine in the field. And bicause
they should not open nor breake their rancks, the fore-
mest rancks were all tyed and bound together with girdells,
leather thongs, and long chaynes of iron : and they that
fled, were chased and followed into their campe by the
Romaines, where they met with horrible and fearefull thinges
to beholde. For, their wives being apon the toppe of
their cartes, apparelled all in blacke, slue all those that fled,
without regarde of persones : some their fathers, other their
husbandes or their brethren, and strangling the litle young
babes with their owne handes, they cast them under the
carte wheeles, and betwene the horse legges, and afterwards
slue them selves. And they say, that there was a woman
hanged at the ende of a carte ladder, having hanged up
two of her children by the neckes at her heeles. And that
the men also, for lacke of a tree to hang them selves on,
tyed slipping halters about their neckes, unto the homes and
feete of the oxen, and that they did pricke them afterwardes
196

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

with goades to make them fling and leape so long, that CAIUS
dragging them all about, and treading them under feete, at MARIUS
the length they killed them. Now, though numbers were
slaine by this meanes, yet were there three score thowsand of Prisoners 60
them taken prisoners, and the number of them that were thowsand.
slaine, came to twise as many moe. In this manner Marius Men slaine
souldiers spoyled the campe of the Cimbres : . but the spoyles s*x score
of dead men that were slaine in the fielde, with their ensignes °
and trompets, were all brought (as it is sayd) unto Catulus
campe, which was a plaine testimonie to shewe that Catulus
and his souldiers had wonne the field. Strife rising thus
betwene the souldiers of both campes about it, that the
matter might be tryed frendly betwene them : they made
the Ambassadors of Parma their arbitrators, who were by
chaunce at that time in the army. Catulus Luctatius
souldiers led the Ambassadors to the place where the over-
throwe was geven, shewing them the enemies bodies pearsed
through with their pykes, which were easie to be knowen,
bicause Catulus had made them grave his name apon their
pykes. For all this, Marius went away with the honor of
this great victory, as well for the first battell he wanne alone,
when he overthrewe the Teutons and the Ambrons : as for
his great calling, having bene Consul five times. And
furthermore, the common people at Rome, called him the
third founder of the city of Rome, thinking them selves now Might over-
delivered from as great a daunger, as before time they had cpmmeth
bene from the auncient Gaules. And every man feasting at
home with his wife and children, offered the best dishes of
meate they had to supper, unto the goddes, and unto Marius :
and would needes have him alone to triumphe for both
victories. But he would not in any case, but triumphed
into the city with Catulus Luctatius, meaning to shew him-
selfe curteous and moderate in so great prosperity : and
peradventure also fearing Catulus souldiers, who were in
readinesse and prepared (if Marius would have deprived
their Captaine of that honor) to let him also of his triumphe.
And thus you see howe he passed his fift Consulshippe.
After that, he made more earnest sute for the sixt Consul-
shippe, then ever any other did for his first: seeking the

197

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

peoples goodwilles by all the fayer meanes he could to please
them, humbling him selfe unto them, not only more then
became his estate and calling, but directly also against his
owne nature, counterfeating a curteous populer manner,
being cleane contrarie to his disposition. His ambition
made him timerous to deale in matters of the state con-
cerning the city. For that corage and boldenesse which he
had in battell against the enemy, he lost it quite when he
was in an assembly of people in the city : and was easily put
out of his byase, with the first blame or praise he heard
geven him. And though they reporte, that on a time when
he made a thowsande Camerines free of the city of Rome,
bicause they had done valliant service in the warres, that
there were some that did accuse him, saying, that it was a
thing done against all law : he aunswered them, that for
the noyse of the armor, he could not heare the law. Not-
withstanding, it seemeth that in dede he was greatly afeard
of the fury of the people in an assembly of the city. For
in time of warres, he ever stoode apon his reputacion and
authority, knowing that they had neede of him : but in
peace and civill government, bicause he would rather be the
chief est man then the honestest man, he would creepe into
the peoples bosomes to get their favor and goodwil. And
thus through his evill behavior, he brought all the nobility
generally to be his enemies. But he feared nor mistrusted
none so much, as he did Metellus, for the great unthankefull
parte he remembred he had played him : and the rather
also, bicause he knew him to be a just and true dealing man,
Metellus and one that was ever against these people pleasers and
against people flatterers. Marius therefore practised all the wayes he
pleasers. could, to get Metellus to be banished Rome. Wherfore,

to compasse his intent, he fell in frendship with Glaucia,
and one Saturninus, two of the most boldest, most desperate,
and most hardbraind young men, that were in all Rome :
who had all the rablement of rogues and beggers, and such
tumultuous people at their commaundement, by whose
meanes he made new populer lawes, and caused the souldiers
to be called home out of the warres, and mingled them with
the people of the city in common assemblies, to trouble and
198

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

vexe Metellus. Moreover Rutilius, an honest and true CAIUS
writer, (howbeit an enemy unto Marius) wryteth, that he MARIUS
obtained his sixt Consulshippe by corruption of money,
which he caused to be distributed amongest the tribes of the
people : and that he bought it for ready money to put by
Metellus, and to have Valerius Flaccus not for his fellowe Valerius
and companion in the Consulshippe, but rather for a minister Flaccus Con-
of his will. There was never Romaine to whome the people
graunted the Consulshippe six times, except it were unto
Valerius Corvinus only. But for him, they say that there
was five and forty yeares betwene his first Consulship and Valerius Cor-
the last. Where Marius since the first yeare of his Consul- vinus sixe
shippe, continued five yeares together by good fortune one timesConsull.
after an other. But in his last Consulship, he wanne him
selfe great hate and malice, bicause he did many fowle faultes
to please Saturninus withall : as amongest others, when he
bare with Saturninus, who murdered Nonius his competitor
in the Tribuneship. Afterwardes when Saturninus was The law
chosen Tribune of the people, he preferred a law for distri- Agraria.
bution of the landes among the common people, and unto An article for
that law he had specially added one article : that all the the oihes of
Lords of the Senate should come openly to sweare, that they * ie^e *te,to
should kepe and observe from pointe to pointe that which t^e peopie
the people by their voyces should decree, and should not should passe
deny it in any jotte. But Marius in open Senate, made as by voyce.
though he would withstand this article, saying, that neither Marius duble
he nor any other wise man of judgement would take this dealing
othe : for said he, if the law be evill, then they should doe
the Senate open wrong to compell them by force to graunt
it, and not of their owne goodwills. But he spake not that,
meaning to do as he said : for it was but a bayte he had
layed for Metellus only, which he could hardly escape. For,
imagining that to tell a fine lye, was a peece of vertue, and To lye cun-
of a good wit: he was throughly resolved with him selfe, ningly,Marius
not to passe for any thing he had spoken in the Senate. take*h li; for
And to the contrary also, knowinge well enough that
Metellus was a grave wise man, who esteemed that to be
just and true (as Pindarus sayd) is the beginning and foun-
dacion of great vertue : he thought he would outreach him,

199

CAIUS
MARIUS

Timorous
policy causeth
perjury.

Metellus
constant in
vertue.

Metellus wise
saying, touch-
ing well doing.

Metellus
banishment.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

makinge him affirme before the Senate that he would not
sweare, knowinge also that the people would hate him deadly,
if he would refuse afterwardes to sweare. And so in dede it
happened. For Metellus having assured them then that he
would not sweare, the Senate brake up uppon it. And
shortly after, Saturninus the Tribune calling the Senators
unto the pulpit for orations, to compell them to sweare
before the people : Marius went thither to offer him selfe
to sweare. Whereupon the people making silence, listned
attentively to heare what he would say. But Marius not
regarding his large promise and bragges made before the
Senate, sayed then, his necke was not so long, that he would
prejudice the common wealth in a matter of so great import-
ance : but that he would sweare, and obey the lawe, if it
were a law. This shifting subtilty he added to it, to cloke
and cover his shame : and when he had sayd so, he tooke
his othe. The people seeing him sweare, were marvelous
glad, and praised him with clapping of their hands : but the
nobility hanging downe their heads were ashamed of him,
and were marvelous angry in their hartes with him, that he
had so cowardly and shamefully gone from his word. Ther-
upon all the Senate tooke their othes, one after an other
against their wills, bicause they were afrayed of the people.
Saving Metellus, whome, neither parentes nor frendes per-
swasion and intreaty could once move to sweare, for any
punishment that Saturninus had imposed upon them, which
refused to take the othe, but continued one man still accord-
ing to his nature, and would never yelde unto it, offering to
abide any payne, rather then to be brought to consent to a
dishonest matter unbeseming his estate. And thereuppon
went out of the assembly, and talking with them that did
accompany him, told them, that to do evill, it was too easie
a thing : and to doe good without daunger, it was also a
common matter : but to do well with daunger, that was the
parte of an honest and vertuous man. Saturninus then
commaunded the Consulls by edict of the people, that they
should banishe Metellus by sounde of trompet, with speciall
commaundement, that no man should let him have fire nor
water, nor lodge him privately nor openly. The common
200

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

people, they were ready to have fallen upon him, and to CAIUS
have killed him : but the noble men being offended for the MARIUS
injury they had offred him, gathered together about him to
save him, if any would offer him violence. Metellus him
selfe was so good a man, that he would not any civill dis-
sention should rise for his sake : and therefore he absented
him selfe from Rome, wherein he did like a wise man. For
sayd he, either things will amend, and the people then
repenting them selves of the wrong they have done me, will
call me home againe: or else thinges standing as they do
now, it shalbe best for me to be furthest of. But for his
travaill in his exile, howe much he was beloved and honored,
and how sweetely he passed his time studying philosophic in
the citie of Rhodes, shalbe declared more at large in his life.
Now on the other side, Marius to recompence the pleasure
Saturninus had done him, being driven to let him have his
will in all things : did not foresee what an intolerable plague
he brought unto the common wealth, geving the brydle to
a desperate man, who every way, by force, by sword and
murder, plainly sought to usurpe tyrannicall power, with the
utter destruction and subvertion of the whole common weale.
And so bearing reverence of the one side unto the nobility, Marius doble
and desiring on the other side to gratifie the common people : dealing be-
he played a shamefull parte, and shewed him selfe a double *WUM>- e d
dealing man. For one night the nobilitie and chiefest people,
citizens comming to his house, to perswade him to brydle
Saturninus insolencie and boldnes: at the selfe same time
also Saturninus going thither to speake with him, he caused
him to be let in at a backe dore, the noble men not being
privy to his comming. And so Marius telling the nobility, Marius
and then Saturninus, that he was troubled with a losenes of procureth
his body, under this pretence whipped up and downe, now to ^dltlon at
the one, then to the other, and did nothing else but set them
further out one against an other, then they were before.
Nevertheles, the Senate being marvelous angry with his
naughty double dealing, and the order of knightes taking
parte with the Senate, Marius in the ende was compelled to
arme the people in the market place, to suppresse them that
were up, and drave them into the Capitoll : where for lacke
3 : CC 201

CAIUS
MARIUS

No trust to
the faith of
the common
people.

Metellus re-
turne from
banishement.

Marius jorney
into Cappa-
docia and
Galatia.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

of water, they were compelled to yelde them selves at the
length, bicause he had cut of the pypes and conduits by
the which the water ran unto the Capitoll. By reason
whereof, they being unable to continue any lenger, called
Marius unto them, and yeelded them selves to him, under
the assurance of the faith of the common people. But
although Marius did what he could possible to his uttermost
power to save them, he could not prevaile, nor doe them
pleasure : for they were no sooner come downe into the
market place, but they were all put to death. Whereupon
he having now purchased him selfe the ill will of the people
and nobility both, when time came about that new Censors
shoulde be chosen, every man looked that he would have
bene one of the suters : howbeit he sued not for it, for feare
of repulse, but suffered others to be chosen of farre lesse
dignity and calling then him selfe. Wherein notwithstand-
ing he gloried, saying that he would not sue to be Censor,
bicause he would not have the ill will of many, for examining
too straghtly their lives and manners. Againe, a decree
being preferred to repeale Metellus banishment, Marius did
what he could possible by word and deede to hinder it :
howbeit, seeing in the end he could not have his will, he let
it alone. The people having thus willingly revoked Metellus
banishment, Marius hart would not serve him to see Metellus
returne againe, for the malice he bare him : wherfore, he
tooke the seas to goe into Cappadocia and Galatia, under
colour to pay certaine sacrifices to the mother of the goddes,
which he had vowed unto her. But this was not the very
cause that made him to undertake this jorney, for he had an
other secret meaning in it. For his nature not being framed
to live in peace, and to governe civill matters, and having
attained to his greatnes by armes, and supposing that his
glorie and authority consumed and decreased altogether
living idlely in peace : he sought to devise new occasion of
warres, hoping if he could stirre up the kinges of Asia, and
specially Mithridates (who without his procurement was
feared much, that one day he would make warres against the
Romaines) that he should then undoutedly without let of
any man be chosen Generall to make warres with him, and
202

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

withall also, that by that meanes he should have occasion to CAIUS
fill the citie of Rome with newe triumphes, and his house MARIUS
with the spoyles of the great kingdome of Ponte, and with
the riches of the king. Now Mithridates disposing him selfe
to entertaine Marius, with all the honor and curtesies he
could possibly shew him : Marius in the ende notwithstand-
ing would not once geve him a good looke, nor a curteous
word againe, but churlishly sayd unto Mithridates at his
departure from him : Thou must determine one of these Marius prowd
two, king Mithridates : either to make thy selfe stronger
then the Romaines, or else to looke to doe what they com-
maund thee, without resistaunce. These wordes amazed
Mithridates, who had heard say before that the Romaines
would speake their mindes freely : howbeit he never saw nor
proved it before, untill that time. After Marius was returned
unto Rome, he built a house neere unto the market place,
bicause he would not (as he said himself) that such as came
unto him should trouble them selves in going farre to bring
him home to his house : or else for that he thought this
would be an occasion that diverse would come to salute him,
as they did other Senators. Howbeit that was not the cause
in deede, but the onely cause was, for that he had no naturall
grace nor civility to entertaine men curteously that came
unto him, and that he lacked behavior besides to rule in a
common wealth : and therefore in time of peace they made
no more reckoning of him, then they did of an old rusty
harnesse or implement that was good for nothing, but for
the warres only. And for all other that professed armes as
him selfe did, no man grieved him so much to be called
forward to office and state before him selfe, as Sylla did.
For he was ready to burst for spite, to see that the noble
men did all what they could to preferre Sylla, for the malice
and ill will they bare him : and that Syllaes first risinge and
preferrement grew, by the quarrells and contentions he had
with him. And specially when Bocchus king of Numidia
was proclaimed by the Senate, a frende and confederate
of the Romaine people : he offred up statues of victories,
carving tokens of triumphe, into the temple of the Capitoll :
ana placed neere unto them also, an image of gold of king

CAIUS
MARIUS

The cause of
the dissen-
tion betwext
Marius and
Sylla.

The warre
of the con-
federates.

Siloes stowte
chalenge and
Marius
answer.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

lugurthe, which he delivered by his owne handes unto Sylla.
And this made Marius starke madde for spite and jelousie,
and could not abide that an other should take upon him the
glory of his doinges : insomuch as he determined to plucke
those images downe, and to cary them away by force. Sylla
on the other side stomaked Marius, and would not suffer him
to take them out of the place where they were : so that this
civill sedition had taken present effect, had not the warres of
their confederates fallen out betwene, and restrained them
for a time. For the best souldiers and most warlike people
of all Italie, and of greatest power, they all together rose
against the Romaines, and had well neere overthrowen their
whole Empire. For they were not onely of great force,
and power, and well armed : but their Captaines also, for
valliantnes and skill, did in maner equall the worthines of
the Romaines. For this warre fell out wonderfully, by
reason of the calamity and misfortune that happened in it :
but it wanne Sylla as much fame and reputacion, as it did
Marius shame and dishonor. For he shewed him selfe very
colde and slow in all his enterprises, still delayinge time,
either bicause age had mortified his active heate, and killed
that quicke ready disposition of body that was wont to be
in him, being then above three score and five yeare olde:
or else as he sayd him selfe, bicause he was waxen gowty,
and had ache in his vaines and sinewes, that he could not
well stirre his body, and that for shame, bicause he would
not tary behinde in this warre, he did more then his yeares
could away withall. Notwithstanding, as he was, yet he
wanne a great battell, wherein were slaine six thowsande of
their enemies : and so long as the warres endured, he never
gave them advantage of him, but paciently suffred them
sometime to intrenche him, and to mocke him, and geve him
vile words, chalenging him out to fight, and yet all this
would not provoke him. It is sayd also, that Pompedius
Silo, who was the chiefest Captaine of reputacion and
authority the enemies had, said unto Marius on a time : If
thou be Marius, so great a Captaine as they say thou art,
leave thy campe, and come out to battel. Nay, said Marius
to him againe : If thou be a great Captaine, plucke me out
204

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

by the eares, and compell me to come to battell. An other CAIUS
time when the enemies gave them occasion to geve a great MARIUS
charge upon them with advantage : the Romaines were
fainte harted, and durst not set upon them. Wherefore,
after both the one and the other were retyred, Marius caused
his men to assemble, and spake unto them in this sorte : I
can not tell which of the two I should recken most cowardes:
you your selves, or your enemies : for they durst not once
see your backes, nor you them in the faces. In the end not-
withstanding, he was compelled to resigne his charge, being
able to serve no lenger for the weakenesse and debilitie of his
body. Now, all the rebels of Italie being put downe, many
at Rome (by the orators meanes) did sue to have the charge
of the warres against Mithridates : and among them, a
Tribune of the people called Sulpitius, (a very bold and
rash man) beyond all mens hope and opinion preferred
Marius, and perswaded them to geve him the charge of these
warres, with title and authority of vice Consull. The people
thereupon were devided into two partes : for the one side
stoode for Marius, and thother would have Sylla take the
charge, saying, that Marius was to thinke nowe uppon the
hotte bathes at Baies, to looke to cure his olde bodie, brought
lowe with rewme and age, as him selfe sayd. For Marius
had a goodly stately house in those partes neere unto the
mount of Misene, which was farre more fine and curiously Mons
furnished, then became a Captaine that had bene in so many Misenum.
foughten battells and daungers. They say that Cornelia
afterwardes bought that fine house for the summe of seven
thowsande five hundred crownes, and shortly after also,
Lucullus bought it againe for two hundred and fifty thow-
sand crownes : to so great excesse was vanitie and curiositie
growen in very shorte time at Rome. Notwithstanding all
this, Marius too ambitiously striving like a passioned young Marius
man against the weakenes and debility of his age, never ambition,
missed day but he would be in the field of Mars to exercise
him selfe among the young men, shewing his body disposed
and ready to handle all kinde of weapons, and to ryde horses :
albeit that in his latter time, he had no great health of body,
bicause he was very heavy and sad. There were that liked

205

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

CAIUS that passing well in him, and went of purpose into the fielde
MARIUS to see the paines he tooke, striving to excell the rest. How-
beit those of the better sorte were very sory to see his avarice
and ambition, considering specially, that being of a poore
man become very rich, and of a right meane persone a great
estate, that he coulde not now containe his prosperity within
reasonable boundes, nor content him selfe to be esteemed
and honored, quietlie enjoy inge all he had wonne, and which
at that present he did possesse : but as if he had bene very
poore and needy, after he had received such great honor
and triumphes, would yet cary out his age so stowtly, even
into Cappadocia, and unto the realme of Pont, to goe fight
there against Archelaus and Neoptolemus, Lieutenaunts of
king Mithridates. In deede he alleaged some reasons to
excuse him selfe, but they were altogether vaine : for he sayd
that he desired in persone to bring up his sonne in exercise
of armes, and to teach him the discipline of warres. That
discovered the secret hidden plague, which of long time hath
lurked in Rome, Marius specially having now met with a
fit instrument, and minister to destroy the common wealth,
which was, the insolent and rash Sulpitius : who altogether
followed Saturninus doinges, saving that he was found too
cowardly and fainte harted in all his enterprises, and for
that did Marius justly reprove him. But Sulpitius, bicause
he would not dally nor delay time, had ever sixe hundred
younge gentlemen of the order of knightes, whome he used
Sulpitius gard as his gard about him, and called them the gard against the
°f sixe hun- Senate. And one day as the Consulls kept their common
:nig s. assembly in the market place, Sulpitius comming in armed
Sulpitius apon them, made them both take their heeles, and get them
boldnes. packing : and as they fled, one of the Consulls sonnes being

taken tardy, was slaine. Sylla being thother Consull, and
perceiving that he was followed hard at hand unto Marius
house, ranne into the same against the opinion of all the
world : wherof they that ranne after him not being aware,
passed by the house. And it is reported that Marius him
selfe conveyed Sylla safelie out at a backe dore, and that he
being scaped thus, went unto his campe. Notwithstanding,
Sylla him selfe in his commentaries doth not say, that he
206

was saved in Marius house when he fled : but that he was CAIUS
brought thither to geve his consent unto a matter which MARIUS
Sulpitius woulde have forced him unto against his will, pre-
senting him naked swordes on every side. And he wryteth
also, that being thus forcibly brought unto Marius house,
he was kept there in this feare, untill such time as return-
inge into the market place, he was compelled to revoke
againe the adjornement of justice, which he and his com-
panion by edict had commaunded. This done, Sulpitius
then being the stronger, caused the commission and charge
of this warre against Mithridates to be assigned unto Marius
by the voyce of the people. Therfore Marius geving order
for his departure, sent two of his Colonells before to take
the army of Sylla: who having wonne his souldiers harts
before, and stirred them up against Marius, brought them
on with him directly towardes Rome, being no lesse then
five and thirty thowsand fighting men : who setting apon
the Captaines Marius had sent unto them, slewe them in
the fielde. In revenge whereof, Marius againe in Rome put
many of Syllaes frendes and followers to death, and pro-
claimed open liberty by sound of trompet, to all slaves and
bondmen that would take armes for him: but there were Marius
never but three only that offered them selves. Whereuppon, sedition.
having made a litle resistaunce unto Sylla when he came
into Rome, he was soone after compelled to runne his way.
Marius was no sooner out of the citie, but they that were Marius flieth
in his company forsaking him, dispersed them selves here Rome,
and there being darke night : and Marius him selfe got to
a house of his in the contrie, called Salonium, and sent his
sonne to one of his father in law Mutius farmes not farre
from thence, to make some provision for vittells. But Marius
in the meane time, went before to Ostia, where one of his
frendes Numerius had prepared him a shippe, in the which
he imbarked immediatly, not tarying for his sonne, and
hoised saile, having only Granius his wives sonne with him.
In the meane time the younger Marius beinge at his father in
law Mutius farme, stayed so long in getting of provision, in
trussing of it up, and carying it away, that broade day light
had like to have discovered him : for the enemies had adver-

207

CAIUS
MARIUS

Marius the,
sonne flieth
into Africke.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

tisement whether he was gone, whereupon certaine horsemen
were sent thither supposing to have found him. But the
keeper of the house having an inckling of their comminge,
and preventing them also before they came, sodainely yoked
his oxen to the carte which he loded with beanes, and hidde
this younger Marius under the same. And prickinge the
oxen forward with his goade, set out, and met them as he
went towards the city, and delivered Marius in this sorte
into his wives house : and there taking such thinges as he
needed, when the night following came, went towards the
sea, and tooke shippe, finding one crosse sayled, bound
towards Africke. Marius the father saylinge on still, had
a very good winde to poynte alongest the coast of Italic :
notwithstanding, being arrayed of one Geminius, a chiefe
man of Terracine, who hated him to the death, he gave
the maryners warning thereof betimes, and willed them to
take heede of landing at Terracine. The maryners were very
willing to obey him, but the winde stoode full against them
comming from the mayne, which raised a great storme, and
they feared much that their vessell which was but a bote,
would not brooke the seas, besides that he him selfe was
very sicke in his stomake, and sore sea beaten : notwith-
standing, at the length with the greatest difficulty that
might be, they recovered the coast over against the city
of Circees. In the meane time, the storme increased still,
and their vittells failed them : whereupon they were com-
pelled to land, and went wandring up and downe not know-
inge what to doe, nor what way to take. But as it falleth
out commonly in such like cases of extremitie, they thought
it alwayes the best safetie for them, to flie from the place
where they were, and to hope of that which they saw not :
for if the sea were their enemy, the lande was so likewise.
To meete with men, they were afrayed : and not to meete
with them on thother side lacking vittells, was in deede the
greater daunger. Neverthelesse, in the end they met with
heard men that could geve them nothing to eate, but know-
ing Marius, warned him to get him out of the way as soone
as he could possible, bicause it was not longe since that there
passed by a great troupe of horsemen that sought him all
208

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

about. And thus being brought unto such perplexity, that CAIUS
he knew not where to bestowe him selfe, and specially for MARIUS
that the poore men he had in his company were almost
starved for hunger : he got out of the high way notwith-
standing, and sought out a very thicke wodde where he
passed all that night in great sorow, and the next morninge
beinge compelled by necessity, determined yet to employ his
body before all his strength failed. Thus he wandered on
alongest the sea coast, still comforting them that followed
him the best he could, and praying them not to dispayre,
but to referre them selves to him, even until the last hope,
trusting in certaine prophecies which the Soothsayers had
told him of long time before. For when he was but very
young, and dwelling in the contry, he gathered up in the
lappe of his gowne, the ayrie of an Eagle, in the which Marius found
were seven young Eagles : whereat his father and mother an ayrie of
much wondering, asked the Soothsayers what that ment. Ea£les<
They answered, That their sonne one day should be one of
the greatest men in the world, and that out of doubt he
should obtaine seven times in his life the chiefest office of
dignity in his contry. And for that matter, it is sayd that
so in dede it came to passe. Other hold opinion, that such
as were about Marius at that time, in that present place, and
else where, during the time of his flying : they hearing him
tell this tale, beleved it, and afterwardes put it downe in
wry tinge, as a true thinge, although of trothe it is bothe
false and fayned. For they say, that the Eagle never getteth
but two younge ones : by reason whereof it is mayntayned
also, that the Poet Musseus hathe lyed, in that which he
hathe wrytten in these verses :

The Eagle layes three egges, and two she hatcheth forth : How many

But yet she bringeth up but one, that any thing is worth. egges the

Eagle layeth.

Howsoever it was, it is certaine that Marius many times
during the time of his flying sayd, that he was assured he
should come unto the seventh Consulship. When they were
comen neere now to the city of Minturnes, about a two myle
and a halfe from it, they might perceive a troupe of horse-
men comming by the sea side, and two shippes on the sea
3 : DD 209

CAIUS that fell uppon the coast by good happe. Wherefore they
MARIUS all beganne to runne (so long as they had breath and
strength) towardes the sea, into the which they threw them
selves, and got by swymming unto one of the shippes where
Granius was : and they crossed over unto the lie that is
right against it called Enaria. Now for Marius, who was
heavy and sicke of body, two of his servauntes holpe to holde
him up alwayes above water, with the greatest paine and
difficultie in the worlde : and at the last they labored so
throughly, that they put him into the other shippe at the selfe
same present, when the horsemen came unto the sea side,
who cried out alowde to the maryners, to lande againe, or
else throw Marius over borde, and then to goe where they
would. Marius on th other side humbly besought them with
teares, not so to do : whereby the masters of the shippe
in a shorte space were in many mindes whether to doe it, or
not to doe it. In the ende notwithstanding, they aunswered
the horsemen they would not throwe him over the borde :
so the horsemen went their way in a great rage. But as soone
as they were gone, the masters of the shippe chaunging minde,
drewe towardes lande, and cast ancker about the mouth of
Liris fl. the river of Liris, where it leaveth her banckes, and maketh

great marysses : and there they tolde Marius he should doe
well to goe a land to eate somewhat, and refresh his sea
sicke body, till the winde served them to make saile, which
doubtlesse sayed they, will be at a certaine hower when the
sea winde falles and becomes calme, and that there riseth a
litle winde from the lande, ingendred by the vapours of the
marysses, which will serve the turne very well to take seas
Marius set a againe. Marius following their counsell, and thinking they
land, and for- had ment good faith, was set a lande uppon the rivers bancke :

saken and there layed him downe apon the grasse, nothing suspect-

manners, v • i i J j£ -^ ji & •

ing that which happened after to him. tor the manners
presently taking their shippe againe, and hoysing up their
anckers, sailed straight away, and fled : judging it no honesty
for them to have delivered Marius into the handes of his
enemies, nor safetie for them selves to have saved him.
Marius finding him selfe all alone, and forsaken of every
man, lay on the ground a great while, and sayd never a
210

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

word : yet at the length taking harte a litle to him, got up CAIUS
once againe on his feete, and painefully wandred up and MARIUS
downe, where was neither way nor pathe at all, overthwart
deepe marisses and great ditches, full of water and mudde,
till he came at the length to a poore olde mans cotage,
dwelling there in these marisses, and fallinge at his feete,
besought him to helpe to save and succour a poore afflicted
man, with promise that one day he would geve him a better
recompence then he looked for, if he might escape this
present daunger wherein he was. The olde man whether for
that he had knowen Marius aforetime, or that seeing him (by
conjecture only) judged him to be some great personage :
told him that if he ment but to lye downe and rest him selfe
a litle, his poore cabyne would serve that turne reasonably
well : but if he ment to wander thus, to flie his enemies that
followed him, he would then bring him into a more secret
place, and farder of from noyse. Marius prayed him that he
would so much doe for him : and the good man brought him Marius
into the marishe, unto a low place by the rivers side, where hidden in the
he made him lye downe, and then covered him with a great n
deale of reede and bent, and other such light thinges as
could not hurte him. He had not long bene there, but he
heard a great noyse comming towardes the cabin of the
poore old man : for Geminius of Terracine had sent men all
about to seeke for him, whereof some by chaunce came that
way, and put the poore man in a feare, and threatned him
that he had received and hidden an enemie of the Romaines.
Marius hearing that, rose out of the place where the old
man had layed him, and stripping him selfe starke naked,
went into a parte of the marishe where the water was full of
myre and mudde, and there was founde of those that searched
for him : who takinge him out of the slime all naked as he Marius taken,
was, caried him into the citie of Minturnes, and delivered him
there into the governours handes. Open proclamation was
made by the Senate through all Italic, that they should
apprehend Marius, and kill him wheresoever they founde
him. Notwithstanding, the governors and magistrates of
Minturnes thought good first to consult therupon amongest
them selves, and in the meane time they delivered him into

211

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

CAIUS the safe custody of a woman called Fannia, whom they
MARIUS thought to have bene a bitter enemie of his, for an old
grudge she had to him, which was this : Fannia somtime had
a husband called Tinnius, whom she was willing to leave for
that they could not agre, and required her dower of him
againe, which was very great. Her husbande againe sayed,
she had played the whore. The matter was brought before
Marius in his sixt Consulshippe, who had geven judgement
apon it. Both parties being heard, and the law prosecuted
on either side, it was found that this Fannia was a naughty
woman of her body, and that her husband knowing it well
enough before he maried her, yet tooke her with her faultes,
and long time lived with her. Wherefore Marius being
angrie with them both, gave sentence that the husband
should repay backe her dower, and that for her naughty life,
Fanniaes she should pay foure farthings. This notwithstanding, when
curtesie unto pannja saw Marius, she grudged him not for that, and least
of all had any revenginge minde in her towardes him, but
contrarily did comforte and helpe him what she could with
that she had. Marius thanked her marvelously for it, and
bad her hope well : bicause he met with good lucke as he
was comming to her house, and in this manner. As they
were leading of him, when he came neere to Fanniaes house,
her dore being open, there came an asse running out to go
drinke at a conduit: not farre from thence: and meeting
Marius by the way, looked apon him with a lively joyfull
countenaunce, first of all stopping sodainly before him, and
then beginning to bray out alowde, and to leape and skippe
by him. Whereuppon Marius straight conjecturing with
him selfe, said, that the goddes did signifie unto him, that he
should save him selfe sooner by water then by lande : bicause
that the asse leaving him, ranne to drinke, and cared not to
eate. So when he had tolde Fannia this tale, he desired to rest,
and prayed them to let him alone, and to shut the chamber
dore to him. But the magistrates of the citie having con-
sulted together about him, in the ende resolved they must
deferre no lenger time, but dispatche him out of the way
presently. Now when they were agreed apon it, they could
not finde a man in the citie that durst take apon him to kill
212

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

him : but a man of armes of the Gaules, or one of the CAIUS
Cimbres (for we finde both the one and the other in wryting) MARIUS
that went thither with his sword drawen in his hande. Now, One hiered to
that place of the chamber wherein Marius lay was very kill Marius.
darke, and as it is reported, the man of armes thought he
sawe two burninge flames come out of Marius eyen, and heard
a voyce out of that darke corner, saying unto him : O fellowe,
thou, darest thou come to kill Caius Marius ? The barbarous
Gaule hearing these wordes, ranne out of the chamber pre-
sently, casting his sworde in the middest of the flower, and
crying out these wordes onely : I can not kill Caius Marius.
This made the Minturnians afraied in the city at the first,
but afterwards it moved them to compassion. So they were
angry with them selves, and did repent them that they con-
verted their counsell to so cruell and unkinde a deede,
against one that had preserved all Italie : and to deny him
aide in so extreame necessitf^it was too great a sinne.
Therefore let us let him goe, sayed they to them selves,
where he will, and suffer him take his fortune appointed him
else where : and let us pray to the goddes to pardone this
offence of ours, to have thrust Marius naked and beggerly
out of our city. For these considerations, the Minturnians The Mintur-
went all together to Marius where he was, and stoode about nians suffered
him, determining to see him safely conducted unto the sea Marius to go
•j XT 4.u j -IT his way with

side. JNow though every man was ready, and willing to safetv

pleasure him, some with one thing, some with an other, and
that they did hasten him all they could possible, yet they
were a good while a going thither: bicause there was a
wodde called Marica, that laye right in their way betwene Marica Sylva.
their city and the sea coast which they greatly reverence,
and thinke it a sacriledge to cary any thing out of that
wodde, that was once brought into it. On thother side,
to leave to goe through this wodde, and to compasse it
rounde about, it would aske a marvelous long time. So
they standing all in doubt what they should doe, one of the
auncientest men of the city, spake alowde unto them, and
said : that there was no way forbidden them, that went
about to save Marius life. Then Marius him selfe being
the formest man, taking up some of the fardells which

213

CAIUS
MARIUS

Marius the
elder flieth
into Africke.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

they caried with him, to pleasure him in the ship, went
through the wodde. All other things necessary being thus
readily prepared for him with like goodwil, and specially
the shippe which one Bellaeus had ordained for him : he
caused all this storie to be painted in a table at large,
which he gave unto the temple, out of the which he departed
when he tooke shippe. After he was departed thence, the
winde by good fortune caried him into the He of Enaria,
where he founde Granius and some other of his frendes, with
whom he tooke sea againe, and pointed towardes Africke.
But lacking water, they were compelled to lande in Sicilia,
in the territory of the city of Erix : where by chaunce there
laye a Romaine Quaestor, who kept that coast. Marius
being landed there, scaped very narrowly that he was not
taken of him : for he slue sixteene of his men that came out
with him to take water. So Marius getting him thence
with all speede, crossed the seas, untill he arrived in the He
of Menynge, where he first understoode that his sonne was
saved with Cethegus, and that they were both together gone
to Hiempsal king of the Numidians to beseeche him of ayde.
This gave him a litle corage, and made him bold to passe
out of that He, into the coast of Carthage. Nowe at that
time, Sextilius a Romaine Praetor was governor of Africke,
unto whom Marius had never done good nor hurt, and
therfore he hoped, that for pity only he might perhappes
have helpe at his hande. Howbeit he was no sooner landed
with a few of his men, but a sergeaunt came straight and
sayd unto him : Sextilius, Praetor and governor of Libya,
doth forbid thee to lande in all this province : otherwise he
telleth thee, that he will obay the Senates commaundement,
and pursue thee as an enemy of the Romaines. Marius
hearing this commaundement, was so angry and sory both,
that he coulde not readily tell what aunswere to make him,
and pawsed a good while, and sayd never a word, still eying
the sergeaunt with a grimme looke : untill he asked him,
what aunswer he would make, to the Praetors commaunde-
ment. Marius then fetching a deepe sigh from his harte, gave
him this aunswer : Thou shalt tell Sextilius, that thou
hast seene Caius Marius banished out of his contrie, sittinge
214

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

amongest the ruines of the city of Carthage. By this CAIUS
aunswere, he wisely layed the example of the ruine and MARIUS
destruction of that great city of Carthage, before Sextilius Marius wise
eyes, and the chaunge of his fortune : to warne Sextilius that answere of
the like might fall uppon him. In the meane time, Hiemp- go^ancy11
sal king of the Numidians, not knowing how to resolve, did
honorably intreate young Marius and his companie. But
when they were willing to goe their way, he alwayes founde
newe occasion to stay them, and was very glad to see that he
started not for any oportunity or good occasion that was
offered : notwithstandinge, there fortuned a happy meane
unto them, whereby they saved them selves. And this it
was. This Marius the younger being a fayer complexioned
young man, it pitied one of the kinges concubines to see him
so hardly delt withall. This pity of hers was a shadow to cloke
the love she bare him : but Marius would not hearken at the
first to her intisementes, and refused her. Yet in the ende,
perceiving that there was no other way for him to escape
thence, and considering that she did all thinges for their
availe, more diligently and lovingly then she would have
done, if she had not ment further matter unto him, then
only to enjoy the pleasure of him : he then accepted her
love and kyndnesse, so as at the length she taught him a way Marius the
howe to flye, and save him selfe and his frendes. Hereupon younger
he went to his father, and after they had imbraced and escapeth
saluted eche other, going alongest the sea side, they founde ha^ds^8
two scorpions fightinge together. Marius tooke this for an
ill signe : wherupon they quickly tooke a fisher boate, and
went into the ile of Cercina, which is no great distaunce of
from firme lande. They had no soner hoised up ancker, but
they sawe the horse men which kinge Hiempsal had sent
unto the place from whence they were departed : and that
was one of the greatest daungers that Marius ever escaped.
In the meane time there was newes at Rome, that Silla made
warre against kinge Mithridates Lieutenauntes : and further-
more, that the Consulls being up in armes thone against
thother, Octavius wanne the battell, and being the stronger Cinna driven
had driven out Cinna, who sought to have usurped tyran- out of Rome
nicall power, and had made Cornelius Merula Consull in his b? Octavius«

215

CAIUS
MARIUS

Marius joyn-
eth force
with Cinna.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

place : and that Cinna on thother side leavied men out of
other partes of Italie, and made warres upon them that were
in Rome. Marius hearing of this dissention, thought good
to returne as soone as he could possible into Italie. And
assembling certaine horsemen of the nation of the Mauru-
sians in Africke, and certaine Italians that had saved them
selves there, unto the number of a thowsand men in all : he
tooke sea, and landed in a haven of Thuscane called Telamon,
and being landed, proclaimed by sounde of trompet, liberty
to all slaves and bonde men that would come to him. So
the laborers, heard men, and neateheardes of all that marche,
for the onely name and reputacion of Marius, ranne to the
sea side from all partes : of the which he having chosen out
the stowtest and lustiest of them, wanne them so by fayer
wordes, that having gathered a great companie together in
few dayes, he made fortie sayle of them. Furthermore,
knowing that Octavius was a marvelous honest man, that
would have no authoritie otherwise then law and reason
would : and that Cinna to the contrarie was suspected of
Sylla, and that he sought to bring in chaunge and innova-
tion to the common wealth, he determined to joyne his force
with Cinna. So Marius sent first unto Cinna, to lette him
understande that he would obay him as Consull, and be
ready to do all that he should commaunde him. Cinna
received him, and gave him the title and authoritie of Vice-
consull, and sent him sergeaunts to carie axes and roddes
before him, with all other signes of publicke authoritie. But
Marius refused them, and sayed, that pompe became not his
miserable fortune : for he ever went in a poore threede bare
gowne, and had let his heare grow still after he was banished,
being above three score and tenne yeare olde, and had a
sober gate with him, to make men pitie him the more that
sawe him. But under all this counterfeate pitie of his, he
never chaunged his naturall looke, which was ever more
fearefull and terrible, then otherwise. And where he spake
but litle, and went very demurely and soberly : that shewed
rather a cankered corage within him, then a minde humbled
by his banishment. Thus when he had saluted Cinna, and
spoken to the souldiers : he then beganne to set thinges
216

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

abroache, and made a wonderfull chaunge in fewe dayes. CAIUS

For first of all, with his shippes he cut of all the vittells by MARIUS

sea, and robbed the marchaunts that caried corne and other

vittells to Rome : so that in a shorte space he was master

purveyor for all necessarie provision and vittells. After

this he went alongest the coast, and tooke all the cities apon

the sea side, and at the length wanne Ostia also by treason,

put the most parte of them in the towne to the sword, and

spoyled all their goodes : and afterwards making a bridge

apon the river of Tiber, tooke from his enemies all hope to

have any manner of provision by sea. That done, he went

directly towardes Rome with his armie, where first he wanne

the hill called laniculum through Octavius faulte : who over- Octavius

threwe him selfe in his doinges, not so much for lacke of negligence

reasonable skill of warres, as through his unprofitable curio- i? defence of

... j . . , . , ' .,& , -ff , ,. the citie of

si tie and strictnes in observing the law. tor when diverse Rome against

did perswade him to set the bond men at liberty to take Cinna'and
armes for defence of the common wealth : he aunswered, Marius.
that he would never geve bond men the law and priviledge
of a Romaine citizen, having driven Caius Marius out of
Rome, to maintaine the authoritie of the lawe. But when
Csecilius Metellus was come to Rome, the sonne of that
Metellus Numidicus, that having begonne the warres in
Libya against king lugurthe, was put out by Marius : the
souldiers forsooke Octavius immediatly, and came unto him,
bicause they tooke him to be a better Captaine, and desired
also to have a leader that could tell how to commaund
them, to save the citie, and the common wealth. For they
promised to fight valliantly, and perswaded them selves that
they should overcome their enemies, so that they had a skil-
full and valliant Captaine that could order them. Metellus
misliking their offer, commaunded them in anger to returne
againe unto the Consull : but they for spite went unto their
enemies. Metellus on thother side, seeing no good order
taken in the citie to resist the enemies, got him out of
Rome. But Octavius being perswaded by certaine Sooth- Octavius too
sayers and Chaldean sacrificers, who promised him all should m"ch geven
goe well with him, taxied still in Rome. For that man t(
being otherwise, as wise as any Romaine of his time, and
3 : EE 217

CAIUS
MARIUS

Octavius
vertue and im-
perfection.

Octavius
slaine by
Marius
souldiers.

A great con-
trariety in
astronomy.

Cinna and
Marius entry
into Rome.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

one that delt as uprightly in his Consulshippe, not caried
away with flattering tales, and one also that followed the
auncient orders and customes as infallible rules and examples,
neither breaking nor omitting any parte therof : me thinkes
yet had this imperfection, that he frequented the Sooth-
sayers, wise men, and astronomers, more then men skilfull in
armes and government. Wherefore, before that Marius him
selfe came into the citie, Octavius was by force pluct out
of the pulpit for orations, and slaine presently by Marius
souldiers, whome he had sent before into the citie. And
it is sayed also, that when he was slaine, they founde a
figure of a Chaldean prophecie in his bosome : and here is
to be noted a great contrarietie in these two notable men,
Octavius and Marius. The first lost his life, by trusting
to soothsaying : and the seconde prospered, and rose
againe, bicause he did not despise the arte of divination.
The state of Rome standing then in this maner, the
Senate consulting together, sent Ambassadors unto Cinna
and Marius, to pray them to come peacibly into Rome,
and not to embrue their ha?io!s with the blood of their
citizens. Cinna sitting in his chayer as Consul, gave them
audience, and made them a very reasonable and curteous
aunswer. Marius standing by him, spake never a worde :
but shewed by his sower looke that he would straight fill
Rome with murder and blood. So when the Ambassadors
were gone, Cinna came into Rome environned with a great
number of souldiers : but Marius stayed sodainly at the
gate, speaking partely in anger, and partely in mockerie,
that he was a banished man, and driven out of his
contrie by law. And therefore if they would have him
come into Rome againe, they should first by a contrarie
decree abolish and revoke that of his banishment, as if
he had bene a religious observer of the lawes, and as
though Rome had at that present enjoyed their freedom
and libertie. Thus he made the people assemble in the
market place to proceede to the confirmation of his call-
ing home againe. But before three or foure tribes had
time to geve their voices, disguising the matter no lenger,
and showing plainly that he ment not to be lawfully called

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

home againe from exile : he came into Rome with a garde CAIUS
about him, of the veriest rascalls, and most shamelesse MARIUS
slaves, called the Bardiaeians, who came to him from all Bardisei.
partes : and they for the least word he spake, or at the
twinckling of his eye, or at a nodde of his head made to
them, slew many men through his commaundement, and at Marius caused
the length slew Ancharius a Senator (that had bene Praetor) great murder
at Marius feete with their swordes, bicause only that Marius m R°me>
did not salute him when he came one day to speake with
him. After this murther, they continued killinge all them
that Marius did not salute, and speake unto : for that was
the very signe he had geven them, to kill them openly in the
streetes before every man, so that his very frendes were
afearde of being murthered, when they came to salute him.
Thus being a great number of men slaine, Cinna in the end
beganne to be satisfied, and to appease his anger. But
Marius anger and unsatiable desire of revenge increased more Marius
and more, so that he spared not one if he suspected him crueltie-
never so litle : and there was neither towne nor high way,
that was not full of skowtes and spies, to hunte them out
that hidde them selves and fled. Then experience taught
them, that no frende is faithfull, and to be trusted, if fortune Small trust
especially frowne never so litle : for there were very fewe °j- frendes in
that did not betray their frendes that fled to them for advers
succor. And therefore doe Cornutus servaunts so much the The faithful-
more deserve praise, who having secretly hidden their master nes of Corau-
in his house, did hang up the dead body of some common *o \Jeir au
persone by the necke, and having put a golde ring on his master.
finger, they shewed him to the Bardiaeians, Marius garde,
and buried him in steade of their owne master, without sus-
picion of any man that it was a fained thing : and so Cornutus
being hidden by his servauntes, was safely conveyed into
the contrie of Gaule. Marke Anthony the Orator had also M. Antonius
founde out a faithfull frende, yet was he unfortunate. This *he Ora^°]r'
faithfull frend of his, was a poore simple man, who having ^verner ^ &
received one of the chiefest men of Rome into his house to
kepe him close there : he being desirous to make him the
best chere he could with that Title he had, sent one of his
men to the next taverne to fetche wine, and tastinge the

219

CAIUS
MARIUS

The force of
eloquence.

Catulus Luc-
tatius killed
him selfe.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

wine more curiously then he was wont to do, he called for
better. The drawer asked him, why the new ordinary wine
would not serve him, but he must needes have of the best and
dearest : the foolish fellow simply aunswered him (telling him
as his familiar frend) that his master did feast Marke Anthony,
who was hidden very secretly in his house. He was no sooner
gone with his wine, and his backe turned, but the vile
traiterous drawer ranne unto Marius, who was set at supper
when he came. The drawer beinge brought to him, promised
him to deliver Marke Anthony into his handes. Marius
hearing that, was so joconde, that he cried out, and clapt his
handes together for joye : and would have risen from the
borde, and gone thither him selfe in persone, had not his
frendes kept him backe. But he sent Annius one of his
Captaines thither with a certaine number of souldiers, and
commaunded them to bringe him his heade quickely. So they
went thither, and when they were come to the house which
the drawer had brought them to, Annius taried beneath at
the dore, and the souldiers went up the stayers into the
chamber, and finding Anthony there, they beganne to en-
corage one an other to kill him, not one of them having the
harte to lay handes uppon him. For Anthonyes tongue was
as sweete as a Sirene, and had such an excellent grace in
speaking, that when.he began to speake unto the souldiers, and
to pray them to save his life : there was not one of them so
hard harted, as once to touch him, no not onely to looke him
in the face, but looking downewardes, fell a weeping. Annius
perceiving they taried long, and came not downe, went him
selfe up into the chamber, and found Anthony talking to his
souldiers, and them weeping, his sweete eloquent tongue
had so melted their hartes : but he rating them, ranne
furiously apon him, and strake of his head with his owne
handes. And Catulus Luctatius also, that had bene Consull
with Marius, and had triumphed over the Cimbres with him,
seeing him selfe in this perill, set men to intreate Marius for
him : but his aunswere was ever, he must needes dye. So
Catulus locked him selfe into a litle chamber, and made a
great fire of charcole to be kindled, and with the smoke
thereof choked him selfe. Now after their heades were cut
220

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

of, they threw out the naked bodies into the streetes, and CAIUS

trodde them under their feete : the which was not only a MARIUS

pitiefull, but a fearefull sight to all that sawe them. But

after all this yet, there was nothing that grieved the people

so much, as the horrible lechery and abhominable cruelty of

this gard of the Bardiasians, who comming into mens houses

by force, after they had slaine the masters, defiled their

young children, and ravished their wives and maides, and no

man would once reprove their crueltie, lecherie, and unsati-

able avarice : untill Cinna and Sertorius in the end set apon The Bardise-

them as they slept in their campe, and slewe them every one. ians slaine

But in this extremitie, as if all thinges had bene restored ? . jr .??'.

,,. c • r 11 j. tains for their

unto their first estate, newes came agame from alf partes crueitie.

to Rome, that Sylla having ended his warre against king
Mithridates, and recovered the provinces which he had
usurped : returned into Italic with a great power. This
caused these evills and unspeakeable miseries to cease a litle,
bicause the wicked doers of the same looked they should
have warres on their backes ere it were long. Whereuppon
Marius was chosen Consull the seventh time. He going out Marius
of his house openly the first day of lanuarie, being the seventh
beginning of the yeare, to take possession of his Consul- ^onsu ' *?•
shippe : caused one Sextus Lucinus to be throwen downe
headlong from the rocke Tarpeian, which seemed to be a
great signe and certaine token of the evills and miseries,
that fell out afterwards the selfe same yere apon them of
their faction, and unto all the citie beside. But Marius
being sore broken with his former troubles, and his minde
oppressed with extreame sorow and griefe, could not now at
this last time of neede plucke up his harte to him againe,
when he came to thinke of this newe toward warre that
threatned him, and of the daungers, griefes, and troubles he
should enter into, more great and perillous then any he had
passed before. For through the great experience he had in
warres, he trembled for feare when he beganne to thinke of
it, considering that he had to fight, not with Octavius, nor
with Merula, Captaines of a companie of rebells gathered
together : but with a noble Sylla, that had driven him out
of Rome before, and that came now from driving the puisant

221

Marius
thoughtes
and feare.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

CAIUS king Mithridates, unto the furdest parte of the realme of
MARIUS Pont, and of the sea Euxinum. Thus, deepely waying and
considering the same, and specially when he looked backe
uppon his long time of banishment, how vacabondlike he
wandered up and downe in other contries, and remembred
the great misfortunes he had passed, and the sundrie daun-
gers he fell so often into, being pursued still by sea and by
land : it grieved him to the harte, and made him so unquiet,
that he coulde not sleepe in the night, or if he slept, had
fearefull dream es that troubled him, and still he thought he
heard a voyce bussing in his eares :

A Lyons very denne, is dreadfull to behold :

Though he him selfe be gone abroade, and be not therein hold.

But fearing most of all that he should no more sleepe and
take his rest, he gave him selfe to make unreasonable
banckets, and to drinke more then his yeres could beare,
Devise to seeking to winne sleepe by this meanes, to avoyde care the
winne sleepe. better. But at the length there came one from the sea,
that gave him certaine intelligence of all : and that was an
increase of a new feare unto him. And thus he being now
extreamely troubled, partely for feare of the thing to come,
and partely also for the over heavie burden of his present ill,
there neded but litle more aggravation, to fall into the
disease whereof he dyed, which was a plewrisie : as Posi-
donius the Philosopher wryteth, who sayeth plainly that he
went into his chamber when he was sicke, and spake unto
him about matters of his Ambassade, for the which he came
to Rome. Yet an other historiographer Caius Piso wryteth,
that Marius walking one day after supper with his frendes,
fell in talke of his fortune from the beginning of his life,
telling them at large how often fortune had turned with and
against him : concluding, that it is no wise mans parte to
trust her any more. So when he had done, he tooke his
Marius the leave of them, and layed him downe upon his bed, where he
fathers death, lay sicke seven dayes together, and on the seventh day dyed.
Some wryte that his ambition appeared plainly, by a straunge
raving that tooke him in his head during his sickenes. For
he thought that he made warres with Mithridates, and shewed
in his bed all his gestures and movings of his bodie, as if he

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

had bene in a battell, crying the selfe same cryes out alowde, CAIUS

which he was wont to crie when he was in the extreamest MARIUS

fight. The desire he had to have taken this charge in hande Marius mad

against Mithridates, was so deepely setled in his minde ambition.

through extreame ambition and jealouzy that possest him:

that being then three score and ten yeare old, after he had

bene the first man that ever was chosen seven times Consull

in Rome, and also after that he had gotten a world of goodes A note against

and richesse together that might have suffised many kinges : the ambitious.

yet for all this he dyed for sorrowe, lamenting his harde

fortune, as if he had dyed before his time, and before that

he had done and ended that which he had desired. But

this was cleane contrarie unto that the wise Plato did, when

he drewe neere to his death. For he gave God thankes for Platoes words

his fatall end and good fortune. First, for that he had made at his death.

him a reasonable man, and no brute beast : secondly, a

Greke and no barbarous man : and furthermore, for that

he was borne in Socrates time. It is reported also, that

one Antipater of Tharsis, calling to mind a litle before his

death the good fortune he had in his life time, did not for-

gette amonge other thinges, to tell of the happie navigation

he made, comming from his contrie unto Athens : which did

witnesse that he put upon the fyle of his good accompts for

a singular great grace, all favor fortune had shewed him,

and that he kept it in perpetuall memorie, being the onely

and most assured treasure a man can have, to kepe those

giftes that nature or fortune doe bestowe upon him. But

contrariwise, unthankefull fooles unto God and nature both,

doe forget with time the memory of their former benefittes,

and laying up nothing, nor keping it in perpetuall memory,

are alwayes voyde of goods and full of hope, gaping still for

things to come and leaving in the meane time the things

present, though reason perswades them the contrary. For

fortune may easily let them of the thing to come, but she

can not take that from them which is already past : and yet

they utterly forget the certaine benefit of fortune, as a thing

nothing belonging unto them, and dreame alwayes of that

which is uncertaine. And sure it chaunceth to them by

great reason. For, having gathered outward goodes together,

CAIUS
MARIUS

Note that in
Syllaes life
following it
appeareth,
that Marius
the younger
was besieged
in the city of
Praeneste, and
not in Perusia
as ye reade
here. So as
the city seem-
eth to be mis-
taken in one
of these lives.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

and locking them up before they have built and layd a sure
grounded foundacion of reason through good learning : they
can not afterwardes fill nor quenche their unsatiable greedie
covetous minde. Thus ended Marius his life, the seventeenth
day of his seventh Consulshippe, whereof all the citie of
Rome was not a litle glad, and tooke harte againe unto them,
supposing they had then bene delivered from a bloodie cruell
tyranny. But within few dayes after they knew it to their
cost, that they had chaunged an olde master taken out of
the worlde, for a younger that came but newly to them :
such extreame unnaturall cruelties, and murders did Marius
the younger commit, after the death of his father Marius,
murdering in manner all the chiefest noble men of Rome.
At the first, they tooke him for a valliant and hardy young
man, whereuppon they named him the sonne of Mars : but
shortly after his deedes did shew the contrary, and then
they called him the sonne of Venus. In the end he was
shut in, and besieged by Sylla in the city of Perusia,
where he did what he could possible to save his life,
but all was in vaine : and lastly, seeing no way
to escape, the city being taken, he slewe him
selfe with his owne handes.

THE END OF CAIUS MARIUS LIFE

THE LIFE OF LYSANDER

Lysanders
image.

N the treasorie of the Acanthians, which is
in the temple of Apollo at Delphes, there
is this inscription: Brasidas, and the Acan-
thians, with the spoile of the Athenians.
That inscription maketh many men think e,
that the image of stone that standeth
within the chamber by the dore therof, is
the image of Brasidas : howbeit in truth
it is the livelie image of Lysander him selfe, made with a
great bush of heare, and a thicke long beard after the old
auncient facion. And where some say that the Argives, after

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

they were overcome and had lost a great battell, did all LYSANDER
of them shave them selves in token and signe of common
sorrow : and that the Lacedaemonians on thother side to
shewe the joy of their victory, did all let their heares growe,
that is not true. No more then this is true which other do
reporte of the Bacchiades: who being fled from Corinthe
unto Lacedsemon, the Laced semonians founde them so ill
favoredly disguised and deformed, bicause their heads were
all shaven, that thereupon they had a desire to let their
heare and beards grow. For that was one of the ordinaunces Lycurgus the
of Lycurgus, who sayd that the long bushe of heare, maketh author of
them that are naturally fayer, the pleasaunter to looke uppon : ^eanng longe
and those that are ill favored, more ougly and fearefull to see
to. And furthermore, it is sayd that Aristoclitus, the father The commo-
of Lysander, was not of the royall blood of the kinges of ditie of wear-
Sparta, though he came of the race of the Heraclides : and *n& ion£e
that his sonne Lysander was very meanely and poorely
brought up, being as obedient to the lawes and statutes Lysanders
of his contrie, as any other man was, showing him selfe kinred.
alwayes very strong and constant against all vanitie and
pleasure, saving only in matters of honor and curtesie, which
they offer unto those that deserve well. For they thinke it
no shame nor dishonesty in Sparta, that the young men doe
suffer them selves to be overcome with that delite and plea-
sure : but doe so bring up their children, that from their The educa-
youth they would have them to have some tast and feeling ti°n °f the

of honor, deliting to be praised, and sorie to be discom- ^^man
j j -n J.T- * i-- j.1- j. • ±. children,

mended. I1 or they make no accompt ot him that is not

moved with the one nor the other, but take him to be of
a base cowardly nature, that hath no manner of minde to
doe good. And therefore it is to be thought, that the ambi-
tion and stowtnesse that was bred in Lysander, proceeded
of the Laconicall discipline and education he had, and not
so much of his owne nature. But in dede of his owne nature
he was a right courtier, and could tell how to entertaine and Lysanders
flatter great states and nobility, farre better then the common manners,
maner of the natural Spartans : and moreover for his private
benefit, he could easily beare with the stowtnes of greater
men of authority then him selfe, which some judge to be a
3 : FF 225

LYSANDER

Wise men be
ever melan-
cholye.

Lysander a
despiser of
riches.

Lysanders
words of
Dionysius
liberalitie.

Lysander
admirall for
the Lacedae-
monians by
sea.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

great poynt of wisedome, to know how to deale in matters
of state. Aristotle in a place where he sayeth, that the
greatest wittes commonly are subject unto melancholy e, (as
Socrates, Plato, and Hercules were) wryteth, that Lysander
in his later age fell into the melancholy disease, but not in
his youth. He had also this singular gift above all other,
that in his poverty he alwayes kept that honest modesty
with him, as he would never be overcome nor corrupted with
gold nor silver : and yet he filled his contrie with riches and
covetousnes, which lost him the reputacion he had wonne,
bicause him selfe made none accompt of riches nor getting.
For bringing store of golde and silver into his contrie after
he had overcomen the Athenians, he reserved not unto him
selfe one Drachma only. And furthermore, when Dionysius
the tyran of Syracusa, had on a time sent goodly riche
gownes out of Sicilia to his daughters : he refused them,
saying, that he was afrayed such gownes would make them
fowler. Neverthelesse, shortly after being sent Ambassador
out of his contrie unto the same tyranne, Dionysius sending
him two gownes, praying him to choose which of the two he
would cary to his daughter : he answered, that she her selfe
could best choose which was the fitter, and so caried both
with him. But now to come to his doings in warlike causes :
the warres of Peloponnesus fell out marvelous long. For
after the overthrow of the armie which the Athenians had
sent into Sicilia, when every man thought they had utterly
lost all their force by sea, and that by all conjecture they
shoulde soone after loose all by lande also : Alcibiades re-
turning from his exile to deale againe in matters of the state,
made an exceding great chaunge and alteration. For he set
the Athenians a flote againe, and made them as strong by
sea as the Lacedaemonians : who thereupon beganne to quake
for feare, and to looke eftsoones for a freshe warre, perceiv-
inge that they stoode in neede of a greater power, and of a
better Captaine then ever they had before. Whereuppon
they made Lysander their Admirall, who arriving in the citie
of Ephesus, founde them very well affected towardes him,
and marvelous willing and ready to take the Lacedaemonians
parte : howbeit otherwise in very poore state, and ready
226

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

almost to take up all the barbarous maners and facions of LYSANDER
the Persians, bicause they did continually frequent them, being
environned round about with the contry of Lydia, where the
king of Persiaes Captaines were ever resident. Wherefore, Lysander
having planted his campe there, he brought thither mar- enlargeth
chauntes shippes out of all partes, and sette up an arsenall t*16 citie of
or store house to builde gallies in : so that in shorte space, **
by oft recourse of marchauntes that beganne to trade thither,
he quickened their havens, and set up their staple againe for
trafficke of marchaundise, and filled every private artificers
house with an honest trade to make them riche by, so that
ever after it grewe in continuall hope to come unto that
florishinge state and greatnes, in the which we see it at this
present. Furthermore, Lysander being advertised that Cyrus,
one of the great king of Persiaes sonnes, was come unto
the city of Sardis, he went thither to speake with him, and Sardis a citie
to complaine of Tisaphernes : who having commaundement in Lydia-
geven him from the king to aide the Lacedaemonians, and
to helpe to expulse the Athenians, and to drive them from
the sea, seemed to deale but coldly and faintly against them,
for the favor he bare to Alcibiades. For, furnishing the
Lacedaemonians very scantly with money, was an occasion
that all their armie by sea went to wracke. Cyrus for his
owne parte was very glad that he heard complaintes of
Tisaphernes, and that they spake against him : bicause he
was an ill man, and the rather for that he had him selfe
a litle odde grudge to him. Wherfore he loved Lysander
marvelous well, as well for the complaintes he made of Tisa-
phernes, as also for the pleasure he tooke in his companie,
bicause he was a man that could wonderfully please and
delite noble men : by which meanes having wonne the favor
of this young Prince, he did perswade, and also incorage him
to follow this warre. And when Lysander was upon his
departure to take his leave of him, Cyrus feasted him, and
afterwardes prayed him not to refuse the offer of his liber-
alitie, and that was : that he would freely aske him what
he would, assuring him he should not be denied any thing.
Wherunto Lysander answered him : Sithence I see (Cyrus)
you are so willing to pleasure us, I beseeche you, and doe

227

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LYSANDER also counsell you then to increase the ordinarie pay of our
maryners, one halfe penny a day: to the end that where
now they have but three halfe pence, they may thenceforth
receave two pence a day. Cyrus was glad to heare Lysanders
bounty, and the increase that he would make, and caused
tenne thowsande Darickes to be delivered him : by meane
Lysander whereof he added to the ordinary pay of the maryners, the
tooke money increase of a halfe penny a day. This liberality, within few
arpayeofhis jayes after, emptied all their enemies gallies of their men.
For, the most parte of their maryners and galley men went
where they might have the best pay : and such as remained
behinde, became very dull, lasie, and seditious, dayly troub-
ling their Captaines and governors. Now though Lysander
had drawen his enemies men from them by this policie, and
had done this great hurte, yet he durst not fight it out by
sea, fearing the worthines of Alcibiades : who was a valliant
man, and had greater store of shippes then he had, and
besides that, was never overcome by lande nor by sea, in
any battell where he was Generall. So it chaunced, that
Alcibiades went out of the He of Samos, unto the city of
Phocea, which standeth upon firme lande directly over against
Samos, and leaving the whole charge of his fleete in his
absence, with Antiochus his pylot : he being more hardie
then wise, in scorne and derision of Lysander, went with
two gallies only into the haven of Ephesus, and went by the
arsenall (where all their shippes lay in docke) with great
noyse and laughing. This put Lysander in such a heate and
chafe, that first of all he put a fewe gallies to the sea, and
had him in chase with them. But afterwardes, perceiving
that the other Captaines of the Athenians came out one
after an other to the rescue, he armed other gallies also : so
that supplying still with a few on either side, at the length
Lysanders they came to a maine battell, which Lysander wanne, and
v^ct °ri£ °f having taken fifteene of their gallies, he set up a token of
bysea * triumPhe and victory. When the people at Athens heard the
newes of this overthrow, they were so angrie with Alcibiades,
that they discharged him presently of his charge : and the
souldiers also that lay in campe in the He of Samos, beganne
to mislike him, and to speake ill of him. Whereuppon he
228

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

presently left his campe, and went into the contrie of Cher- LYSANDER
ronesus in Thracia. This battell was more spoken of then Cherronesus
there was cause, by reason of Alcibiades reputacion. Further- a contrye in
more, Lysander causinge the stowtest and boldest men of Thracia.
every city, above the common sorte, to come to Ephesus
unto him : layed there secret foundacions of great chaunge
and alteracion, which he stablished afterwardes in the govern-
mentes of cities. For he perswaded his private frendes to
make tribes amongest them selves to winne them frendes,
and to practise to gette the rule of their cities into their
handes: promising them, that so soone as the Athenians
were overthrowen, they them selves also should be delivered
from subjection of their people, and every one of them
should beare chiefe rule in their contry. And this he per-
formed to them all, and made every one of them prove his
wordes true. For he preferred all them that had bene his
olde frendes, unto the best offices and charges : not sparing
to doe against all right and reason, so that they were ad-
vaunced by it. And thus by this meanes, every man came
to take his part, and they all sought and desired to gratifie
and please him : hoping, that what great matter soever fell
out, they assured themselves in maner that they should ob-
taine it of him, when he came to have the government in
his owne hands. And therefore they nothing rejoyced at
Callicratidas comming, who came to succeede him in the Callicratidas
office of the Admirall : neither afterwards also, when they Lysanders
saw by experience that he was as honest and just a man as successor in
coulde be. Neither did they like his manner of governinge a(jmyraltie.
which was plaine, and without any arte or cunning. But
they commended the perfection of his vertue, as they would Playnenes
have done the image of some demy god made after the olde commended

facion, which had bene of singular beawty. But in the f^r.ar^er^ue'
. , . , j f & J but liked as

meane time, they wished for JLysander, as well tor the an 0\^& imag

tender love and good will he bare to his frends and of a god that
them, as also for the profit and commodity they got by had bene ex-
him. So when Lysander tooke the seas to returne home ce"ent faier.
againe, all they that were in the campe, were as sory
as could be possible, insomuch as the teares stoode in
their eyes : and he on thother side, studied to make them

229

LYSANDER

The spighte
of Lisander to
Callicratidas.

Nothing
estemed
with the
Barbarians
but money.

Callicratidas

pacience.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

worse affected unto Callicratidas. For amongest many other
thinges, he sent the rest of the money backe againe to
Sardis, which Cyrus had geven him to pay the maryners :
saying, that Callicratidas should go him selfe to aske it,
if he would have it, and finde the meanes to entertaine
his men. And lastly, when he was ready to imbarke, he
protested before all them that were present, that he did
deliver, leave, and assigne over the armie into his handes,
commaunding all the sea. But Callicratidas, to overcome
his false ambicion, and fowle boasting lye aunswered him
againe, and saied : If that be true thow saiest, come then
and deliver me the gallies in the city of Miletum, as thou
goest by, before the He of Samos : for sith thou commaund-
est all the sea, we shall not neede to feare our enemies that
are in Samos. Lysander thereto replied, that the armie
was no more at his commaundement, and that he had the
charge over them : and so departed thence, taking his course
directly unto Peloponnesus, and left Callicratidas in great
perplexity. For he had brought no money out of his
contrie with him, neither would he compell the cities to
furnishe him with any, seeinge that they were at that time
too much troubled already. Then had he no other way
but to goe to the Lieutenauntes of the king of Persia, to
aske them money as Lysander had done. But he was the
unmeetest man for it that could be possible : for he was of
a noble and liberall nature, and thought it lesse dishonor
and reproache unto the Greecians, to be overcome by other
Greecians, then to goe flatter the barbarous people, and
seeke to them that had gold and silver enough, but other-
wise, no goodnes nor honesty. In the end notwithstanding,
making vertue of necessity, he tooke his jorney towards
Lydia, and went directly to Cyrus courte : where at his
first comming he willed them to let him understand, that
Callicratidas the Admirall of the Lacedaemonians would
speake with him. One of the souldiers that warded at the
gate, told him : My frende, syr straunger, Cyrus is not at
leasure nowe, for he is set at dinner. Callicratidas aunswered
him plainely againe : No force, I will tary here till he have
dined. The barbarous Persians hearing this, tooke him
230

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

for some plaine lowte, and so he went his waye the first LYSANDER
time with a mocke at their handes. But the second time
when they would not let him come in at the gate, he fell
in a rage, and retorned backe (as he came) to the citie of
Ephesus, cursing and banning them that at the first had so
much imbased them selves, as to goe sue to the barbarous
people, teaching them to be prowde and stately for their
goodes and riches : swearing before them all that were
present, that so soone as he came to Sparta againe, he
would doe all that he could possible to pacific the Greecians,
and set them at peace one with an other, to the end they
might be fearefull to the barbarous people, and also that
they should medle with them no more, nor neede their
aide to destroy one an other. But Callicratidas having
the noble harte of a Spartan, and being to be compared
in justice, valliancy, and greatnes of corage, with the most
excellentest Greecians in his time, dyed shortly after in a The death of
battell by sea, which he lost uppon the lies Arginuses. Callicratidas.
Wherefore, the confederates of the Lacedaemonians seeing
that their state was in declining, they all together sent an
Ambassade unto Sparta, by whom they made request to the
counsell, that they would send Lysander againe for their
Admirall, promising that they would do all things with
better corage and goodwill under his conduction, then they
would under any other Captaine they could sende them.
So much did Cyrus also wryte unto them. But bicause
there was an expresse law forbidding that one man should be
twise Admirall, and besides, they being willing to graunt the
request of their confederats, made one Aracus their Admirall,
but in effect gave Lysander the whole authoritie of all thinges.
Who was marvelous welcome unto them, and specially unto
the heades and rulers of cities, which long before had wished
for his comming : bicause that by his meanes they hoped to
make their authority greater, and altogether to take away
the authority from the people. But they that loved plaine
dealing, and open magnanimitie in the manners of a governor
and generall, when they came to compare Lysander, with
Callicratidas : they founde that Lysander had a fine subtill
head, and did more in warres with his policy and subtiltie,

231

LYSANDER

Lysander
crafty and
deceitfull.

A wise saying
of Lysander.

The wicked
dissembling
and double
dealing of
Lysander.

Lysander re-
garded no
perjurie, fol-
lowing the
example of
Polycrates
the tyran
of Samos.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

then by any other meanes. And moreover, that he estemed
justice, when it fell out profitable : and tooke profit, for
justice and honestie, not thinking that plaine dealing was of
better force then crafte, but measuring the value of the tone
and thother, by the profit that came out of them, and mock-
inge of them that sayed that the race of Hercules should not
make warres with craft and subtilty. For sayd he, when
the lyons skin will not serve, we must help it with the case
of a foxe. And hereunto agreeth that, which they wryte he
did in the citie of Miletum. For his frendes and familiars to
whome he had promised aide for destruction of the peoples
authority, and to drive their enemies out of the city : they
having chaunged their mindes, and being reconciled unto
their adversaries, he openly made great showe of gladnes,
and seemed as though he would helpe to agree them together :
but secretly being alone, he tooke them up sharply, and told
them that they were cowards to doe it, and did procure them
to the contrarie, to set apon the people. And then when he
understoode that there was commocion among them in the
citie, he ranne thither sodainly as it were to appease it.
But when he was also comen into the citie, the first he met
with of them that would alter the state of government, and
take the authority from the people : he fell out withall, and
gave them rough wordes, commaunding with extreamitie
that they should follow him, as though he would have done
some great punishment. And againe, meeting with them on
the contrary parte, he willed them also that they should not
be afrayed, nor dout that any man should doe them hurte
where he was. This was a wicked and malicious practise of
him, to stay the chiefest of them that were most affected to
the popular faction, to the ende that afterwardes he might
put them all to death, as he did. For^they that trusting to
his words remained quiet in the city were all put to death.
Moreover, Androclidas touching this matter, hath left in
wryting that which Lysander was wont to say : by the which
it appeareth, that he made very litle reckening to be perjured.
For he sayd, that children should be deceived with the play
of kayles, and men with othes of men, following therein
Polycrates, the tyran of Samos, but without reason : for he
232

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

was a lawfull Captaine, and the other a violent usurper of LYSANDER
tyrannicall power. Furthermore, it was not done like a true
Laconian, to behave him selfe towardes the goddes none
otherwise, then towardes men, but rather worse, and more
injuriously. For he that deceiveth his enemy, and breaketh
his othe to him : sheweth plainly that he feareth him, but
that he careth not for God. Cyrus therefore having sent for Cyrus
Lysander to come to Sardis to him, gave him money largely, liberalitie
and promised him more : and bicause he would more honor- to Lysander.
ably shewe the good will he had to gratifie him, tolde him,
that if the kinge his father would geve him nothing, yet he
would geve him of his owne. And furthermore, when all
other meanes fayled to helpe him with money, that rather
then he should lacke he would melt his owne chayer to make
money of (which he sate in when he gave audience in matter
of justice) being altogether of gold and silver. And to be
shorte, when he was going into Media to the king his father,
he gave Lysander power to receive the taxes and ordinary
tributes of the cities under his government, and made him
Lieutenaunt of all his contry. And lastly, bidding him fare-
well, praied him that he woulde not geve battell by sea unto
the Athenians, untill he returned from the courte : and that
before his comming againe he woulde have authoritie to
leavie a greate nomber of shippes, aswell out of Phoenicia, as
out of Cilicia. Wherefore whilest Cyrus was in his jorney,
Lysander not being able to fight with his enemies with like Lysanders
nomber of shippes, nor also to lye still and doe nothing with actes V sea-
so good a number of gallyes, went and scowred the seas,
where he tooke certaine Ilandes, and robbed also JEgina and
Salamina. From thence he went and landed on the firme
lande in the contrye of Attica, and did his dutie there unto
Agis king of Lacedaemonia, who came purposely from the
forte of Decelea to the sea side to see him, bicause their
armye by lande also shoulde see what power they had by
sea, and howe it ruled more by sea then they woulde. Never-
theles, being advertised that the fleete of the Athenians
followed harde after him, he tooke an other course to flye
backe againe into Asia by the lies : and returninge againe,
founde all the contry of Hellespont without men of warre.
3 : GG 233

LYSANDER

Philocles
cruel advise
unto the
Athenians.

Lysanders
craft in
marine fight.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

So he laied siege before the citie of Lampsacus, and did assault
it with his gallies by sea : and Thorax being come thither
also at the selfe same time in great hast with his armie by
land, gave thassault on his side. Thus was the citie taken
by force, which Lysander left to the spoile of the souldiers.
Now in the meane time the fleete of the Athenians (which
was a hundred and foure score saile) came to an ancker before
the citie of Eleunte, in the contrie of Cherronesus : and
newes being broughte them that the city of Lampsacus was
taken, they came with all spede possible unto the citie of
Sestos, where getting freshe acates and vittelles, they coasted
all alongest the coast unto a certaine place called the goates
river, directly over against the fleete of their enemies, which
lay yet at ancker before the citie of Lampsacus. Now there
was a captaine of the Athenians amongest other called
Philocles, he that perswaded the Athenians to cut of the
prisoners thumbes of their right handes that were taken in
the warres, to thend they should no more handle the pyke,
but only serve to pull the ower. Both the tone and the tother
rested that day, hoping to have battel without faile the next
morning. But Lysander having an other meaning with him,
commaunded the maisters and maryners notwithstanding,
that they should have their gallies ready to geve battell the
next morninge by breake of day, bicause every man should
get a bord betimes, and should keepe them selves in order of
battell, making no noise at all, attending what he would
commaunde them : and further, made the armie by lande
also to be ranged in battell ray, by the sea side. The next
morning at sunne rising, the Athenians beganne to row with
all their gallies set in order of battell in a fronte. But
Lysander, though he had his shippes in order to fight, the
proes lying towardes the enemies before day, rowed not for
all that against them, but sending out pynnasies unto the
first gallies, commaunded them straightly that they should
not stirre at all, but keepe them selves in order, making
no noyse, nor rowing against the enemy. Though the
Athenians also were retyred in the night, he would not
geve the souldiers leave to come to lande out of the gallies,
before he had sent first two or three gallies to discrie the
234

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

fleete of his enemies : who brought him word that they had LYSANDER
scene the Athenians take lande. The next morning they
did the like, the third day, and the fourth also all in one
sorte: so that the Athenians beganne to be bold of them
selves, and to despise their enemies, imagining they lay thus
close for feare of them, and durst not come forward. In the
meane time, Alcibiades (who lay at that time in the contrie Alcibiades
of Cherronesus, in certaine places which he had conquered) gave good
came ryding to the campe of the Athenians, to tell the
Captaines and generalls of the armie, the great faultes they
committed. First, for that they had cast ancker, and kept ians.
their shippes in an open place, where there was no maner of
succor, nor harber to retyre unto upon any storme : and worst
of all, bicause that they were to fetche their vittells farre of,
at the citie of Sestos, unto which haven they should rather
draw them selves unto, considering that they had but a litle
way to go, and also that they should have the citie to backe
them, which would furnish them with all thinges necessarie :
and beside that, they should be further of from their enemies,
which were governed by one generall onely that did com-
maund them all, and were so well trained, that at a whistle
they were ready straight to execute his commaundement.
Alcibiades perswasions to these Captaines of the Athenians
were not only misliked, but furthermore there was one called
Tydeus, that answered him very lewdly : that he had nothing
to doe to commaunde the armie, but other that had the
charge of them. Alcibiades mistrusting thereby some treason,
quietly went his way. The fift day, the Athenians having
made the same countenaunce to present battell unto their
enemies, and retyring the same night as of custome very
negligently, and in ill order, as men that made no reckening
of their enemies : Lysander sent againe certaine galliots to
discrie them, commaunding the Captaines of the same, that
when they perceived the Athenians had left their gallies and
taken lande, they should then returne backe with all possible
speede they could, and being mid way over the straightes, A
that they should lift up a copper target into the ayre, apon target lift up,
the top of a pyke in the foredecke, for a signe to make all the signe of '
the whole fleete to row in battell. Now Lysander him selfe battell by sea.

225

Conon, Ad-
mirall of the
Athenians.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LYSANDER in the meane time went in persone from galley to galley,
perswading and exhorting every Captaine that they should
put their galliots, maryners, and souldiers in good readines,
to thend that when the signe should be lifted up, they should
rowe with all their might in battell against the enemies.
Wherefore, so soone as the copper target was set up in the
ayer, and that Lysander had made his trompet sound out
of the Admiral, for a token to hale out into the sea: the
gallies immediatly beganne to row for life in envy one of
an other, and the footemen that were apon the lande, ranne
with speede also to the toppe of a high cliffe neere unto the
sea, to see what would be the ende of his fight, bicause the
distaunce from one side to the other in that place was not
fully two myles, which they had sone cut over, and in a litle
space, through the great diligence and force of rowing with
their owers. So Conon the chiefe Captaine of the Athenians
perceiving from the shore this great flete comming with a
full force to assault them : he then cried out to the souldiers
that they should runne to their shippes, and being in a rage
to see thinges in this daunger, called some by their names,
others he intreated, and the rest he compelled to take their
gallies. But all his diligence was to no purpose, bicause the
souldiers were wholly scattered here and there. For so soone
as they were set a lande out of their gallies at their returne,
some went to buy provision, other went a walking in the
fieldes, some were set at supper in their cabines, and other
were layed downe to sleepe, nothing mistrusting that which
happened to them, through their Captaines ignoraunce and
lacke of experience. But when the enemies were ready to
joyne and fall upon them with great cries and noyse of owers,
Lysanders Conon having eight gallies, stale secretly out of the fleete,
victory of the and flying unto Evagoras, saved him selfe in the He of
Athenians. Ciprus. In the meane time, the Peloponnesians falling apon
the other gallies, tooke some of them emptie, and brake the
others as the souldiers beganne to come aborde apon them.
And as for the men, some were slaine by their shippes as
they ranne unto them like naked men without weapon, and
out of order, thinking to have saved them selves : other were
killed in flying, bicause the enemies landed and had them in
236

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

chase. And there were taken alive of them, three thowsand LYSANDER
prisoners with the Captaines. Lysander moreover tooke all
the whole fleete of their shippes, the holie galley excepted Paralos, the
called Paralos, and the eight that fled with Conon : and after holy galley of
he had destroyed all the campe of the Athenians, he fastened Athens-
the gallies that were taken, unto the keele of his gallies, and
returned with songes of triumphe, with the sound of flutes
and hoboyes, towards the citie of Lampsacus, having wonne
a great victory with litle labor, and had cut of in a small
time, the long continuing and most diverse warre that ever
was, and had brought forth so many sundrie straunge eventes
of fortune, as are uncredible. For there had bene infinite
battells fought both by sea and lande, and had altered many
sundry times, and there was slaine at that time moe Cap-
taines, than in all the other warres of Greece together : all
which were at the length brought to ende and determined,
by the good wisedome and conduction of one onely man.
And therefore some thought, that this great overthrowe was
geven by the gods, and sayd : that at the departure of
Lysanders fleete out of the haven of Lampsacus, to goe set
apon the fleete of the enemies, they perceaved over Lysanders
galley the two fires, which they call the starres of Castor and The starres
Pollux : the one on the tone side of the galley, and the other of Castor, and
on thother side. They say also, that the fall of the stone Pollux-
was a token, that did signifie this great overthrow. For A stone fell
about that time, (as many hold opinion) there fell out of the out of the
ayer a marvelous great stone, in the place they call the goates elements-
river, which stone is seene yet unto this day, holden in great .flEgos fl.
reverence by the inhabitauntes of the citie of Cherronesus.
It is sayd also that Anaxagoras did prognosticate, that one Anaxagoras
of the bodies tyed unto the vaulte of the heaven, should be opinion of
pluckt away, and should fall to the ground by a slyding and the starres-
shaking that should happen. For he sayd, that the starres
were not in their proper place where they were first created,
considering that they were heavy bodies, and of the nature
of stone : howebeit that they did shine by reflection of the
fire elementory, and had bene drawen up thither by force,
where they were kept by the great violence of the circuler
motion of the element, even as at the beginning of the world

237

LYSANDER

What falling
starres be.

Damachus
testimonie of
the fiery stone
seene in the
element

An other
opinion of
the stone
that fell.

they had bene stayed and let from falling downe beneath,
at that time when the separation was made of the colde and
heavy bodies, from the other substaunce of the universal
world. There is an other opinion of certaine Philosophers,
where there is more likelyhoode then in that. For they say,
that those which we call falling starres, be no fluxions nor
derivacions of the fire elementorie, which are put out in the
ayer, in a manner so soone as they be lighted : nor also an
inflammation or combustion of any parte of the ayer, which
by her to overmuch quantity doth spread upwardes : but
they are celestiall bodies, which by some slackenes of strength,
or falling from the ordinary course of heaven, are throwen
and cast downe here beneath, not alwayes in any parte of
the earth inhabited, but more ofter abroade in the great
Occean sea, which is the cause that we do not see them.
Notwithstanding, Anaxagoras words are confirmed by
Damachus, who writeth in his booke of religion, that the
space of three score and fifteene yeares together, before that
this stone did fall, they saw a great lumpe of fier continually
in the ayer like a clowde inflamed, the which taried not in
any one place, but went and came with diverse broken
removings, by the driving whereof there came out lightnings
of fire that fell in many places, and gave light in falling, as
the starres do that fall. In the end, when this great body
of fire fell in that parte of the earth, the inhabitants of the
contrie, after that they were a litle boldened from their
feare and wonder, came to the place to see what it was :
and they found no manner of shew or apparaunce of fire,
but only a very great stone lying upon the ground, but
nothing in comparison of the least parte of that which the
compasse of this bodie of fire did shew, if we may so name it.
Sure herein, Damachus wordes had neede of favorable hearers.
But againe if they be true, then he utterly confuteth their
argumentes, that maintaine that it was a peece of a rocke,
which the force of a boysterous winde did teare from the
toppe of a mountaine, and caried in the ayer, so long as this
hurle winde continued : but so soone as that was downe, and
calme againe, the stone fell immediatly. Neither doe we say
that this lightning bodie, which appeared so many dayes in the
238

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

element, was very fire in deede, which comming to dissolve LYSANDER
and to be put out, did beget this violent storme and boysterous
wind in the element, that had the force to teare tne stone
in sunder, and to cast it downe. Nevertheles, this matter
requireth better discourse in some other booke then this.
But now to our story. When the three thowsand Athenians
that were taken prisoners at that overthrow, were condemned
by the counsell to be put to death : Lysander calling
Philocles, one of the Captaines of the Athenians, asked him
what paine he would judge him worthy of, that gave the
citizens so cruell and wicked counsell. Philocles being Philocles
nothing abashed to see him selfe in that miserie, aunswered constancy,
him : Accuse not them that have no j udge to heare their tif ^/th C °
cause: but since the goddes have geven thee grace to be jans-
conqueror, doe with us, as we would have done with thee, if
we had overcome thee. When he had sayd so, he went to
washe him selfe, and then put on a fayer cloke upon him, as
if he should have gone to some feast: and went lustely the for-
mest man to execution, leading his contrie men the way, as
Theophrastus wryteth. After this done, Lysander with all
his fleete went by all the cities of the sea coast, where he
commaunded so many Athenians as he founde, that they
should get them to Athens, letting them understand that he
would not pardone a man of them, but put them all to death
as many as he found out of their city. And this he did of
policie to bring them all within the precinct of the walles of
Athens, bicause he might so much the sooner famish them
for lacke of vittells : for otherwise they would have troubled
him sore, if they had had wherewithall to have maintayned
a long siege. But in all the cities as he passed by, if they
were governed by the authority of the people, or if that there
were any other kinde of government, he left in every one of
them a Lacedaemonian Captaine or governor, with a counsell
of tenne officers, of them that had bene before in league and
amity with him : the which he did as well in the cities
that had ever bene confederates and frendes unto the
Lacedaemonians, as in them that not long before had bene
their enemies. So he went sayling all alongest the coastes,
fayer and softely making no haste, stablishing in manner

239

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LYSANDER a generall principality over all Greece. For he did not
make them officers that were the richest, the noblest, or
honestest men, but such as were his frendes, out of those
tribes which he had placed in every citie : and to them he
gave authority to punish, and reward such as they liked of,
Lysanders and would be present him selfe in persone to helpe them to
cruelty. put those to death, whome they would execute, or otherwise

expulse or banish their contrie. But this gave the Greecians
small hope of good or gratious government under the
Theopompus rule of the Lacedaemonians. Wherefore, me thinkes that
the Comicall Theopompus the comicall Poet doted, when he compared
fthS ir^inge the Lacedaemonians, unto taverners wines, saying : that they
dsmonians" had geven the Greecians a tast of the sweete drinke of
libertie, and that afterwardes they had mingled it with
vineger. For, the tast they gave the Greecians of their
government from the beginning, was very sharpe unto them :
bicause Lysander tooke the rule and authority of government
out of the peoples handes, and gave it unto a fewe of the
boldest, and most seditious men in every citie. Thus having
spent a great time in this voyage, to make these alterations :
he sent newes before to Lacedaemon, that he was comming
with two hundred saile. He spake also with the kinges Agis
and Pausanias, in the contry of Attica, perswading him selfe
that he should winne the city of Athens at the first assault.
But when he saw his expectation failed, and that the
Athenians did valliantly resist him : he returned once againe
with his fleete into Asia, where he made an end of chaunging
and altering the maner of government through every city in
equall maner, stablishing a counsell of tenne officers only
in every one of them, and putting every where many citizens
to death, and banishing many also. Among others, he drave
all the Samians out of their contry, and restored againe all
them that had bene banished before : and the city of Sestos
also, being yet in the Athenians handes, he tooke it from
them. And furthermore, he would not suffer the naturall
Sestians to dwell there, but drave them away, and gave their
citie, their houses, and landes, unto shippe maisters, officers
of gallies, and galley slaves, that had bene in the warres with
him. But therein the Lacedaemonians were against him, and
240

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

this was the first thing that they did forbid him : for they LYSANDER

restored the Sestians, against his will, unto their landes

and goodes againe. But as the Greecians were very much

offended, to see the partes Lysander played : so were they all

very glad againe, to see these others which he afterwardes

did. For he restored the ^Eginetes againe to their landes

and houses, who had bene put from them a long time. He

restored also the Melians, and the Scionasians to their landes

againe, which the Athenians had gotten from them, and

drave out the Athenians. Furthermore, Lysander being

advertised, that the citizens and inhabitants of Athens were

pinched sore for lacke of vittells, he returned againe, and

came into the haven of Piraea : by meanes whereof he kept

the citie so straight, that he made them yeelde uppon such The Athen-

condicions as he him selfe would. Howbeit there are certaine ians yeelde

Lacedaemonians that say, Lysander wrote unto the Ephores : £P ,ens

The city of Athens is taken. And that the Ephori wrote

againe unto him : It is well that it is taken. But this is

but a tale devised to make the matter seeme better: for in

deede the capitulacions which the Ephori sent unto him, were

these. The Lordes of the counsell of Lacedaemon have thus

decreed : that ye doe rase the fortification of the haven of

Piraea. That ye do overthrow also the long wall that joyneth

the haven to the citie. That ye yeelde up and redeliver

all the cities which ye doe holde, and content your selves Themanerof

with your lives and contry only. This doing, ye shall have peace offered

peace, so that ye performe our demaundes. That ye shall ty the f<ace-

• .1 "L • t u • i. j if AT. u e dsemomans

receive those which are banished : and tor the number ot to ^e Athen-

shippes, ye shall dispose of them as we shall will you. The ians.
Athenians agreed unto the articles contained in that bill,
following the counsell of Theramenes, the sonne of Agnon.
Who when a young orator called Cleomenes, did openly aske
him in anger, if he were so bold to dare to doe, or say,
any thing contrary unto that, which Themistocles had done
before time, to assent unto the Lacedaemonians, that the
walle which he built in despite of them, should by their
commaundement now be rased : he aunswered him openly
againe, Young man, my frend, I doe nothing contrary to
Themistocles doinges. For like as he heretofore did build
3 : HH 241

LYSANDER

A notable
saying for the
walls of cities.

Erianthus
cruell advise
against the
Athenians.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

the walle, for the safety and benefit of all the citizens and
people that were in Athens at that time : even so doe we that
are here nowe, for the selfe same cause plucke it downe and
rase it. And if it be true that walles doe make cities happy,
then it must needes follow that the city of Sparta which
never had any walles, should be the unfortunatest of all
other. So Lysander having received all the Athenians
shippes but twelve, and the walles of the city also to use
them at his pleasure : on the sixteenth day of March (on
which day in olde time the Athenians had wonne the battell
by sea, within the straight of Salamina, against the king of
Persia) he counselled them straight to chaunge the forme
of their government. The people could not brooke that
motion, and were marvelously offended withall. Where-
uppon Lysander sent to declare unto them, that they had
broken the articles of the peace made betwene them, for that
their walles were yet standing, the tenne dayes being expired
in which they had promised to overthrowe them : and there-
fore that he would once againe referre it to the determination
of the counsell, howe they should be used, that had broken
the articles and covenaunts of the first peace. Other say,
that immediatly he referred it unto the deliberacion of the
counsell of their confederates, that is to say : whether they
should altogether destroy the city, and make the inhabitantes
thereof, slaves, and bondmen or no. In this counsell, it is
reported that there was a Theban called Erianthus, whose
opinion was, that they should utterly rase the city, and
make the contry a desert : so that it should never after
serve for other thing, but for pasturage of beastes. But
during this dyet and counsell, there was a banket made,
whereunto all the Captaines and chiefe officers of the army
being bidden, there was a Phocian, a singer of songes, that
sang the entry of the Chorus to the tragedy of Electra, made
by the Poet Euripides, which beganne in this sorte :

Electra noble Dame, and daughter to a king :
Even Agamemnon, king of Greece, whose fame so wide did ring.
I come now to your courtes, which lye both wide and wast :
By spoyle of warres depopulate, destroyed, and disgrast

These words moved all the hearers with compassion, so
242

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

that the most parte of them thought it were too great a LYSANDER
sinne to destroy so noble a city, which brought forth so The sweete
many famous wise men, and great persones. Wherefore niusicke

Lysander, when the Athenians had submitted them selves softened tj\eir
il j.u i.' -11 j 11 ii_ i f cruell hearts,

altogether to his will, caused all the women players 01 pipes an(j m0ved

or shalmes to come out of the city, and gathered all those them to pity,
together which he had in his owne campe also, and with the
sound of their instruments he made the walles and fortifica-
tions of the city of Athens to be pulled downe to the very Lysander
ground, and set all their gallies on fire, and burnt them in overthrew
the presence of the confederates of the Lacedaemonians, who Hje w**les °*
daunced and played in the meane season with garlandes of Athens.
flowers on their heades, in token that that day was a begin-
ning of their full and perfect liberty. Immediatly after he
chaunged also the state of the government, establishing a
counsell of thirty Magistrates in the city, and other tenne
also in the haven of Piraea, having all equall and like
authority : and therewithall made Callibius a gentleman of Callibius Cap-
Sparta Captaine of the castell there, and left a good garrison taine of the
of the Lacedaemonians with him. This Callibius one day 9*?te11 of
lift up his staffe he had in his hande to strike Autolycus
withall, a strong made man to wrestle : whereuppon Xeno-
phon the Philosopher made his booke in olde time, called
Convivium. But Autolycus that was a cunning wrestler, Autolycus
having all the sleights of wrestling, sodainly tripped Callibius a cunninge
with his legge, and lifting him up at the armes ende, cast wrestler'
him to the ground. Howbeit Lysander was not angry with
Autolycus for it, but reproved Callibius, telling him that
he should have remembred (if he had bene wise) that he
had the government over free men, and not of bonde men.
Notwithstanding, shortly after the thirty governors of the
city, to satisfie Callibius, put this Autolycus to death. Autolycus
When Lysander had done all these things, he tooke sea Put to death,
againe, and went into the contry of Thracia, and sent by Lysander
Gylippus before unto Sparta (who had bene Captaine and sent money
generall of the Syracusans in Sicilia) all the golde and silver *° Sparta by
that was left in his handes, with all the presentes besides y ^pl
which had bene privately geven him, and with the crownes
also that had bene presented him : which were marvelous in

243

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LYSANDER number as it is to be thought, for that many came to present
him, considering the great power he had, and that in maner
he was chiefe and sole prince of all Greece. This Gylippus
Gylippus did rippe the seames of every bagge in the bottome where
robbed parte ^ne money was, and tooke a good summe out of every of
he caried°toy them : and afterwardes sowed them up againe, not thinking
Sparta. that there had bene a border uppon every bagge, apon

the which was declared, the number and kindes of gold
and silver that were therein. Now when he was come
to Sparta, he hid the money he had stolen, under the
house eavinges, and went and delivered the bagges he
had brought, into the handes of the Ephori, shewing them
Lysanders seale, which he had set to every one of them.
The Ephori having opened the bagges, and told the money,
found that the summe agreed not with the borders of the
contentes : and yet coulde not tell where the fault was.
But a servaunt of Gylippus told them in darke wordes, say-
ing : that under the tyles of his masters house there lay a
great number of owles. Nowe the greatest parte of the
The Grekishe coyne of golde and silver which was currant through Greece,
coyne was was stamped with the marke of an owle, by reason of the
Athenians. Thus Gylippus after so many noble exploytes
done in warres, committing so shameful and vile a dede,
was banished out of his contry of Lacedaemonia. But the
wisest men of Sparta, and of deepest judgement, fearing
the power of golde and silver, and seeing by proofe of
Gylippus doinges, that it had such power to make one of
their chiefest men to fall through covetousnes : they greatly
blamed Lysander for bringing of it into Lacedaemon, be-
o/the^cMefest seecning the Ephori that they would send all this golde
men of Lace- and silver out of Sparta, as a plague, provocation, and
daemon. wicked baite, to make them do evill : declaring unto them,

that they should use no other money, but their owne
only. Whereupon they referred all, to the wisedome and
determination of the counsell. Theopompus wryteth, that
Sciraphidas was he that did move the counsel of the Ephori
in it. Howbeit Ephorus calleth him Phlogidas, who was
the first that spake against it in the counsell, that they
should not admit, nor receive into the city of Sparta, any

marked with
an owle.

Gylippus
banishment.

Covetousnes
of money
corrupted

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

money of golde or silver : but should onely content them LYSANDER

selves with their owne contry iron coyne, the which first of The iron

all, comming from the fire redde hotte, was quenched with money of

vineger, to thend they should be forged no more, nor em- ce(

ployed unto any other use. For it was so eager and brittle

by meanes of this temper, that they coulde no more convert

it to any other purpose : and beside, it was very heavie and

unhandsome to remove, considering that a great heape and

quantitie of it, was but of small value. And it seemeth

they did use of olde time, certaine litle iron money, and in

some places copper money, called Obelisci, from whence the

small peeces of money now extant are called Oboli, whereof

six make a Drachma, so termed, for that it was as much as

the hand could gripe. Neverthelesse, at the earnest sute of At what time

Lysanders frendes that stoode against it, and held hard with the Lacedse-

him : it was decreed in the counsell, that the money should ^ved^okl"

remaine in the city, and ordained that it should be currant anti silver

onely but for thaffayres of the common wealth. And if it againe.

were found, that any private man did either locke up, or

kepe any money, that he should suffer death for it : as if

Lycurgus when he made his lawes feared gold and silver, and

not the covetousnes and 'avarice which the golde and silver

bringeth with it. The which was not taken away so much,

prohibiting private men to have it : as it was ingendred

only by a common tolleracion of getting it. For, the profit

which they sawe it brought withall, made it to be esteemed

and desired. For it was unpossible they should despise a

thing privately for unprofitable, which they saw reckoned

of commonly, as a thing very necessary : and that they

should thinke it would not serve their turne privately, seeing

it so commonly esteemed and desired. But we are rather to

thinke, that private mens manners are conformed according The ill life of

to the common uses and customes of cities : then that the the Magis-

faultes and vices of private men doe fillj cities and common trate, the

weales with ill qualities. And it is more likely, that the
partes are marred and corrupted with an infection of the common
whole, when it falleth out ill : then that the partes corrupted weale.
should drawe the whole unto corruption. For to the
contrary, the faultes of a parte destroyed, which might be

245

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LYSANDER prejudicial! unto the whole, are oftentimes redressed and
corrected by thother partes, whole and entier. But they
that tooke this resolucion in their counsell at that time, to
have money in the common wealth : made feare of punish-
ment, and of the law, to be the outward watchmen of
citizens houses, to keepe that no money should come in to
them. But all this while they made no inwarde provision,
to kepe the entry of their soules from all passion and greedy
desires of money : but to the contrary, they made them all
to have a covetous desire to be rich, as if it were a great
and honorable thing. But for that we have hertofore in
other places reproved the Lacedaemonians. And moreover
Lysander caused a statue of brasse to be made like him selfe
of the spoile he had gotten of the enemies, to set it up in
the citie of Delphes, and for every private Captaine of the
gallies in like case : and the two starres of Castor and Pollux
in golde besides, which vanished away a litle before the
battell of Leuctres, and no man knewe what became of them.
Againe, in the chamber of the treasory of Brasidas, and
of the Acanthians, there was also a galley made of gold
and ivory, of two cubittes long, which Cyrus sent unto him
after the victory he had wonne by sea, of the Athenians.
And furthermore, Alexandrides the historiographer borne
at Delphes, wryteth, that the selfe same Lysander had left
there to be kept safe, a tallent of silver, two and fifty Minas,
and eleven peeces of gold called Stateres. But all this
accordeth not with that which all the other historiographers
write, agreeing of his poverty. But Lysander being aloft
then, and of greater power then ever any Greecian was
before him : caried a greater porte and countenaunce then
became his ability. For, as Duris writeth, he was the first
of the Greecians unto whome they did ever erect any aulters,
and offer sacrifice unto as a god, and in honor of whom they
did first sing any hymnes : and at this day there is yet good
memory of one which beganne in this maner :

The noble Captaines praise, we meane to celebrate,
Of Greece : that land which is devine, in every kinde of state.
Even he, which was both borne, and brought to high renowne.
Within the noble wealthie walles, of Sparta stately towne.

246

A galley of
gold and
Ivory.

Lysanders
honors and
pride.

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

The Samians by publicke decree ordained, that the feastes LYSANDER
of luno, which were called in their city Heroea, should be called
Lysandria. Lysander had ever one Chcerilus, a Spartan Poet
about him, to wryte and set forth all his doinges in verse. An
other Poet called Antilocus, one day made certaine verses in
his praise : which pleased him so well, that he gave him his
hatte full of silver. There were two other Poets, Antimachus
Colophonian, and Niceratus borne at Heraclea, which did
both wryte verses to honor him, striving whether of them
should do best. Lysander judged the crowne and victory,
unto Niceratus : wherewith Antimachus was so angry, that
he rased out all that he had written of him. But Plato who Platoes say-
at that time was young, and loved Antimachus bicause he ]nS °f the
was an excellent Poet, did comforte him, and tolde him that 1£norant-
ignoraunce did blinde the understanding of the ignoraunt, Ignoraunce
as blindenes doth the sight of the blinde. Aristonous an ex- compared
cellent player of the citerne, and one that had six times Wlth blmde-
wonne the prises of the Pythian games : to winne Lysanders
favor, promised him, that if ever he wanne the prise of his
arte againe, he would cause him selfe to be proclaimed
Lysanders slave. This ambition of Lysander was very odious Lysanders
and grievous, only unto great persones, and men of his estate : ambition,
but besides his ambition, in thende he became very prowde Pnd^ an
and cruel, through the flatteries of his followers, and them
that courted him : so that he exceeded in recompencing his
frendes, as also in punishinge of his enemies. For, to gratifie
his frendes and familiars, he gave them absolute power and
authority of life and death in their townes and cities : and
to pacifie and appease his anger where he once hated, there
was no other way but death, without all possibilitie of
pardon. And that he plainly shewed afterwards in the city
of Miletum, where, fearing least they would flie that tooke
parte with the people, and bicause he would have them Lysander
appeare that hid them selves : he gave his word, and sware brake his

that he would doe them no hurt at all. The poore men w^rd and,
j., , . -r, , ,1 , othe. and

gave credit to his worde. .But so soone as they came out, procure(i the

and did appeare, he delivered them all into the handes of death of eight
their adversaries, (which were the chiefest of the nobility) to hundred
put them all to death : and they were no lesse then eight Pe°Ple-

247

LYSANDER

Eteocles
wordes of
Lysander.

Thorax put
to death for
offending
the law.

The Laconian
Scytala what
maner thing
it is, and how
used.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

hundred men one with an other. He caused great murders
of people to also be done in other cities : for he did not
only put them to death that had privatly offended him, but
numbers besides, onely to satisfie and revenge the private
quarrells, enmities ana covetousnes of his frendes, whom he
had in every place. And therefore was Eteocles Lacedae-
monian greatly commended for his saying : that Greece could
not abide two Lysanders. Theophrastus wryteth also, that
the very like was spoken of Alcibiades by Archestratus.
Howbeit in Alcibiades there was nothing, but his insolency,
and vaine glory that men misliked : but in Lysander, a severe
nature, and sharpe condicions, that made his power fearfull
and intollerable. Neverthelesse, the Lacedaemonians passed
over all other complaintes exhibited against him: saving
when they heard the complaints of Pharnabazus, who pur-
posely sent Ambassadors unto them, to complaine of the
wrongs and injuries Lysander had done him, spoyling and
destroying the contry under his government. Then the
Ephori being offended with him, clapped up Thorax in
prison, one of his frendes and Captaines that had served
under him : and finding that he had both gold and silver
in his house contrary to the law, put him to death. And
to him selfe they sent immediatly that which they call Scytala,
(as who would say, the scrolle wrytten apon a rounde staffe)
commaunding him that he should retorne immediatly apon
receite thereof. The Scytala is in this sorte : When the
Ephori doe sende a Generall, or an Admirall to the warres,
they cause two litle rounde staves to be made of the like
bignes and length, of which the Ephori doe keepe the tone,
and thother they geve to him whome they sende to the
warres. These two litle staves they call Scytales. Nowe
when they will advertise their Generall secretly of matters
of importaunce, they take a scrolle of parchement, long and
narrowe like a leather thonge, and wreath it about the round
staffe, leavinge no voyde space betwene the knottes of the
scrowle. Afterwardes when they have bound them fast
together, then they wryte uppon the parchment thus rolled
what they will, and when they have done wryting, un-
folde it, and sende it to their Generall, who can not else
248

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

possibly read it to know what is written, (bicause the LYSANDER
letters are not joined together, nor follow in order, but
are scattered here and there) untill he take his litle rowle
of wodde which was geven him at his departure. And
then wreathing the scrowle of parchment about it which he
receaveth, the folding and wreathes of the parchement fall-
ing j ust into the selfe same place as they were first folded :
the letters also come to joyne one with an other, as they
ought to doe. This litle scrowle of parchment also is
called as the rowle of wodde, Scytala : even as we com-
monly see in many places that the thing measured, is also
called by the name of the measure. When this parche-
ment scrowle was brought unto Lysander, who was then
in the contrie of Hellespont, he was marvelously troubled
withall, fearing above all other thinges the accusations of
Pharnabazus : so he sought meanes to speake with him before
he departed, hoping thereby to make his peace with him.
When they were together, Lysander prayed him he would
write an other letter unto the Lordes of Sparta, contrary
to his first, how that he had done him no hurt at all, and
that he had no cause to complaine of him : but he did not
remember that he was a Cretan, (as the common proverbe
sayeth) that could deceave an other Cretan. For Pharna-
bazus having promised him that he would performe his desire,
wrote a letter openly, purporting the effect of Lysanders
request : but behinde he had an other of contrary effect, so
like on the out side unto the other, that by sight no man
could discerne thone from the other. And when he came to Lysander
put his scale, he chaunged the first with the last that was carieth letters
hidden, and gave it him. When Lysander came unto Sparta, again
he went as the maner is, straight to the pallace where the 8<
Senate kept, and gave his letters unto the Ephores, thinking
that by them he should have bene cleared from all daunger
of the greatest accusations they could have burdened him
withall : bicause that Pharnabazus was very well thought
of of the Lords of Lacedaemonia, for that he did ever shew
him selfe willing and ready to helpe them in all their
warres, more then any other of the kinges Lieutenauntes
of Persia. The Ephori having red this letter, they shewed
3 : II 249

Lysander
goeth to
lupiter
Ammon.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LYSANDER it unto him. Then did Lysander plainly see, that the
common proverb was true :

That Ulysses was not subtill alone.

Thereuppon he went home to his house marvelously
troubled. But within few dayes after returning to the
pallace againe to speake with the Lords of the counsell, he
told them that he must needes make a voyage unto the
temple of lupiter Ammon, to discharge certaine sacrifices
which he had vowed and promised to him before he had
wonne the battells. Some say, that in deede lupiter Ammon
appeared to him in a dreame as he did besiege the city of
the Aphygseians, in the contry of Thracia, and that by his
commaundement he raised the siege, and charged them of
the city, that they should thanke lupiter Ammon, and doe
sacrifice unto him : by reason whereof, they thinke that he
ment good faith, when he sued for licence to make this
voyage into Libya, to performe the vowes which he had
made. But the most parte did certainely beleve that he
made sute to goe this jorney, for a cloke and colour only to
absent him selfe, bicause he feared the Ephores, and that he
coulde not endure the yoke and subjection which he must
abide remaining at home, neither could like to be com-
maunded. And this was the true cause of his sute to goe
this voyage, much like unto a horse taken out of a freshe
pasture and goodly meadowes, to bring him into a stable,
and make him to be jorneyed as he was before. Neverthe-
lesse, Ephorus writeth an other cause, the which I will recite
hereafter. In the end, Lysander having hardly obtained
licence, tooke shippe, and crossed saile. But during his
absence, the kinges of Lacedaemon remembring that he
kept all the cities at his commaundement, by meanes of the
frendes he had in every city, whom he had made chiefe
governors of the same, and that by their meanes he came
in maner to be absolute prince over all Greece : they tooke
uppon them to redeliver the government of the townes and
cities againe into the handes of the people, and also to put
downe his frendes whome he had stablished there. And
hereupon fell out great insurrection againe. For first of all,
250

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

they that were banished from Athens, having surprised and LYSANDER
taken the castell of Phyla apon the sodaine, did set apon the
thirty governors tyrans (whom Lysander had placed there)
and overcame them in battell. Whereuppon Lysander
straight returned to Sparta, and perswaded the Lacedae-
monians to referre the government to the number of a few,
and to punish the insolency of the people. So by his pro-
curement, they sent first a hundred tallents unto the thirty
tyrans for an aide to maintaine this warre, and appointed
Lysander him selfe generall. But the two kinges of Sparta
envying him, and fearing least he should take the city of
Athens againe: they determined that one of them would
go. Whereupon Pausanias went thither immediatly, who in
apparaunce seemed to maintaine the tyrannes against the
people : but in effect, he did his indevor to appease this King Pausan-
warre, for feare least Lysander by meanes of his frends and ias recon-
followers should once againe come to have the city of Athens *™^ t.he
in his power, the which he might easily doe. And thus with t^e
having agreed the Athenians againe one with an other, and Spartans,
pacified all faction and commocion among them, he pluckt
up the roote of Lysanders ambition. But shortly after, the
Athenians rebelling againe against the Lacedaemonians, Pau-
sanias him selfe was reproved, bicause he yelded so much to
the boldnes and insolency of the people, which were brideled
and restrained before, by the authority of the small number
of governors : and to the contrary, they gave Lysander
the honor to be generall, who ruled not in this rebellion
to please mens mindes and to content them, neither with
fond ostentation of glory, but severely, for the profit and
commodity of Sparta. It is true he would geve great wordes,
and was terrible to them that resisted him. As he aunswered
the Argives one day, who contended for their confines with
the Lacedaemonians, and seemed to alleage the best reasons.
Even they (sayd he) that shall prove the stronger hereby, Lysanders
shewing them his sword : shalbe they that shal pleade their terrible
cause best for their confines. An other time, when a words-
Megarian had tolde his minde boldly enough in open coun-
sell, he aunswered him : Thy wordes (good frend) had neede
of a city, meaning therby that he was of too meane a towne

251

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LYSANDER to use so great words. And to the Boeotians also, who
were in dout to professe them selves frends or enemies : he
sent unto them, to know if he should passe through the
contry with his pykes upwardes or downewardes. And when
the Corinthians also were revolted from their allyance, he
brought his army harde unto their walles : but when he
sawe his men were afrayed, and made cursey whether they
should goe to the assault or not : by chaunce spying a hare
comming out of the towne ditches, he sayd unto them :
Are ye not ashamed to be afrayed to goe and assault your
enemies that are so cowardly and slothfull, as hares doe
keepe their formes at ease within the circuite of their walles?
The death of Now king Agis being deceased, he left behinde him his
king Agis. brother Agesilaus, and his supposed sonne Leotychides.
Lysander de- Wherefore, Lysander that had loved Agesilaus aforetime,
privethLeoty- gave him counsell to stande for the right of the crowne, as
^awe^uH heire and next of the blood, discending of the race
of Hercules : bicause it was suspected that Leotychides was
Alcibiades sonne, who secretly had kept Timaea Agis wife,
at what time he was banished out of his contry, and came
then to remaine in Sparta. And Agis selfe also, concluding
by reckening of the time of his absence, that his wife coulde
not be with childe by him : made reckening of Leotychides,
(and had openly shewed it all the rest of his life time) that
he did not acknowledge him for his sonne, untill such time
as falling sicke of that disease whereof he died, he was caried
to the city of Heraea. And there lying in his death bed, at
the humble sute of Leotychides him selfe, and partely at the
instant request of his frendes who were importunate with
him : he did acknowledge Leotychides for his sonne in the
presence of divers, whome he prayed to be witnesses unto
the Lordes of Lacedsemon, of his acceptation and acknow-
ledging of him to be his sonne. Which they all did in
favor of Leotychides. For all that, Agesilaus tooke it apon
him, by the support and maintenaunce of Lysanders favor.
Howebeit, Diopithes a wise man, and knowen to be skilfull
in auncient prophecies, did great hurt to Agesilaus side,
by an auncient oracle which he alleaged against a defect
Agesilaus had, which was his lamenes :
252

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

O Spartan people you, which beare high hawty hartes, LYSANDER

And looke a loft : take heede I say, looke well unto your martes :

Least whiles you stande upright, and guide your state by grace,

Some halting kingdom privily, come creeping in a pace.

By that meanes might you move, great troubles, carke and care,

And mischiefes heape upon your head, before you be aware.

And plonged should you be, even over head and eares,

With wast of warres, which here on earth doth perish many peares.

Many by occasion of this oracle, fell to take Leotychides
parte : but Lysander declared unto them, that Diopithes
did not conster the meaning of the oracle well. For God,
sayed he, cared not whether he halted of one legge or
no, that should come to be king of Lacedaemon : but in
deede, the crowne and kingdome should halte and be lame,
if bastardes not lawfully begotten, should come to raigne
over the true naturall issue and right line of Hercules. By Through
these perswasions, Lysander with his great countenaunce and Lysanders
authority besides, wanne all men to his opinion : so that Corking,
Agesilaus by this meanes was proclaimed king of Lacedaemon. mf ^e king.
This done, Lysander beganne straight to counsell him to
make warres in Asia, putting him in hope that he should
destroy the kingdome of Persia, and should come to be the
greatest man of the world. Moreover, he wrote unto his
frendes in the cities of Asia, that they should send unto the
Lacedaemonians to require king Agesilaus for their generall,
to make warres against the barbarous people. Which they
did, and sent Ambassadors purposely unto Sparta to sue
that they might have him : the which was no lesse honor
procured unto Agesilaus by Lysanders meanes, then that
he did, in making him to be chosen king. But men
ambitious by nature, being otherwise not unapt nor unfit
to commaunde, have this imperfection : that through the Ambition
jealousie of glory, they doe commonlie en vie their equalles, abideth no
the which doth greatly hinder them for doing any notable e(lualles.
thinges. For they take them for their enemies, envying
their vertue : whose service and meanes might helpe them to
doe great matters. Thus Agesilaus being chosen generall of
this enterprise, tooke Lysander with him in this jorney,
amongest the thirty counsellors which were geven unto him
to assist him : and made speciall choyce of him, as by whose

253

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LYSANDER counsell he hoped most to be governed, and to have him
neerest about him, as his chiefest frende. But when they
were arrived in Asia, they of the contry having no acquaint-
aunce with Agesilaus, seldome spake with him, or but litle :
and to the contrary, having knowen Lysander of long time,
they followed him, and waited uppon him to his tent or
lodging, some to honor him, bicause they were his frendes,
others for feare, bicause they did mistrust him. Even much
like as it falleth out oftentimes in the Theaters, when they play
tragedies there : that he that shall play the person of some
messenger or servaunt, shalbe the best player, and shall have
the best voyce to be heard above all others : and to the
contrary, that he which hath the royall bande about his
heade, and the scepter in his hande, a man doth scant
heare him speake. Even so fell it out then: for all the
dignitie due unto him that commaundeth all, was shewed
only unto the counseller : and there remained to the king no
more, but the royall name only of a king, without any power.
Therefore me thinkes that this undiscreete and importunate
ambition of Lysander, did well deserve reproofe perhappes,
to make him only to be contented with the second place
of honor next unto the king. But for Agesilaus againe,
through extreame covetousnes and jealousie of glory, to
cast Lysander altogether of, and to set so light by his frende
and benefactor, that surely became not him neither. For
first of all, Agesilaus never gave Lysander occasion to doe
any thinge, neither did commit any matter of weight unto
him, that might be honorable for him : but which is worst
of all, if he perceived that he had taken any mens causes in
hand, and that he did favor them, he did alwayes sende
them backe againe into their contry, denying their sute,
without that they coulde obtaine any thing they sued
for, lesse then the meanest persones that could have
come, extinguishing Lysanders credit by litle, and litle, and
taking from him all authority by this meanes. Wherefore,
Lysander perceiving howe he was thus refused and rejected
in all thinges, seing that the countenaunce and favor which
he thought to shew unto his frendes, fell out hurtfull unto
them : left of to solicite their matters any more, and prayed
254

Agesilaus
privie grudge
to Lysander.

Lysanders
wisedome.

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

them to forbeare to come unto him, or to followe him, but LYSANDER
to go to the king, and unto those that could doe them better
pleasure then him selfe, and specially those that honored
them. When they heard that, many desisted to trouble
him any more in matters of importaunce, but not to doe
him all the honor they could, and continued still to accom-
panie him, when he went out to walke, or otherwise to
exercise him selfe: the which did aggravate and increase
Agesilaus anger more against him, for the envy he bare
unto his glory. And where he gave very honorable charge
and commission in the warres, oftentimes unto very meane
souldiers to execute, or cities to goveme : he appointed
Lysander surveyor generall of all the ordinary provision of Lysander
vittells, and distributer of flesh. And then mocking the surveiour of
lonians that did honor him so much : Let them go now, e
sayd he, and honor my flesh distributer. Wherefore, Lys-
ander seeing it high time to speake : went unto Agesilaus,
and tolde him in few wordes after the Laconian manner:
Truely Agesilaus, thou hast learned well to abase thy Lysanders
frendes. In deede sayed he againe, so have I, when they t^lke with.

wilbe greater then my selfe : and to the contrary, they that , m^ 5esi"

• a. • j • i_ j j.1. -j. -I • lausJ after

mamtame and increase my honor and authority, it is reason ^e Laconian

that I esteeme of them. Yea mary, sayd Lysander, but per- maner of
happes I have not done as thou sayst. Yet I pray thee geve speaking,
me such an office, as I may be least hated, and most profit-
able for thee : though it be but in respect of straungers eyes
that looke apon us both. After this talke betwene them,
Agesilaus sent him his Lieutenaunt into the contryf of
Hellespont, where Lysander still kept this anger secret in
his hart against him, but for all that, did not leave to doe
all that he could for the benefit of his masters affaires. As
amongest many other thinges, he caused a Persian Captaine
called Spithridates to rebell against his master, who was a
valliant man of his hands, and a great enemy of Pharna-
bazus, and had an army also which he brought with him
unto Agesilaus. Now concerning this warre, this was all
that he did in that jorney. Wherefore, he returned againe
to Sparta not long after, with litle honor, being marvelously
grieved and offended with Agesilaus, and hating more then

255

LYSANDER

Lysander
seeketh in-
novation in
the state of
Sparta.

The Families
of the kinges
of Lacedse-

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

before, all the state and government of the citie of Sparta .
by reason whereof, he determined to put that in prac-
tise, which he had long time thought uppon, concerninge
the alteracion of government, and his enterprise was this.
Amongest the ofspring and issue of Hercules, who were
mingled with the Dorians, and returned againe into the contrie
of Peloponnesus, the greatest number and chiefest of them,
dwelled in the city of Sparta : howbeit, all they that came
of that race had no right of succession to the crowne, saving
two families only, the Eurytiontides, and the Agiades. The
other families, albeit they were all for nobility of blood
descended out of one selfe house, yet had they no more right
nor interest unto the realme, then the residue of the people :
for, the dignities that were attained unto by vertue, were geven
unto the inhabitauntes that could deserve them. Lysander
then being one of those which was discended of the true race
of Hercules, who notwithstanding had no interest in the
crowne : when he saw him selfe aloft, and called to great
honor through his famous actes and merites, and that he had
wonne many frendes, and great credit and authority by deal-
ing in matters of the state : it grieved him much, to see that
they which were no nobler then him selfe, should be kinges
in that city, which he had increased by his vertue, and that
he could not have so much power as to take from these two
houses, the Eurytiontides, and the Agiades, the prerogative
that the kinges should be chosen onely out of one of those
two houses, and to cast it apon the ofspring of Hercules.
Some say againe, that he would not only have enlarged that
prerogative unto the issue of Hercules, but unto all the
naturall Spartans also : bicause that Hercules race should
not only desire this reward of honor, but even they also that
followed his steps in vertue, which had made him equal with
the gods in honor. For he douted not, but if they would
dispose the crowne in this sorte, that there was no man in
the city of Sparta that should sooner be chosen king then
him selfe : wherupon he attempted first to perswade his
citizens by very good reasons, and to bring this about the
better, he conned an oration without booke, penned by
Cleon Halicarnasseus, made him for this purpose. But
256

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

afterwardes weying with him selfe, that so great and straunge LYSANDER
a chaunge as he would bring in, had neede of some better
and stronger helpe : he beganne to frame a devise as they
say, to move the people by, much after the manner they use
in tragedies, framing engines to bring some god to come
downe from heaven unto them, and this was his fained in-
vention. He devised certaine oracles and prophecies, think- Lysander
ing that all Cleons rethoricke would stand him in no steade, ™
if first of all he did not fill the citizens hartes with some ", ^iJt]

• • i/» /» i 11 i i • i i C/l/1 1 Ll|JL"Lil

supersticion and feare or the goddes, that he might bring soothsayers
them afterwardes more easily unto reason. And Ephorus with money,
sayeth, that he proved first to corrupt the Nunne with
money, that geveth all the oracles and aunswers in the
temple of Apollo at Delphes : and that afterwardes, he
woulde have wonne the Nunne also of the temple of Dodone
with money, by Pherecles practise. And that he being
rejected by them both, went lastly unto the temple of
lupiter Ammon : and that there he spake unto the priestes,
and offered them great store of money for the same purpose.
But they were so offended with Lysander, that they sent
men of purpose to Sparta, to accuse him, that he would have
corrupted them with money. The counsell clearing Lysander
of this accusation, the Libyans his accusers at their departing
sayd : We will one day judge more justly, then you my
Lordes of Lacedasmon have done now, when you shall come
to dwell in our contry of Libya : supposing there was an
auncient prophecy that sayd, the Lacedaemonians one day
should come to dwell in the contry of Libya. But we shall
doe better to wryte the whole story at large of this practise,
suttelty, and malicious devise, which was no matter of small
importaunce, nor lightly grounded : but as in a mathe-
maticall proposition there were many great conjectures and
presuppositions, and many long circumstances to bring it to
conclusion, the which I will dilate from point to point,
delivering that which an historiographer and philosopher
both hath wrytten. There was in the marches of the realme Lysanders
of Pont, a woman that sayed she was gotten with childe by fained devise
Apollo, the which many (as it is to be thought) would not
beleve at all, and many also did beleve it : so that she beinge
3 : KK 257

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LYSANDER delivered of a goodly sonne, diverse noble men and of great
estate were carefull to bring him up, and to have him
taught. This childe, I know not whereuppon, nor how, was
named Silenus : and Lysander fetchinge the plat of his devise
from thence, added to all the rest of him selfe, to goe on
with his practise. Now he had many (and they no small
men) that made his way to frame this jeast, geving out a
rumor of the birth of this childe, without any suspicion
gathered out of the intent of this rumor. And further-
more, they brought other newes from Delphes, which they
dispersed abroade through the city of Sparta, to wit : that
the priestes of the temple kept secret bookes of very
auncient oracles, which they them selves durst not touch nor
handle, neither might any man read them, onlesse he were
begotten of the seede of Apollo, who shoulde come after a
long time, and make his birth appeare unto the priestes
that kept these papers, and that by some secret marke and
token, which they had amongest them : and thereby being
knowen for Apolloes sonne, he might then take the bookes,
and read the auncient revelacions and prophecies of the same.
These things prepared in this sorte, there was order taken
that Silenus should come and aske for these bookes as
though he were the sonne of Apollo : and that the priestes
which were privy to this practise, should make as though
they did diligently examine him of every thing, and how he
was borne. And that at the length, after they had seemed
to know all, they should deliver these prophecies unto him,
as if he had bene in deede Apolloes sonne : and that he
should openly read them in the presence of many witnesses.
And among the rest of the prophecies, that he should read
that specially, for the which this long paltry fained drift was
framed, touching the kingdome of Lacedaemonia : that it was
better, and meetelier for the Spartans they should choose
them for their kinges, whome they found the meetest men of
all their magistrates. But when Silenus was come of full age,
and brought into Greece of purpose to performe this practise,
all the mistery was marde by the fainte heart of one of the
players and companions of Lysander, who holpe him to
countenaunce this devise : who when the matter should have
258

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

taken effect, shroncke for feare, and let the misterie alone. LYSANDER
This notwithstanding, nothing was bewrayed in Lysanders
life time, till after his death. For he dyed, before king
Agesilaus returned out of Asia, being fallen into warres with The warres
Boeotia before his death, or rather having him selfe made of Boeotia.
Greece to fall into warres. They doe reporte it either way,
and some lay the fault apon him, other apon the Thebans, and
other apon them both : and they burden the Thebans withall,
bicause they did utterly overthrowe the common sacrifices Divers causes
which Agesilaus made in the city of Aulide. And they say surmised of
also, that Androclides and Amphitheus did raise this warre the beginning
1.1. /~i u • t, e a. j -1.1. v. of these wars,

among the Greecians, being before corrupted with money by

the king of Persia to bring warres apon the Lacedaemonians
in Greece : and beganne to invade and destroy the contry of
the Phocians. Other say that Lysander was very angry with
the Thebans, bicause they onely of all other their confederates
did aske the tenth parte of all the spoyle which was wonne
in the warre against the Athenians : and that they were not
pleased that Lysander had sent the money away unto Sparta.
But above all Lysander did malice them most, bicause they
were the first that made way for the Athenians to be
delivered from thoppression of thirty tyrannes, whom he
had stablished governors in Athens, and in whose favor (to
make them to be dreaded the more) the Lacedaemonians had
ordained by a common edict : that they that were banished An edict
and did flee from Athens, might lawefully be taken and agai.nstthe
apprehended in what place soever they fled unto, and that f^f Athens"
whosoever should resist or let them to do it, they should be
proclaimed rebells, and open enemies unto the Lacedae-
monians. Againe to contrary this edict, the Thebans made
an other very like, and meete for the glorious dedes of An edict
Bacchus and Hercules their auncestors, for whom it was made: m£d^ by *he
that every house and city through the contry of Bceotia, f^^of'the
should be open for the Athenians that would come thither, banished men.
and that he that would not helpe a banished man from Athens,
against him that would take him away by force, should be fined
and amerced at a talent. And also if there were any souldiers
that went unto Athens, through the contrie of Boeotia, that
the Thebans should not see nor heare it. This was no

259

Lysanders
jorney unto
Boaotia.

Cithaeron
mons.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LYSANDER dissimulation to speake of, that they should ordaine thinges
with so gentle wordes, and so meete for the people of Greece,
and then that the dedes should not aunswer unto their edicts
and proclamations. For Thrasybulus, and his fellowes of the
conspiracie, who kept the castell of Phyla, they departed from
Thebes, with armor and money, and the Thebans did helpe
them to beginne and practise their enterprise so secretly, that
it was not discovered. These were the causes why Lysander
was so earnestly bent against the Thebans, and his choller
being so extreame, by reason of his melancholines that grewe
dayly apon him more and more through his age, he solicited
the Ephores so, that he perswaded them to sende a garrison
thither: and him selfe taking the charge of them, under-
tooke the jorney straight with his men. But afterward es
they sent kinge Pausanias also with an army thither, who
was to fetche a great compasse about to enter into the
con trie of Boeotia, by mount Cithaeron: and Lysander shoulde
goe to meete him through the contry of Phocides, with a
great company of souldiers besides. Now as Lysander went,
he tooke the city of the Orchomenians, who willingly yeelded
them selves to him as soone as he came thither. From thence
he went to the city of Lebadia, which he spoyled : and from
thence he wrote unto king Pausanias, that departing from
Platees, he should march directly to the city of Aliarte,
where he would not faile to meete him the next morning
by breake of day at the towne walles. These letters were
intercepted by certaine skowtes of the Thebans, who met
with the messenger that caried them. Thus the Thebans
having intelligence of their purpose, left their citie in custodie
unto the Athenians who were come to aide them : and de-
parted out of Thebes about midnight, and marched all night
with great speede, that they came to Aliarte in the morning
a litle before Lysander, and put halfe their men into the
citie. Now for Lysander, he was determined at the first to
keepe his men apon a hill which is nere to the city, and there
to tary the comming of king Pausanias. But afterwards,
when he sawe that the day was farre spent, and that he
came not, he could tary no lenger, but arming him selfe,
after he had made an oration unto the confederates which
260

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

he had brought with him, he marched on with his men in LYSANDER
battell ray, longer then large, by the high way that went
unto the city. In the meane season, the Thebans that were
left without the city, leaving Aliarte on the left hande, did
set uppon Lysanders rerewarde of his army against the foun-
taine called Cissusa : where the Poets faine that the nurses Cissusa fons.
of Bacchus did washe him, when he came out of his mothers
wombe, bicause the water that commeth out of it (though it
be very clere and sweete to drinke) hath notwithstanding (I
can not tell by what meanes) a collour like wine : and not
farre from thence there grow great plenty of Styrap trees.
The which the Aliartians do alleage, to prove that Radaman-
thus heretofore dwelt in that parte, and doe shew his sepulchre
there yet to this day, which they call Alea. And hard by
that also, there is the monument of Alcmena, which was
buried (as they say) in that place, and was maried to Rada-
manthus, after the death of Amphitryon. But the Thebans
who were within the city with the Aliartians, stirred not
untill they sawe that Lysander with the first of his troupe
was neere unto the towne walles : and then opening the
gates on the sodaine, they made a salie out upon Lysander,
and slue him with his sooth saier and a few other, bicause Lysander
the most part of the voward fled, into the strength of the slaine by the
battel. Howbeit the Thebans gave them not over so, but Thebans.
followed them so valiantly, that they brake their order, and
made them all flie through the mountaines, after they had
slaine three thousand of them in the field : so were there three
hundred Thebans also slaine there, who followed their enemies
so fiercely, till they recovered straight narrow waies, of great
strength for them. These three hundred were in maner all
those that were suspected in Thebes to favor the Lacedae-
monians secretly : wherfore, for the desire they had to take
away this opinion from their citizens, they hazarded them-
selves to no purpose, and were cast away in this chase. King
Pausanias heard newes of this overthrow, going from Platees
unto Thespies, and went on further, marching still in battel
ray towards Aliarte, where Thrasybulus also arrived at the
selfe same time, bringing the aide of the Athenians from
Thebes. And when Pausanias was purposed to send to aske

261

LYSANDER

To aske leave
of thenemie
to burye the
deade is dis-
honorable.

Lysanders
tombe.

Oplites fl.

Destinie in-
evitable.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

licence of the enemies to take away the bodies of their men
which they had slaine, to thintent to bury them : the olde
Spartans that were in his army, misliking it much, at the
first were angry in them selves. But afterwardes they went
unto the king him selfe, to tell him that he dishonored
Sparta, to offer to take up Lysanders bodie by his enemies
leave and favor, and that he should valliantly recover him
by force of armes, and honorably burie him, after that he
had overcome their enemies : or else if it were their fortune
to be overthrowen, that yet it should be more honorable
for them, to lye dead in the field by their Captaine, then to
aske leave to take up his body. But notwithstanding all
these wordes of the old men, king Pausanias seeing that it
was a hard matter to overcome the Thebans in battell, now
that they had gotten the victory, and furthermore, that the
body of Lysander lay hard by the walls of Aliarte, and that
he could not come to take it away without great daunger,
although they should win the battell : he sent a herauld to
the enemies. And having made truce for certaine dayes,
he led his army away, and tooke up Lysanders body with
him, and buried thim after they were out of the confynes of
Boeotia, within the territory of the Panopeians : where until 1
this day his tombe remaineth apon the high way, goinge
from Delphes unto the city of Chaeronea. Thus Pausanias
campe being lodged there, it is sayd there was a Phocian,
who reporting the battell unto one that was not there, sayd
that the enemies came to geve a charge upon them, as
Lysander had passed the Oplites. Thother wondring at
that, there was a Spartan a very frend of Lysanders by,
having heard all their talke, asked him what that was
which he called Oplites : for that he had not heard that
word named before. What? aunswered the Phocian to
him againe. Even there it was where the enemies did over-
throw the first of our men which were slaine in the fieldes :
for the river that runneth by the walles of the city, is called
Oplites. The Spartan hearing that, burst out of weping for
sorrow, saying: Then I see it is unpossible for a man to
avoyde his destinie. For Lysander aforetime had an oracle
that tolde him thus :
262

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

Lysander, take good heede, come not I thee advise : LYSANDER

Neere Oplites that rivers banckes, in any kiude of wise.

Nor neere the Dragon he, which is the earth her sonne,

Who at the length will thee assault, and on thy backe will ronne.

Howebeit some take it, that this river of Oplites is not
that which passeth by the walles of Aliarte, but it is the
river that runneth neere unto the city of Coronea, and falleth
into the river of Phliarus, hard by the city : and they say Phliarus fl.
that in olde time it was called Hoplia, but now they call it Hoplia,
Isomantus. He that slue Lysander, was an Aliartian called Isomantus.
Neochorus, who caried a Dragon painted apon his target : Neochorus
and this was that which the oracle of likelyhoode did signifie. slue Lysan-
They say also, that in the time of the warres of Pelopon- der-
nesus, the Thebans had an oracle from the temple of Apollo
Ismenias : which oracle did prophecy the battell which they
wanne by the castell of Delium, and the battell of Aliarte
also, which was thirty yeares after that. The effect of that
oracle was this :

When thou thy nets shalt spread, the wolves for to intrappe :

Beware thou come not neere unto, a litle hill by happe,

Of Orchalide. Nor neere, to any his confynes :

For there, the crafty foxes keepe, their dennes and privy mines.

He calleth the territory that is about Delium, the utter-
most confynes, bicause Boeotia doth confine there with the
contry of Attica : and the hill Orchalide which is now called Orchalide
Alopecon (to say the foxe denne) which lieth on that side of mons.
the citie of Aliarte, that looketh towardes mounte Helicon. Helicon mons.
Lysander being slaine, the Spartans tooke his death so ill,
that they would have condemned king Pausanias of treason Pausanias
by law : who durst not abide the tryall, but fled unto the exile,
citie of Tegea, where he ended the rest of his life within the
sanctuarie of the temple of Minerva. When Lysander was Lysanders
dead, his povertie appeared to the world which made his cleanehandes
vertue farre more famous, than when he lived. For then
they sawe, that for all the gold and silver which had passed after
through his hands, for all his great authority and counten- deathe.
aunce that he had caried, and for all that so many cities and
townes did come to honor him, and briefly, for al that he had

263

LYSANDER

Lysanders
counsel! for
altering of the
kingdom.

Lacratidas
wisdom for-
bearing to
shewe ex-
tremitie to
the deade.
Lysander
honored by
the Spartans
after his
death.

Singlenes of
life, late
mariage, and
ill mariage
punished by
the Lacedae-
monians.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

so great and puissant a kingdom in maner in his hands : yet
he did never enrich nor increase his house with so much,
as one farthing. So writeth Theopompus, whom we should
rather beleve when he praiseth, then when he discommendeth :
for commonly he taketh more delite to dispraise, then to
praise any. It fortuned not longe after, as Ephorus writeth,
that the Lacedaemonians and their confederats fel at variance
together, wherupon Lysanders letters were to be seene that
were in his house. Kinge Agesilaus goinge thither to peruse
them, amongest other writinges, founde the oration penned
by Cleon Halicarnasseus which Lysander had prepared to
perswade the Spartans to chaunge their government, and to
declare unto them that they shoulde revoke the prerogative
which the Eurytiontides and the Agiades had : that the
kinges of Sparta could not be chosen but out of those two
families, and to leve the prerogative at liberty, that the
chiefest magistrats might be laufully chosen kings of Sparta.
Agesilaus stood indifferent to have shewed this oration openly
to the people, that the Spartans might see what manner a
citizen Lysander had bene in his harte. But Lacratidas, a
grave wise man, and president at that time of the counsel of
the Ephori, would not suffer him : saying, that he shoulde not
digge Lysander out of his grave againe, but rather bury his
oration with him, that was so passingly well, and eloquently
penned to perswade. Yet notwithstandinge, they did him
great honor after his death : and amongest others, condemned
two citizens in a great summe of money, that were made sure
to two of his daughters while he lived, and refused to marye
them when he was dead, seeing their father dyed so poore :
bicause they sought to matche in his house, supposing he
had bene riche, and forsooke them afterwardes for their
fathers poverty, when they saw he dyed a good and just
man. Thus we see, that at Sparta there was a punishment
for them that did not mary, or that maryed too late, or that
maried ill : and unto this punishment were they most
subject, that sought great matches for covetousnes
of goods. This is all we have to wryte of
Lysanders life and actes.

264

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

THE LIFE OF SYLLA

UCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA was of the Syllaes
race of the Patricians, who be the noble kiured.
men and gentlemen of Rome : and there
was one of his auncesters called Rufinus,
that obtained the dignity of Consul. He
notwithstanding his Consulshippe, wanne
more dishonor by defame, then he obtained
honor by dignity of Consull. For they
finding in his house above ten powndes worth of plate,
contrary to the lawe at that time expressely forbidding it:
he was expulsed the Senate, and lost his place there, after
which dishonor once received, his issue never rose, nor yet
recovered it. And Sylla him selfe had very litle left him by
his father: so that in his youth he was faine to hyer an
other mans house, and sat at a small rent, as afterwards
he was twitted in the teeth withall, when they saw him
richer then they thought he had deserved. For when he
gloried and boasted of the victory at his returne from the
warres of Africk, there was a noble man that sayd unto him : Syllaes
Why, how is it possible thou shouldest be an honest man, honesty re-

that having nothing left thee by thy father, thou arte now Proved^ y

u i_ a XT .LI. i_ T» L. j i £L i. meanes of his

come to have so mucnr JNow, though Rome had leit her great wealth.

auncient justice and purenes of life, wherewith she brought
up her people in former times, and that their hartes were
poysoned with covetous desire of vaine superfluous delites :
yet notwithstanding, it was as fowle a reproche to them that
did not maintaine them selves in the poverty of their fathers,
as unto them that did consume their patrimony, and bring
all to naught which their parentes had left them. But
afterwardes also when he caried the whole sway in Rome,
and that he had put so many men to death : a free man
being borne of the slaves infranchised, and being ready to be
throwen downe the rocke Tarpeian, bicause he had saved
and hidden one of the outlawes and men proclaimed to be
3 : LL 265

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

SYLLA put to death, wheresoever they were found : cast it in Syllaes
teeth, how that they had lived and dwelt together a long
time in one selfe house, he having payed thowsande Nummos
for the rent of the uppermost roomes of the same house, and
Sylla three thowsand for all the neathermost roomes beneath.
So that betwene both their wealthes, there was but onely
two thowsande and fiftie Drachmas of Athens difference.
And this is that we finde in wryting of his first wealth. As
Syllaes for his stature and persone, that appeareth sufficiently by the

stature. statues and images that were made for him, which yet

remaine. But for his eyes, they were like fire, and wonder-
full redde : and the colour of his face withall, made them
the more fearefull to beholde. For he was copper nosed,
and that was full of white streakes here and there : where-
That is, bi- uppon they say that the surname of a Sylla was geven him,
cause that syl by reason of his colour. And there was a jeaster at Athens

n^la^n'isig" that finely mocked him in his verse :
nifieth oker, J

which becom- Sylla is like a blacke Bery sprinckled with meale.

eth red when

it is put to the It is not amisse to search out the naturall disposition of

fire, and t v ^is man ^y sucil outward markes and tokens. It is sayd

color mvitru- a^so that he was so naturally geven to mocke and jeast, that

via, signifieth being a young man unknowen, he would never be out of the

purple company of players, fooles, and tomblers, but still eating and

colour. tippling with them in dissolute manner. And afterwardes

Syllaes also when he was in his chiefest authoritie, 'he would

skoffing. commonly eate and drinke with the most impudent j casters

and scoffers, and all such rakehelles, as made profession of

counterfeate mirth, and would strive with the baddest of

them to geve the finest mockes: wherin he did not only a

thing uncomely for his yeres, and dishonored the majesty

of his office and dignity, but therby also grew carelesse

and negligent in matters of great importance, wherunto he

should have taken good regard. For after he was once sette

at his table, he was not to be moved any more in matters of

weight. Now, though from the table he was commonly

found both very active, painefull, and severe : yet falling

into such company by drinking, bowsing, and making good

chere, he sodainly became an other maner of man. So that

266

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

without all compasse of modesty and judgement, he was too SYLLA
familiar and conversaunt with players, jeasters, tumblers,
and daunsers : who when they had him in that vaine, might
doe what they would with him. Of this ryoting came (in Syllaes volup-
mine opinion) his vice of letchery, whereunto he was greatly tuousnes.
geven, and easily drawen after love and pleasure: in such
sorte, as his gray heares could not restraine his voluptuous
life. His unlawfull lusting love beganne in his young yeares,
with one Metrobius a common player, which stretched on
increasing his amorous desire untill his latter age. For at
the first he loved Nicopolis a rich curtisan : and frequenting
her company by oft accesse, and besides that he spent the
prime of his beawty and youth in feasting her with great
delight and passing pleasure, she afterwardes became in love
with him, so that when she dyed, she made Sylla her heire of
all she had. He was heire also unto his mother in lawe,
who loved him as her owne begotten sonne : and by these
two good happes he was stept up to pretie wealth. After-
wardes beinge chosen Quaestor (to say treasorer) the first Sylla
time that Marius was Consull, he embarked with him in his Quaestor,
jorney into Africke, to warre with kinge lugurthe. When
he was arrived at the campe, he shewed him selfe a man of
great service in all other thinges, but in this especially, that
he could wisely use the benefit of any occasion offered him,
and thereby wanne Bocchus kinge of the Numidians to be his
fast and faithfull frende : whose Ambassadors, that scaped from
a company of Numidian theeves he curteously entertained, The cause of
and having geven them goodly presentes, sent them backe Bocchus

againe with a safe convoy. Now concerninge kinge Bocchus, "(

u i_ j £ i L- u it. L j j f j i • T ii. unto By"*
he had or long time both hated and feared king lugurthe

his sonne in law : insomuch, that after he was overcome in
battell, and came to him for succor, Bocchus practised treason
against him, and for this cause sent secretly for Sylla, de-
siring rather that lugurthe should be taken by Sylla, then by
him selfe. Sylla brake this matter unto Marius, of whom
having received a small number of souldiers to accompany
him, (without respect of perill or daunger) went and com-
mitted him selfe to the faith and fidelity of one barbarous
king, to take an other : considering also that the king whom

267

SYLLA

lugurthe de-
livered unto
Sylla by kinge
Bocchus.

Thonor of
lugurthes
takinge
ascribed unto
Sylla.

Syllaes noble
deedes under
Marius.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

he trusted was so unjust of his word, even unto his neerest
frends and confederates. Now Bocchus having lugurthe
and Sylla both in his power, and brought him selfe to that
pinch that of necessity he must betray the one or the other :
after he had taken good breath to resolve which of the two
he should deale withall, in thend went on with his first plat
and devise of treason, and so delivered lugurthe into Syllaes
handes. In deede Marius triumphed for taking of king
lugurthe: but his evill willers, for the spight and grudge
they bare him, did attribute the glory and honor of lugurthes
taking wholy unto Sylla. That secretly went to Marius
harte, and specially for that Sylla being high minded by
nature (comming then but newly from a base, obscure, and
unknowen life to be knowen and well accepted of the people
in Rome, and to tast also what honor ment) became so
ambitious and covetous of glory, that he caused the story to
be graven in a ring, which he did ever after use to weare
and seale withall. Where king Bocchus was delivering of
lugurthe unto Sylla, and Sylla also receiving lugurthe
prisoner. These thinges misliked Marius much : but not-
withstanding, judging that Sylla was not so much envied as
him selfe, he tooke him with him unto the warres. Marius in
his seconde Consulship, made Sylla one of his Lieutenauntes :
and in his third Consulshippe, he had charge under him of a
thowsand footemen, and did many notable and profitable
exploytes for him. When Sylla was his Lieutenaunt, he
tooke one Copillus, a generall of the Gaules Tectosages.
And when he was Colonell of a thowsande footemen, he
brought the Marsians (a marvelous great contry of people in
Italic) and perswaded them to remaine good frendes, and
confederates of the Romaines. For this his good service,
he founde that Marius grewe in great misliking with him,
bicause from thence forth he never gave him any honorable
charge, or occasion to shewe good service : but to the
contrary, did what he could to hinder his rising. Where-
fore, Sylla afterwardes tooke Catulus Luctatius parte, who
was companion with Marius in his Consulshippe. This
Catulus was a very honest man, but somwhat slacke and
colde in marshall matters, which was the cause that in deede
268

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

he did committe unto Sylla all the speciall service, and SYLLA
matters of weight in his charge : whereuppon he gave him
occasion not onely to increase his estimacion, but also his
credit and power. For, by force of armes, he conquered the Sillaes
most parte of the barbarous people which inhabited the doings under
mountaines of the Alpes: and Catulus campe lacking vittells, Catulus-
having commission, he made a marvelous great quantity of
provision to be brought thither, insomuch as Catulus campe
being plentifully vittelled, they sent their store and sur-
plusage unto Marius souldiers, the which Sylla him selfe
wryteth, did much mislike Marius. And this is the first Thefirst cause
cause of their enmity. The which being grounded upon so °f enmity be-
light occasion, was followed with civill warres, great effusion tWjXvi ^ a
of blood, and with incurable factions and dissentions : that it
ended at the length with a cruell tyranny, and confusion of
all the Romaine state and Empire. This doth prove that
Euripides the Poet was a wise man, and one that foresaw
the ruines of common weales, when he counselled, and also
commaunded governors to flie ambition, as a most pestilent Ambition is to
and mortall furie unto them that are once infected withal! . be fle<*> jj8 *
Now Sylla thinking that the reputation he had gotten morta11
already in the warres, would have made his way open to
preferre him to some honorable office in the city of Rome :
he was no sooner returned from the warres, but he would
needes prove the peoples good willes unto him, and procured
his name to be billed among them that sued for the Praetor-
shippe of the city (that is to say, the office of the ordinary
judge that ministreth justice unto the citizens) but he
was rejected by the voyce of the people. For the which he
layed the faulte uppon the meaner sorte, saying, that the
communalty knew well enough the frendshippe he had with
king Bocchus, and that therefore they hopinge that if he
were made ^Edilis before he came to be Praetor, he would
make them see noble huntinges and great fightinges of wilde
beastes of Libya. And that therefore they did choose other
Praetors, and put him by his sute, in hope to compel
him by this meanes to be first of all JSdilis. Howbeit it
seemeth that he doth not confesse the troth of his refusal!,
for his owne act doth condemne him selfe : bicause the next

269

SYLLA

Sylla chosen
Praetor.

Orobazus
Ambassador
from the king
of the Par-
thians unto
Sylla.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

yere following he was chosen Praetor, partely for that he wan
the people with curtesie, and partely with money. So he
fallinge out with Caesar apon that occasion, in his anger
threatned him that he woulde use the power and authority
of his office apon him. But Caesar smiling, aunswered him :
Thou hast reason to call it thine office, for in deede it is
thine, bicause thou hast bought it. But after the time of
his Praetorshippe was expired, he was sent with an army
into Cappadocia, colouring his voyage thither with com-
mission to restore Ariobarzanes into his kingdom againe :
howbeit thonly cause of his jorney was in deede to suppresse
kinge Mithridates a litle, who tooke too many thinges in
hande, and increased his power and dominion with a new
signiory of no lesse greatnes, then that which he had before.
In troth he brought no great army out of Italie with him,
but he was faithfully holpen by the confederates of the
Romaines in every place, through whose aide he overthrewe
a great number of the Cappadocians, and afterwardes also a
greater number of the Armenians, which came in like case
to aide them : so that he expulsed Gordius king of Phrygia
out of Cappadocia, and restored Ariobarzanes to his realme
againe. After which victory, Sylla remained by the river of
Euphrates, and thither came unto him one Orobazus a
Parthian, Ambassador of Arsaces, king of the Parthians.
Now these two nations, the Romaines, and the Parthians,
were never frendes before : and that with other thinges
shewed the great good fortune Sylla had, that the Parthians
came first to him by his meanes to seeke frendshippe with
the Romaines. They say, that receiving this Ambassador
Orobazus, he made three chayres to be brought out, the
one for king Ariobarzanes, the other for Orobazus the
Ambassador, and the third for him selfe, which he placed
in the middest betwene them both, and sitting downe in
the same, gave audience unto the Ambassador : for which
cause the king of Parthia afterwardes put Orobazus to death.
Some doe commend Sylla for this acte, for that he kept his
state in such majesty among the barbarous people. Other
do reprove his ambition in it, shewing him selfe stately out of
time, and to no purpose. We doe read that a soothsayer of
270

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

Chaldea being in Orobazus traine, having diligently viewed SYLLA
and considered the phisiognomy of Sylla, and all his other
movinges and gestures of minde and body, to judge not by
the clymate of the contry, but according to the rules of his
arte what his nature should be : all well considered of, he
sayed that Sylla one day must needes come to be a great
man, and that he marveled how he could suffer it that he
was not even then the chiefest man of the worlde. When
Sylla was returned againe to Rome, one Censorinus accused Sylla accused
him of extorcion, that he had caried away a great summe of °* extorci°n'
money with him, contrary to the lawe, out of one of their
confederates contry : howebeit he prosecuted not his accusa-
tion, but gave it over. In the meane time, the enmity
begonne betwixt him and Marius, kindled againe uppon a
new occasion of king Bocchus ambition : who partely to
creepe further into the peoples favor of Rome, and partely
also for to gratifie Sylla, gave and dedicated certaine images
of victory carying tokens of triumphe, unto the temple of
lupiter Capitolin, and next unto them also the image of
lugurthe, which he delivered into the handes of Sylla, being
all of pure golde. This did so offende Marius, that he
attempted to take them away by force: but others did
defend the cause of Sylla. So that for the quarrell of these
two, the city of Rome taking armes, had like to have brought Civill warres.
all to ruine : had not the warres of the confederats of Italie
bene, which of long time did kindle and smoke, but at the
length brake out into open flame and sedition for that time.
In this marvelous great warre which fell out very daungerous,
by sundry misfortunes and great losses to the Romaines,
Marius did no notable exployte : whereby it appeareth, that
the vertue of warlike discipline hath neede of a strong, lusty,
and able body. For Sylla to the contrary, having done
notable service, and obtained many profitable victories, wanne
the fame and estimacion among the Romaines, of a noble
souldier, and worthy Captaine: and among thenemies them
selves, of a most fortunate man. Notwithstanding, Sylla did
not as Timotheus Athenian, the sonne of Conon had done:
who, when his adversaries and ill willers did attribute his
noble deedes unto the favor of fortune, and did painte

271

SYLLA

Timotheus
Athenian,
would not
attribute the
glory of his
doinges to
fortune.

Sylla gave
fortune the
honor of all
his doinges.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

fortune in tables, that brought him all the cities taken and
snared in nets whilest he slept : he tooke it in very ill parte,
and was marvelous angrie with them that did it, saying, that
they robbed him of the glory that j ustly belonged unto him.
Wherefore one day when this Timotheus was returned from
the warres with great victories, after he had openly ac-
quainted the Athenians with the whole discourse of his
doings in his voyage, he sayd unto them : My Lordes of
Athens, fortune hath had no parte in all this which I have
told unto you. Hereupon the goddes it should seeme were
so angry with this foolish ambition of Timotheus, that he
never afterwardes did any worthy thing, but all went utterly
against the heare with him : untill at the length he came
to be so hated of the people, that in thend they banished
him from Athens. But Sylla to the contrary, did not only
paciently abide their wordes that sayed, he was a happy
man, and singularly beloved of fortune : but also increasinge
this opinion, and glorying as at a speciall grace of the goddes,
did attribute the honor of his doings unto fortune, either for
a vaine glory, or for that he had in fansy, that the goddes did
prosper him in all his doinges. For he wrote him selfe in
his commentaries, that the enterprises which he hazarded
most hottely, according to the sodaine occasion offered, did
better prosper with him, then those which by good advise he
had determined of. Furthermore, when he sayd that he was
better borne unto fortune, then to the warres : it seemeth
that he confessed all his prosperity came rather by fortune,
then by his worthinesse. And to conclude, it appeareth
that he did wholly submit him selfe unto fortune, acknow-
ledging that he did altogether depend upon her : considering
that he did attribute it to the speciall grace and favor of the
goddes, that he never disagreed with Metellus his father in
law, who was a man of like dignitie and authoritie as him
selfe was. For where it was thought he woulde have bene a
greate hinderer of his doings, he found him verie curteous
and gentle in his behalfe, in all that they had to deale in
together, by reason of the societie of their office. And
furthermore, in his commentaries which he dedicated unto
Lucullus, he counselled him to thincke nothing more certaine
272

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

and assured, then that which the goddes should reveale unto SYLLA
him, and commaunde him in his nightes dreame. He Syllaes belefe
wryteth also that when he was sent with an army unto the in dreames.
warres of the confederates, the earth sodainly opened about A straunge
Laverna, out of the which immediatly came a marvelous siffht aP-
bright flame of fire that ascended up to the element. The Pei!Ted to
wise men being asked their opinions about the same, made
aunswere : that a very honest, and also a marvelous fayer
man of complexion taking soveraine authoritie in his handes,
should pacific all tumultes and sedition which were at that
time in Rome. Whereupon Sylla sayed it was him selfe
whome the goddes ment, bicause that amongest other things
he had that singular gift of beawty, that his heare was yellow
as golde : and he was not ashamed to name him selfe an honest
man, after he had wonne so many notable great victories.
Thus have we sufficiently spoken of the trust he had in the
favor of the goddes. And furthermore, he seemed to be very Sylla straunge
contrary in his manners, and unlike to him selfe. For if he of conditions,
tooke away much in one place, he gave as much more also in
an other. Some he preferred without cause : and others he
put downe without reason. He would be very gentle to
them, of whome he would have ought : and unto those that
sought of him, he would stand much apon his honor, and
looke for great reverence. Wherby men could hardly
decerne his nature, whether pride or flattery did more
abound in him. And as for the inequality he used in
punishing of them that had offended him : sometimes he
hanged up men for very small and light causes : Some other
times againe to the contrary, he paciently aboade the most
grievous offences in the worlde : and lightly pardoned and
forgave such faultes as were in no wise to be forgiven. And
afterwards againe would punish right small crimes, with
murders, effusion of blood, and confiscation of goodes. This
judgement may be geven of him : that by nature he had a
malicious and a revenging minde : yet notwithstanding he
qualified that naturall bitternes with reason, geving place to
necessity, and his benefit. For in this warre of the con-
federates, his souldiers slue Albinus one of his Lieutenauntes,
beating him to death with staves and stones, being a man of
3 : MM 273

Sylla chosen
Consull.

Metellus
chiefe bishop
of Rome, a
maried man.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

SYLLA good quality, and one that had bene Praetor. This great
offence he passed over with silence, using no manner of
punishment, and turned it to a boast in the end, saying,
that his men were the more obedient and diligent in any
peece of service that was to be done, and that he made them
amende their faultes by worthy service. And furthermore,
he did not regarde them that did reprove him : but havinge
determined with him selfe to destroy Marius, and to procure
that he might be chosen generall in the warres against king
Mithridates, bicause that this warre of the confederats was
now ended : for this cause he flattered and curried favor with
his souldiers that served under him. At his returne to
Rome from these warres of the confederates, he was chosen
Consull with Q. Pompeius, being then fifty yeare olde, and
maried with Caecilia a noble Ladie, and Metellus daughter,
who was then chiefe bishoppe of Rome, for which mariage
the common people sang songes and ballades up and downe
Rome against him : and many of the noble men envied him
for it, thinkinge him unworthy of so noble a Ladie, whom
they thought worthy to be Consul, as Titus Livius sayth.
Syllaes wives. Now she was not his only wife, for he had a young wife
before called Ilia, by whom he had a daughter. After her
he maried JElia, then a thirde called Caelia, whom he put
away bicause she brought him no children. But notwith-
standing she went honorably away from him with very good
wordes of her, besides many other goodly riche giftes he
gave her : howbeit shortly after he maried Metella, which
made the worlde suspect that Caelia was put away for her
naughtines. Howsoever it was, Sylla did ever honor and
love Metella : insomuch as the people of Rome afterwardes
making sute, that they that were banished for Marius
faction might be called home againe : and being denied, and
refused by Sylla, they cried out with open voyce for Metella,
praying her to helpe them to obtaine their request. And it
seemeth also that when he had taken the city of Athens, he
delt more cruelly with them, bicause that some of them had
scoffed at Metella from the walles : howbeit that was after-
wardes. So Sylla making his reckening at that time that
the Consulshippe was a small matter, in comparison of that
274

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

which he looked for in time to come : was marvelous SYLLA

desirous to go against Mithridates. But therein Marius Marius fonde

also, of a mad furious ambition and covetousnes of glory ambition.

stoode against him, and sued to goe that jorney in like

manner, being subject to those passions, which never waxe

olde, as we may dayly see by experience. For being now a

heavy man, sickly of body, and broken in service abroade in

the warres, from the which he came but newly home, and

brused moreover with age : did notwithstanding yet aspire

to have the charge of the warres so farre of beyond the seas.

Wherfore, to obtaine his purpose, whilest Sylla was gone a

litle unto the campe to geve order for certaine thinges that

were to be done, he remaining in the city, did practise this

pestilent mortall sedition, which alone did more hurte

unto the city of Rome, then all the enemies that Rome ever

had : the which the goddes them selves had foreshewed by Wonderfull

many signes and tokens. For fire tooke of it selfe in the signes seene

staves of the ensismes, which they had much a doe to b.e^e the

i n,i i i , .v . . . .1 civil! warres.

quenche. Ihree ravens brought their young ones into the

high way, and did eate them up in the sight of many people,
and after wardes caried the garbage they left of them into
their neastes. Rats also having gnawen some juells of golde
in a church, the sextens setting a trappe for them, a rat was
taken full of young, and kendled five young rats in the
trappe, of the which she ate up three. But more yet, on a
fayer bright day when there was no clowde seene in the
element at all, men heard such a sharp sound of a trompet,
that they were almost all out of their wittes, for feare of so
great a noyse. Whereuppon the wise men and soothsayers
of Thuscan being asked their opinions, tolde them : that this
so straunge and wonderfull signe did pronounce the chaunge
of the worlde, and the departure out of this into an other
life. For they holde opinion, that there should be eight TheThuscans
worldes, all contrary one unto an other, in manners and opinion of
facions of life : unto every one of the which sayd they, God eight worldes-
hath determined a certaine time of continuance. Howbeit
they all came to ende their course within the space of the re-
volution of the great yeare : and that when the one is ended,
and the other ready to begin, there are seene such wonder-

275

SYLLA

The wicked-
nes of Sul-
pitius the
Tribune.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

full straunge signes on the earth, or in the element. And
such as have studied that science, doe certainely know, as
soone as men be borne, which are meere contrary unto the
first in their lives and maners, and which are either more
or lesse acceptable unto the goddes, then those which lived
in former age. For they say, that amongest great chaunges
and alteracions which are done in those places from one
age unto an other, the science of divination and fore-
telling of thinges to come doth grow in reputacion, and
meeteth in their predictions, when it pleaseth God to send
most certaine and manifest signes, to knowe and foretell
thinges to come. And in contrariwise also in an other
age it groweth to contempt, and loseth her reputation, for
that it is very rashe, and faileth to meete with the most
parte of her predictions, bicause she hath but obscure
meanes, and all her instruments defaced, to knowe what
should come. And these be the fables which the wisest
soothsayers of Thuscan reported abroade, and they specially,
who seemed to have some singuler speculation above others.
But as the Senate were talking with the soothsayers of these
wonders, being assembled together within the temple of the
goddesse Bellona, a sparrow came flying into the churche in
sight of them all, and caried a grassehopper in her bill, and
parted it in the middest, and left one parte within the
temple, and caried thother away with her. Whereupon the
wise men and interpreters of such wonders, saied, that they
doubted a commotion and rising of the contry men against the
commons of the citie, bicause the common people of the citie
doe crye out continually like grassehoppers, and the husband-
men doe kepe them selves upon their landes in the contry.
Thus Marius grew great and very famillier, with Sulpitius, one
of the Tribunes of the people, who in all kindes of wickednes
and mischiefe that a man can reckon, would geve place to
no living creature : so that a man nede not to seeke or de-
maund any where for a worse then he, but the question is
rather wherein he him selfe was not the worste of all others.
For he was full replet with all kindes of cruelty, avarice,
and rashnesse, and that so extreamely, as he cared not what
villany and wickednes he openly committed, so that the same
276

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

might turne to his profit. For he had set up a table in the SYLLA
open market place, where he solde freedome, making slaves
and straungers denizens of Rome for their money : and for
that purpose he entertained a gard of three thowsand about
him, besides a band of young gentlemen of the order of
knightes that attended alwayes apon his persone ready at
commaundement, whome he called the garde against the
Senate. And furthermore, him selfe having passed a lawe
by the voyce of the people, that no Senator should borrow,
nor ow, above two thowsande Drachmas : it was founde that
at the hower of his death, he dyed three millions of Drachmas
in debt. This man nowe like a furious raging beast, being
left by Marius amongest the people, turned all thinges topsie
turvey, by force of armes and maine strength. He made
also many wicked lawes to passe by voyce of the people, and Marius and
amongest others, that one specially, wherby he gave Marius Sulpitius
commission to make warres against king Mithridates. For s<
which extreame oppressions and dealinges of Sulpitius, the
two Consuls (Sylla and Quintus Pompeius) left of to heare
publike causes, and ceased the common course of law and
justice. And as they were one day occupied about the ad- All lawe
jornement of the law, in an open assembly in the market ceased for a
place, before the temple of Castor and Pollux : Sulpitius the time> by
Tribune came upon them with his souldiers, and slue many suipitius op.
people, and among others, the Consull Pompeius owne sonne, pressions and
and the father him selfe being Consull, had much a doe to wicked lawes.
save his life by flying. And Sylla the other Consull, was
also pursued even into Marius house, where he was compelled
to promise before his departure, presently to goe and revoke
thadjornement of the law which he had before commaunded.
Thus Sulpitius having deprived Pompeius of his Consul-
shippe, did not depose Sylla, but only tooke from him the
charge he had geven him to make warres against Mithridates,
and transferred that unto Marius. And sending colonells to
the city of Nola to receive the army that lay there, and
to bring them unto Marius, Sylla prevented them, and fled
to the campe before them, and told the souldiers all what
had past, as it was in deede : who when they heard it, fell
all to a tumult, and slue Marius colonells with stones. Marius

277

SYLLA

Sylla march-
eth towards
Rome with
six legions.

Posthumius
the devine,
did prognos-
ticate victory
unto Sylla.

Syllaes vision
in his dreame.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

on the other side put all Syllaes frends to death at Rome,
and tooke the spoyle of their goodes and houses: so was
there nothing else but flying from the campe to Rome, and
from Rome to the campe againe. The Senate were in
manner beside them selves, not being able to governe as
they would, but driven to obey Marius and Sulpitius com-
maundementes. Who being advertised that Sylla was comming
towardes Rome, sent straight two Praetors unto him, Brutus
and Servilius, to commaund him as from the Senate, to ap-
proch no nearer. These two Praetors spake a litle to boldly
unto Sylla : whereuppon the souldiers fell to a mutiny in
such sorte, that they stoode indifferent whether to kill them
presently in the field or no, howbeit they brake their axes
and bondells of roddes' which were caried before them, and
tooke their purple robes wherewith they were apparelled as
magistrates, from them, and sent them home thus shame-
fully handled and intreated. Uppon their returne now to
Rome, their sadde silence only, and them selves so stripped
besides, of all their markes and tokens of Prsetoriall dignitie,
made all men then to judge that they brought no other
newes, but such as were the worst that possibly could be :
and that there was no way then left to pacific this sedition,
which was now altogether uncurable. Wherefore Marius
and his followers began to make them selves strong by force :
and Sylla, with his companion Q. Pompeius, departed in the
meane time from the city of Nola, and brought six entier
legions on with him, who desired no other thing but to
make hast to march to Rome ward. Howbeit Sylla stoode
in doubt with him selfe what to do, thinking of the great
daunger that might follow. Untill such time as his sooth-
sayer Posthumius having considered the signes and tokens
of the sacrifices, which Sylla had made upon this determina-
tion, gave him both his handes, and bad him binde them
hard, and shut him up fast, untill the day of battell should
be past : saying, that he was contented to suffer death, if he
had not good successe, and that out of hande, to his great
honor. And it is sayed also, that the same night there
appeared unto Sylla in a dreame, the goddesse Bellona,
whome the Romaines do greatly honor, following therein
278

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

the Cappadocians: and I knowe not whether it be the moone, SYLLA
Minerva, or Enyo the goddesse of battells. So he thought,
that she comming to him did put lightning into his hande,
commaunding him that he should lighten upon his enemies,
naming them one after an other by their proper names : and
that they being striken with his lightning, fell downe dead
before him, and no man knew what became of them. This
vision encoraged Sylla very much, and having reported the
same to Pompeius, his fellow Consull and companion, the
next morning he marched with his army to Rome. When
he was at Picines, there came other Ambassadors unto him,
to pray him in the name of the Senate that he would not
come to Rome in this heate and fury, declaring therwithall
that the Senate would graunt him all thinges that should be
meete and reasonable. When Sylla had heard the message,
he aunswered them, that he would campe there : and so com-
maunded the marshalls to devide the squadrons according to
their maner. The Ambassadors beleving that he would so
have done in deede, returned againe to Rome: howebeit
their backes were no sooner turned, but Sylla straight sent
Lucius Basillus, and Caius Mummius before to sease one of
the gates of Rome, and the walles which were on the side of
mount Esquilin, and he him selfe also in persone with all
possible speede marched after them. Basillus entred Rome,
and wanne the gate by force. But the common people un-
armed, got them up straight to the top of their houses, and
with tyles and stones stayed, and kept him, not onely from
entring any further : but also drave him backe againe, even
to the very walles of the city. In this hurly burly came
Sylla him selfe to Rome, who seeing apparantly in what
state thinges stoode, cried out to his men, and bad them
set fyre on the houses : and him selfe taking a torche light Sylla set the
in his hand, shewed them the way what they should doe, houses a fire
appointing his archers and darters to whurle and bestow m Rome>
their dartes, and other fiery instruments, to the toppes of
the houses. Herein he was too much overcome with unreason-
able choller, passion, and desire of revenge. For, seeking
only to plague his enemies, he tooke no regard to frends, to
parentes, or confederates, neither had he yet any maner of

279

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

SYLLA remorse, or pity : such and so fiery was his anger then, that
he put no kind of difference betwene those that had offended,
and them that had done him no hurt at all. By this meanes
was Marius driven into the city, unto the temple of the
Earth, where he made open proclamation by sounde of
trompet, that he woulde make free all the slaves that
woulde come to his parte. But forthwith came his enemies,
set upon him, and prest him so neere, that he was con-
strained utterly to flic and forsake the city. Then Sylla
Marius and assembling the Senate, caused Marius, and certaine others,
Sulpitius together with Sulpitius Tribune of the people, to be con-
condemned demned to death. Sulpitius was betrayed by a slave of his
to death. i on ju_ j- j. i •

owne, whom Sylla made free according to his promise past

Treason justly by publike edict : but when he had made him free, he caused
rewarded. kim ^o ^e throwen downe headlong from the rocke Tarpeian.
And not contented with this, he proclaimed by promise a great
summe of money to him that would kill Marius : A very in-
The ingrati- grate and unthankefull parte, consideringe that Marius not
tude of Sylla many dayes before havinge Sylla in his owne house, in his
reproved. handes and custody, delivered him from perill, and set him
in safety. Which if at that time he had not done, but had
suffered Sulpitius to have slaine him : him selfe had bene
soveraine Lord of the whole without all contradiction, and
might have ruled all things at his owne will and pleasure.
But Sylla shortly after upon the like advantage, used no such
manner of requitall or gratuitie towardes him, which bred a
secret misliking emongest the Senate : howebeit the common
people made open shewe of the evill will they bare unto
Sylla, by rejecting one Nonius his neview, and one Servius,
who uppon confidence of his favor, presented them selves
to sue for certaine offices. And besides the shame of this
refusall, to spyte him the more, they chose others in their
steedes, whose honor and preferrement they right well knew
that Sylla would not onely mislike, but be much offended
withall. Howbeit he wisely dissembling the matter, seemed
to be very glad, saying, that by his meanes the people of
Rome enjoyed a full and perfit liberty, that in such cases of
election, they might freely do what them selves listed. And
to mitigate somwhat the peoples evill will towards him he
280

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

determined to choose Lucius Cinna Consul!, who was of SYLLA
a contrary faction to him : having first bounde him by Lucius Cinna
solemne othe and curse to favor his doings and whole pro- Consull.
cedings. Wherupon Cinna went up to the Capitoll, and Cinna sware
there holding a stone in his hand, did solemnly sweare and to be Syllaes
promise, that he would be Svllaes faithfull frende : beseech- ""en"e-
ing the goddes if he did tne contrary, that he might be
throwen out of Rome, even as he threw that stone out of his
hand : and with those wordes, threw it to the ground before
many people. But notwithstanding all these curses, Cinna
was no sooner entred into his Consulshippe, but presently
he beganne to chaunge and alter all. For amongest other
thinges, he would needes have Sylla accused : and procured
Verginius, one of the Tribunes of the people, to be his
accuser. But Sylla left him with his judges, and went to Sylla went
make warres against Mithridates. And it is said, that about ?# .aV"s.t,
the time that Sylla tooke shippe, and departed out of Italic: *
there fortuned many tokens and warninges of the goddes
unto kinge Mithridates, who was at that present in the city
of Pergamum. As amongest others, that the Pargamenians
to honor Mithridates withall, having made an image of victory,
carying a garland of triumphe in her hand, which was let
downe from aloft with engines : so soone as she was ready
to put the garland upon his head, the image brake, and the
crowne fell to the grounde in the middest of the Theater,
and burst all to peeces. Whereby all the people that were
present, were striken with a marvelous feare, and Mithridates
him selfe beganne to mislike this evill lucke : although all
things at that time fell out more fortunately, then he
looked for. For he had taken Asia from the Romaines, Mithridates
and Bithynia and Cappadocia, from the kinges which he had
driven out : and at that time remained in the city of Per-
gamum, to devide the riches and great territories among
his frendes. As touching his sonnes : the eldest was in the
realme of Pontus, and of Bosphorus, which he inherited
from his predicessors, even unto the desertes beyonde the
marisses of Maeotides, without trouble or molestation of any
man. The other also, Ariarathes, was with a great army, in
conquering of Thracia and Macedon. His Captaines and
8 : NN 281

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

SYLLA Lieutenauntes moreover, did many notable conquestes in
divers places, with a great power : amongest the which,
Archelaus being Lord and master of all the sea, for the
great number of shippes he had, conquered the lies Cyclades,
and all those beyond the hed of Malea, and specially
amongest others the He of Eubcea. And beginning at the
city of Athens, had made all the nations of Greece to rebell,
even unto Thessalie, saving that he received some losse by
the city of Chaeronea. Where Brutius Sura, one of the
Lieutenauntes of Sentius governor of Macedon (a man of
great wisedome and valliantnes) came against him, and
stayed him for goinge any further, overrunning the whole
contry of Bceotia, like a furious raging river. And setting
upon Archelaus by the city of Chaeronea, overthrewe him
in three severall battells : repulsed, and inforced him to
take the seaes againe. But as Brutius was following him in
chase, Lucius Lucullus sent him commaundement to geve
place unto Sylla, to follow those warres against Mithridates,
according to the charge and commission in that behalfe
geven him. Whereupon Brutius Sura went out of the
contry of Bceotia, and returned towardes his generall
Sentius : notwithstandinge his affaires prospered better then
he could have wished, and that all Greece were very willing
to revolt, for the reputacion of his wisedom and goodnes.
Howbeit the thinges that we before have spoken of, were the
most notable matters that Brutius did in those partes. Sylla
now upon his arrivall, recovered immediatly all the other
cities of Greece : who being advertised of his comming, sent
presently to pray him to come to their aide, the city of
Athens onely excepted, which was compelled by the tyran
Aristion, to take parte with Mithridates. Sylla thereuppon
with all his power went thither, besieged the haven of Piraea
rounde, causing it to be battered and assaulted on every
side, with all sortes of engines and instrumentes of battery :
whereas if he could have had pacience but a litle lenger, he
might have had the high towne by famine, without putting
him selfe in any manner of daunger, the same being brought
to such extreame dearth and scarsity of all kinde of vittells.
But the hast that he made to returne againe to Rome, for

Sylla besieg-
eth the city
of Athens.

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

feare of the new chaunge which he heard of daily from SYLLA
thence, compelled him to hazard this warre in that sorte
with great daunger, many battells, and infinite charge : con-
sideringe also, that besides all other provision and furniture,
he had twenty thowsand mules and mulcts laboring dayly to
furnishe his engines of batterie. And when all other woode
fayled him, bicause his engines were oftentimes marred after
they were made, some breaking of them selves by reason of
their waight, others consumed with fire throwen from the
enemies : at the length he fell to the holy wood, and cut
downe the trees of the Academia, being better stored and
furnished, then any other parke of pleasure in all the
suburbes of the city, and feld downe also the wod of the
parke Lycaeum. And standing in neede of a great summe
of money to entertaine this warre withall, he delt also with
the holyest temples of all Greece, causing them to bring him Sylla tooke
from the temples of Epidaurum and Olympus, all the richest the juells and
and most pretious iuels they had. He wrote moreover unto ready money
ii f il A TL- j. i- u j.i_ -j. p out of all the

the counsel! 01 the Amphictyons nolden in the city ot temples of

Delphes, to bring him the ready money they had in the Greece, and
temple of Apollo, for that it should be kept in better safety brought it
with him, then if it still remained there : promising besides, *° ^im to
that if he should by occasion be compelled to use it, he
would restore as much againe unto them : and for this pur-
pose he sent Caphis Phocian, one of his very frends and
familiars, and commaunded him to wey all that he tooke.
So Caphis went unto Delphes : but when he came thither,
being afraied to touch the holy things, in presence of the Caphis super-
counsell of the Amphictyons, he wept, that the teares ran sticion for
downe by his cheekes, as a man compelled to doe such an j^iy thinees
act against his will. And when some that were present told
Caphis that they heard the sound of Apolloes citherne in
the temple : whether he beleved it was so in dede, or bicause
he would put this superstitious feare into Syllaes head, he
wrote to him of it. But Sylla mocking him, sent him word,
that he marveled he could not consider, that singing and
playing of the citherne, were tokens rather of joye then of
anger : and therefore that he should not faile to precede
further, and bring him those things which he commaunded,

283

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

SYLLA for that (said he) Apollo did geve them him. Now for the

other juells of the temple of Apollo, the common people

knew not that they were sent unto Sylla : but the silver

tonne, which only was that that remained of the offeringes

of the kings, the Amphictyons were faine to breake that in

peces, bicause it was so great and massie, that the beastes of

draught could not draw it whole as it was. This act made

them to remember the other auncient Romaine Captaines,

as Flaminius, Manius Acilius, and Paulus JEmilius : of the

which, the one having driven king Antiochus out of Greece,

and the rest also having overthrowen the kings of Macedon,

they never once touched the gold and silver of the temples

of Greece: but contrarily sent their offerings thither, and

The commen- had them all in great honor and reverence. But as to them,

dacion of the tnev were all Captaines lawfully chosen and sent to their

Remain* charges : their souldiers wel trained, and obedient at com-

Captaines maundement, voide of rebellion, or any maner of mutiny.

for ordering And for them selves, were kings in greatnes of corage and

of their magnanimity of minde : but in expence of their persones,

souldiers, and y spare and scant, without any lavish, but nedefull and

also for their » J •, ., . , .

modest ex- necessary, proportioned by reason, and thinking more shame

pences. to flatter their souldiers, then feare their enemies. Now the

Captaines contrarily in Syllaes time, sought not their pre-
ferrement in the common wealth by vertue, but by force,
and having greater warres one with an other, then with
straungers their enemies : were compelled to flatter their
souldiers whom they should commaund, and to buy their
paines and service, feeding them still with large and great
expences, to please and content them. Wherein they did
not consider, that they brought their contry into bondage,
and made themselves slaves of the vilest people of the
world, whiles that in the meane time they sought to
commaund by all meanes possible those, which in many
respectes were farre better then them selves. And this
was the cause that both drave Marius out of Rome, and
made him also to returne againe against Sylla. This
selfe same cause made Cinna to kill Octavius, and Fimbria
to slay Flaccus : of which evills, Sylla was the very first
and only author, spending out of all reason, and geving
- 284

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

the souldiers largely that served under him, to winne their SYLLA
good willes the more, and thereby also to allure them. By Sylla the first
reason whereof, Sylla had nede of mountaines of money, and man that
specially at the siege where he was : both to make straungers sP°*jed ^
tray tors, and besides, to furnishe and satisfie his owne dis- of souldiers
solute souldiers. For he had such an earnest desire to take by overmuch
the city of Athens, that he could not possibly be disswaded libertie and
from it. And either it was of a certen vaine ambition he sufferaunce.
had to fight against the auncient reputacion of that city,
being then but a shadow to that it had bene : or els of a
very anger, for the mockes and gibes which the tyran Aris-
tion gave in his speches from the wals, against him and
Metella, to spite him the more withall. This tyran Aristion
was full of all cruelty and wickednes, having taken up all The wicked-
the worst qualities and greatest imperfections of king Mith- nes °f the
ridates, and heaped them wholly together in him selfe : by tyran Aru
reason whereof the poore city of Athens which had escaped
from so many warres, tyrannies, and civill dissentions until
that present time, was by him, as by an uncurable disease,
brought unto all extreamity. For a bushell of wheate was
worth a thowsand Drachmas, and men were driven for famine
to eate feverfew that grew about the castell : and they caused
old shoes and old oyle pots to be sodden, to deliver some
savor unto that they did eate, whilest the tyran himselfe
did nothing all day long but cramme in meate, and drinke
dronke, daunse, maske, scoffe and flowte at the enemies,
suffering the holy lampe of Minerva in the meane season to
go out for lacke of oyle. And when the Nunne of the same
temple sent unto him for a quarter of a bushel of wheate, he
sent her a quarter of a bushell of pepper. And when the
counsellors of the city, the priestes and religious came to
the castell, holding up their hands, and beseeching him to
take some pity of the city, and fall to composition with
Sylla : he made them to be driven away, and scattered with
slings. In the end, very late, and yet with great a do, he
sent two or three of his quaffing companions unto Sylla, who
when they were come to him, made no demaund of composi-
tion for the towne, but began to praise and magnifie the
dedes of Theseus, of Eumolpus, and of the Athenians against

285

SYLLA

The greate
valiantnes
of Marcus
Teius.

Athens taken
by Sylla.

The slaughter
of the Athen-
ians after
the taking of
the citie.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

the Medes. Whereupon Sylla made them this aunswere:
My goodly orators, returne you againe with all your
rethoricke : for the Romaines sent me not hither to learne
nor to study, but to overcome and conquer those that are
rebelled against them. In the meane time there were cer-
taine spyes in the city that heard old men talking together
in a place called Ceramicus, blaming the tyran bicause he
kept no better watch on that side of the wal that was directly
over against the Heptachalcon, which was the only place
where the enemies might easiliest get up uppon the walls.
Those spies went straight unto Sylla, and told him what
they had heard the old men say. Sylla tracted no time, but
came to the place in the night to see it : and perceiving that
it was to be taken, set the matter straight abroach. And
him selfe wrytes in his commentaries, that the first man that
scaled the walls, was Marcus Teius : who finding a souldier
ready to resist him, gave him such a sore blow with his
sword upon his head peece, that his sword brake in two,
and yet notwithstanding that he saw him selfe naked and
diformed of a sword, did not for all that give back, but
stoode still to it, and kept the place so long, till through
him the city was taken, and all apon the talke of these old
men. So Sylla caused the wall to be pulled downe betwene
the haven of Piram, and the holy haven : and having before
made the breach very plaine, entred into the city about
midnight with a wonderfull fearefull order, making a mar-
velous noise with a number of homes, and sounding of
trompets, and all his army with him in order of battel,
crying, To the sack, to the sack : kill, kill. For he had
geven them the towne in spoyle, and to put all to the sword.
The souldiers therefore ran through the streetes with their
swords drawen, making an uncredible slaughter : so that to
this daye they be not acknowen, nor doe not declare what
nomber of persons were slaine, but to shew the greatnes of
the murder that there was committed, the place is yet
extant to be scene where the blood ranne. For besides
them that were slaine through all the city, the blood of
them only that were slaine in the market stede, did wet all
the ground of Ceramicus, even unto the very place called
286

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

Dipylon : and some say also, that it ranne by the gates into . SYLLA
the suburbes of the citie. But if the multitude of the people
that were slaine in this sorte were great, much more (or so
many at the least) it is sayd were those that slue them selves,
for the sorrow and compassion they had to see their contry
in such pityful state, supposing certainly that their city was
now come to utter ruine and destruction. This opinion
made the noblest men of the city to dispaire of their owne
safety, and feared to live any lenger : bicause they thought
they should finde no mercy, no moderacion of cruelty in
Sylla. Notwithstanding, partely at the requestes of Midias
and Calliphon, who were banished men from Athens, and fell
at Syllaes feete upon their knees : and partely also at the
requests of the Romaine Senators that were in his campe,
who prayed him to pardon the body of the city, and the
rather for that he had already quenched the thirst of his
ravening mind sufficiently well, after that he had somwhat
sayd in praise of the auncient Athenians, he concluded in
the end, to geve the greater number unto the smaller, and
the living to the dead. Sylla wryteth him selfe in his com-
mentaries, that he tooke the city of Athens on the very selfe
day of the calendes of March, which commeth to agree with
the first day of the moneth that we call Anthesterion, on Anthesterion
the which day by chaunce many thinges are done at Athens Marche.
in memory of Noes flood, and of the universal! destruction of The time of
the whole world that was in olde time by rage of waters, Noes flood,
falling out even in that very moneth. When the city was
thus taken, the tyran Aristion fled into the castell, where he
was besieged by Curio, whome Sylla left there of purpose
about that matter. And after he had a great time kept it,
at the last, constrained thereunto for lacke of water, yelded. Aristion the
The castell was no sooner geven up, but immediatly by tyran yeelded.
Goddes providence, the weather miraculously altered. For
the selfe same day, and at the very selfe instant that Curio
caried the tyran Aristion out of the castell : the element
being very fayer and clere, the clowdes sodainly gathered
together, and there fell such a marvelous glut of raine, that
all the castell was full of water. Shortly (after also, Sylla The haven of
having gotten the haven of Piraea, burnt the greatest parte Piraa wonne.

287

SYLLA

Philoes
armory burnt
by Sylla.

Taxilles army
a hundred
thowsande
footemen :
Tenne thow-
sand horse-
men :

Foure score
and ten thow-
sand cartes
with Sythes.

The force
of the Bar-
barians con-
sisted in
horsemen and
in their carts
with Sythes.

The straight
of Thermo-
pyles.

Parnassus
hill.

The city of
Tithora.

Sylla and
Hortensius
met at
Patronide.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

of the buildinges : amongest others was the arsenall and
armory, which Philo in old time had caused to be built,
being of a straunge and wonderfull edifice. In the meane
time, Taxilles, one of the Lieutenaunts of king Mithridates,
comming from Thracia and Macedon, with a hundred thow-
sand footemen, tenne thowsand horsemen, and foure score
and tenne thowsand carts of warre all armed with sythes :
sent unto Archelaus to joyne with him, lying yet at ancker
in the haven of Munychia, and not willing to leave the sea,
nor come to fight with the Romaines, but seeking rather to
draw these warres out in length, and to cut of all vittells
from his enemies. Sylla understanding this drift better then
him selfe, departed out of the contry of Attica (a very barren
soyle, and in deede not able to keepe him in time of peace)
and went into Boeotia : wherein most men thought he com-
mitted great error, to leave Attica, which is a very hard
contry for horsemen, and to go into Bceotia, a plaine cham-
pion : and so much the rather, bicause he knew well enough
that the chiefest strength of the barbarous people consisted
in their horsemen, and their armed cartes with sythes. But
to avoyd famine, and lacke of vittells as we have sayd, he was
compelled to seeke battell. Furthermore, he had an other
cause also that made him afrayed, and compelled him to go :
and that was Hortensius, a famous Captaine, and very valliant
also, who brought him aide out of Thessalie, and the bar-
barous people lay in waite for him in his way, in the straight
of Thermopyles. And these were the causes that made
Sylla take his way into Breotia. But in the meane time,
Caphis that was our contry man, deceiving the barbarous
people, guided Hortensius an other way by mount Parnassus,
and brought him under the city of Tithora, which was not
then so great a city as nowe at this present it is, but was a
castell only, scituated upon the point of a rocke, hewen all
about : whether the Phocians in olde time flying king Xerxes
comming upon them, retyred them selves for their safety.
Hortensius lodged there, and there did also both defend and
repulse his enemies, so long as day light lasted : and when
the night came on, got downe through very hard stony
wayes, unto the city of Patronide, where he joyned with
288

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

Sylla, who came to meete him with all his power. Thus SYLLA

being joyned together, they camped upon a hill that

standeth about the middest of the plaine of Elatea : The plaine

the soyle was very good, and well replenished with great of Elatea.

store of trees, and water, at the foote of the same. The

hill is called Philobaeotus, the nature and scituacion Philobaeotus

whereof, Sylla doth marvelously commend. When they mons.

were camped, they seemed but a handfull in the eye of

their enemies : and no more were they in deede, for they

had not above fifteene hundred horse, and lesse then Their whole

fifteene thowsand footemen. Whereupon the other Cap- army together

taines their enemies, against Archelaus minde, brought out 15000 fooTe-

their bandes into the field, and filled all the valley and men.

plaine thereabouts with horsemen, with cartes, with shieldes

and targettes, so that the ayer was even cut a sunder as

it were with the violence of the noyse and cries of so many

sundry nations, which altogether did put them selves in

battell ray. The sumptuousnes of their furniture moreover,

was not altogether superfluous and unprofitable, but served

greatly to feare the beholders. For the glistering of their The brave

harnesse, so richly trimmed and set foorth with gold and armor and

silver, the cullers of their arming coates upon their curaces, ;l!rn^re °

n ', ,, . ,, . , ,, , ° j o j.i • i j -ii the Ihracians

after the iacion or the Medes and hcytmans, mingled with an^ Macedon-

the bright glistering steele and shining copper, gave such a ians, serving
show as they went and removed to and fro, that made a underTaxilles
light as clere as if all had bene on a very fire, a fearefull JP"*' ^
thing to looke apon. Insomuch as the Romaines durst not tenaunt U
so much as once goe out of the trenches of their campe, nor
Sylla with all his perswasion coulde take away this great con-
ceived feare from them : wherefore, (and bicause also he
would not compell them to go forth in this feare) he was
driven not to stirre, but close to abide, (though it grieved
him greatly) to see the barbarous people so prowdly and
villanously laugh him and his men to scorne. Howbeit the
disdaine and scoffing of his enemies, stoode him to great
good purpose afterwards. For they making now none Many com-
accompt of him, kept small watche and ward, strayed up mandersmake
and downe disorderly besides, though otherwise they were
not very obedient unto their Captaines, being many com-
3 : OO 289

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

SYLLA maunders, and fewe good followers : by reason whereof, a

small number kept in the campe, and all the rest of the

great multitude intised with the gaine they made by spoyl-

ing and sacking of townes thereabouts, dispersed them selves

many dayes iorney from their campe. For it is sayd, that at

that very time they destroyed the city of Panopaeia, sacked

the city of Lebadia, and spoyled the temple without com-

maundement or licence of any of all their Captaines to doe

it. In the meane while, Sylla seeing so many cities and

townes spoyled and destroyed, tooke it both grievously, and

also angrily : howebeit he suffered not his men to lie idlely,

but kept them in labor, to tume the course of the river of

Cephisus fl. Cephisus, and to cast great trenches, not suffering any man

Syllaes to take ease or rest, but contrarily with great severity

straightnes to punished such as went faintly and lasely to worke, to thend

his souldiers. ^^ being wearied with the paine they tooke after so many

workes, they would rather prove to hazard battell, as it fell

out in deede. For the third day after they had begonne

thus to labor, as Sylla passed by them, they cried out unto

A good policie him to leade them against their enemies. But his aunswere

to weary feare- was unto them againe : that those were but cries of men

wiihextreame wearied rather with labor, then desirous to fight. Not-

labor,whereby withstanding, if it be so in deede, and that you have so

to make them good a will to fight as you make showe of : then I will sayd

desirous to he, that you arme your selves presently, and get you to

yonder place, showing them therewithal! where the castell

of the Parapotamians stoode in olde time, which then (the

city being destroyed) was no more but the toppe of a stony

Edylium mountaine cut all about, and severed from the mount of

mons. Edylium by the breadth of the river of Assus that runneth

Assus fl. betwixt, and which at the very foote of the same mountaine

falleth into the river of Cephisus, and both these rivers

running in one, carying a swift streame, doe make the

knappe of the sayd hill very strong of scituacion to lodge a

campe upon. And therefore Sylla seeing the souldiers of

his enemies campe, marching with their copper targets to

take up that place to lodge -in : to prevent them, and to get

it before them (as in deede he did) he marched thither in all

hast possible, and got it even with the earnest good will of

290

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

all his souldiers. Archelaus being so repulsed from thence, SYLLA
turned his way towards the city of Chaeronea. Whereupon
certaine of the Chasroneans that were in Syllaes campe,
besought him that he would not forsake their city, and leave
it to their enemy. Sylla desiring to gratifie them therein,
sent one of his Colonells Gabinius with a legion, and there-
withall gave the Chaeroneans leave to go thither, who did Sylla sendeth
what they could possible to get into their city before Gabinius with
Gabinius : but that they could not, such was the diligence a-legj^ to
and honesty of the man, as he seemed more desirous of their ronea
safety, then they were them selves. Neverthelesse, lubas
doth not call the Colonell that was sent thither Gabinius,
but Hircius. And thus was our city of Chaeronea preserved
from the daunger it stoode in at that time. In the meane
time came very good newes to the Romaines, both of oracles Oracles and
and prophecies, which promised them victory from the prophecies of
temple of Lebadia, and the cave of Trophonius : of which %*$£* unto
prophecies, those contry men make great mencion. But
Sylla in his tenth booke of his commentaries writeth, that
Quintus Titius, a man of quality and name amongest them
that traffiked into the contry of Greece, came unto him
after he had wonne the battell of Chseronea, to tell him
that Trophonius gave him to understand, that shortly after
he should have a second battell, and that he should yet
againe have an other victory in the same place. After him
an other man of warre called Salvenius, told him also what Salvenius a
successe he should have in the warres of Italie, saying, that Souldier.
he knew it by revelation : and both these men agreed in the
manner of the revelation. For they sayd, that they had
seene a god, in majesty, beawty, and greatnes, like unto the
image of lupiter Olympias. Sylla havinge passed the river of lupiter
Assus, went to lodge at the foote of mount Edylium, hard by Olympias.
Archelaus, who had placed and fortified his campe betwene
the two mountaines of Acontium, and of Edylium, joyninge Acontium,
to the city of the Assians. The place where Archelaus Edylium
camped, beareth his owne name Archelaus unto this day. n
One day after Sylla had chaunged his lodging, he left
Muraena in his campe with a legion, and two cohortes, to
keepe the enemies still occupied that were in great trouble,

291

SYLLA

Thurium
mons : aliter
Orthopagum.

Morion fl.

Apollo
Thurias.

Chaeron the
founder of
the city of
Chseronea.

Sylla ordereth
his battell.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

and he him selfe in the meane time went and sacrificed
by the river of Cephisus. His sacrifice being ended, he
marched towards the city of Chaeronea, to take the force
he had there under Gabinius, and to know the mountaine
also called Thurium, which the enemies had taken. It is a
knappe of a mountaine very steepe and sharpe of all sides,
with a narrowe point like a pine apple, by reason whereof we
doe call it Orthopagum. At the foote of the same runneth
the river called Morion, and there is also the temple of
Apollo surnamed Thurias : and they say that this surname
of Thurias was geven unto him of the name of Thuros, who
was mother of Chaeron, the founder and builder of the city
of Chaeronea. Other thinke, that the cow which was geven
to Cadmus for a guide, came to him in that place : which
hath ever since kept the name, for that the Phenicians call
a cow, Thar. Now when Sylla came neere unto Chaeronea,
the Colonell Gabinius whome he had sent thither with a
garrison to defend the same, went to meete him with his
men very well armed, wearing a lawrell garland : and Sylla
after he had saluted him, and his souldiers, made an oration
unto them, exhorting them to do their duty in fighting.
And as he was in his oration, there came two citizens of
Chaeronea to him, one, his name was Omoloichus, and the
other Anaxidamus, who promised him to drive the enemies
from mount Thurium which they had taken, if he would but
geve them some small number of souldiers. For there was a
litle path way, which the barbarous people mistrusted not,
beginning at a place called Petrochus, hard by the temple of
the Muses, by the which they might easily go to the toppe of
this mountaine Thurium : so that following that pathe, it
would bring them over the barbarous peoples heads, and
they might easily kill them with stones, or at the least they
should drive them mawgre their heads, downe into the
valley. Gabinius assuring Sylla that they were both very
valliant men, and such as he might boldly trust unto, Sylla
gave them men, and commaunded them to execute their
enterprise : and he him selfe in the meane season went and
set his men in order of battell in the plaine, deviding his
horsemen on the winges, placed him selfe in the right wing,
292

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

appointinge the left unto Muraena. Galba and Hortensius SYLLA

his Lieutenauntes, were placed in the tayle with certaine

bandes of the reregard which they kept upon the hils, to

watch and let that the enemies should not inclose them

behinde : bicause they perceived a farre of that the enemies

put forth a great number of horsemen and footemen light

armed in the wings, to thend that the poynts of their battell

might the more easily bowe and enlarge them selves, to

compasse in the Romaines on the backe side. Now in the

meane time, these two Chseroneians whome Sylla had sent

under Hircius their Captaine, having compassed about the

mountaine Thurium, before the enemies were aware of them :

sodainly came to shew them selves uppon the toppe of the

mountaine, which did so feare the barbarous people, that

they began immediatly to flie, one of them for the most

parte killing an other. There was no resistaunce, but flying

downe the mountaine, fell apon the pointes of their owne

partisans and pykes, and one of them thrusting in an others

necke, tombled hedlong downe the mountaine together,

having their enemies besides on their backes, which drave

them from the hill, and strake them behinde where they lay Sylla drave

A li 1

open unto them : so as they were slaine a three thowsande -^rcneiaus
of them about this mountaine Thurium. And as for them th/hiij111
that sought to save them selves by flight, Muraena that
was already set in battell ray, met with some, cut them
of by the way, and slue them downe right. The other
fled directly to their campe, and came in great companies,
thrusting into the battell of their footemen, put the most
parte of them quite out of order, and marvelously troubled
their Captaines before they could set them againe in order :
which was one of the chiefest causes of their overthrowe. For
Sylla went and gave a charge uppon them in this trouble
and disorder, and had quickely wonne the ground that was
betwene both armies, wherby he tooke away the force of all
their armed cartes with sythes, which are then of greatest The force of
force, when they have the longest course, to geve them a ^e arm?<l
swift and violent stroke in their chase : whereas when their gythles^consist
course is but short, the blow is so much the weaker, and of in long course,
lesse strength, even as arrowes are, that a farre of enter not

293

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

SYLLA deepe into the thing they be shot at : as at that time it fell
out with the barbarous people. For their first cartes set
foorth so faintly, and came on with so feeble a force, that
the Romaines sent them backe, and easily repulsed them,
with great slaughter and clapping of handes one to an other,
as they commonly use in the ordinarie games of horse running
Syllaes con- at Rome. When they had thus repulsed the cartes, the

flict with battell of Syllaes footemen beganne to charge the barbarous

Archelaus at , v i • j.v. •

Thurium. people, who basing their pykes, stoode close one to an other

bicause they would not be taken : and the Romaines on
thother side bestowed first their dartes among them, and
then sodainly drewe out their swordes in the heate they
were in, and put a side the enemies pykes, whereby they
might come neerer to their bodies. There were fifteene
thowsand slaves in the fronte of the battell of the barbarous
Slaves made people, whom Mithridates Lieutenaunt had made free by open
free by autho- proclamation, and had devided them by bandes amongest the
other footemen. By occasion whereof there was a Romaine
in the fielde. Centurion, spake pleasauntly at that time, saying, that he
never saw slaves before have liberty to speake and do like
free men, but only at Saturnes feastes. Neverthelesse, they
against the nature of slaves, were very valliant to abide the
shocke, and the Romaine footemen could not so readily
breake nor enter into them, nor make them geve backe,
bicause they stoode very close one to an other, and their
ranckes were of such a length besides : untill such time as
the Romaines that were behinde the first ranckes, did so
pelt them with their slinges, hurling stones, bestowing their
dartes and arrowes apon them, that in thend they compelled
them all to turne their backes, and flie a maine. And when
Archelaus did first thrust out the right wing of his army,
supposing to enclose the Romaines behinde : Hortensius
straight wayes caused the bands he had with him to run
and charge upon the flanckes. Which Archelaus perceiving,
made the horsemen he had about him turne their faces forth-
with, which were in number above two thowsand : insomuch
as Hortensius, being set apon with all his trowpe, was com-
pelled to retyre by litle and litle towardes the mountaine,
perceiving him selfe farre from the battell of his footemen,
294

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

and environned round about with his enemies. Sylla seeing SYLLA
that, being in the right wing of his battell, and having not
yet fought, went straight to the rescue of Hortensius. But
Archelaus conjecturing by the dust which the horses raised,
what the matter was : left Hortensius there, and with speede
returned againe towardes the right wing of his enemies from
whence Sylla was gone, hoping he had left it unfurnished of
a sufficient Captaine to commaund them. Taxilles on thother
side, caused his copper targets also to march against Muraena:
so as the noyse they made on both sides, caused the moun-
taines to ring againe, wherewithall Sylla stayed, standing in
dout which way to take. At the last he resolved, to returne
to the place from whence he came, and sent Hortensius with
foure ensignes to aide Muraena : and him selfe with the fift
in great speede, went towardes the right wing of his army,
the which was now already bickering, and joyned with their
enemies, fighting hand to hand with Archelaus. By reason
whereof, when Sylla was comen with his aide, they did easily
distresse them : and after they had broken their array, they
chased them flying for life to the river, and unto the moun-
taine Acontium. But Sylla notwithstanding forgate not
Muraena, but went againe to his reliefe : and finding that Syllaes vic-
he on his side had also put the enemies to flight, followed *ory °f Mith-
with him the chase of them that fled. There was a mar- jjj^^jjj611"
velous slaughter made in that field of the barbarous people,
and many of them supposing to have recovered their campe,
were slaine by the way : so as of all that infinite multitude
of fighting men, there escaped only tenne thowsande, who
saved them selves by flying unto the city of Chalcide. Sylla
for his parte wryteth, that he could make reckening of no
more but fourteene of his souldiers onely that were slaine,
whereof there came two againe to him the same night.
Wherefore in the markes of triumphe which he set up for
tokens of that victory, he caused to be wrytten on the toppe
thereof, Mars, victory, and Venus : signifying thereby, that
he had overcome in these warres as much by good fortune, The field was
as by force, policie, or marshall discipline. These markes wonne in the
of triumphe were set up for the battell which he wanne in P1,31116 of
the plaine field, in that place where Archelaus beganne to a'

295

SYLLA

Molus fl.

Apollo
Pythias.

lupiter
Olympias.

Flaccus Con-
sull went
against Sylla.

Dorylaus
Mithridates
generall
against Sylla.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

flie, even unto the river of Molus. And he set up an other
also in the toppe of mount Thurium, where the barbarous
people were set upon behinde : and there is wrytten in Greeke
letters, that the valliant deedes of Omoloichus and Anaxi-
damus, gave way to the winning of this victorie. Sylla for
the joy of this great wonne battell, caused musitians to play
in the city of Thebes, where he builded a stage for all the
musitians, neere unto the fountaine (Edipus, and certaine
noble Greecians were appointed judges of that musicke,
whom he caused to be sent for out of other cities, bicause
he mortally hated the Thebans : insomuch as he tooke from
them halfe their landes, which he consecrated unto Apollo
Pythias, and lupiter Olympias, appointing that of the revenue
thereof, they should redeliver and pay backe the money which
he had taken and caried away from out of their temples.
Sylla after this having intelligence that Flaccus, one of his
enemies, was chosen Consull at Rome, and had passed the
sea Ionium with an army, under pretext to make warre
against king Mithridates, but in deede to make warre with
him selfe : tooke his jorney towards Thessalie to meete him.
But when he was in the citie of Melitea, there came newes
to him out of all partes, that there was a new and second
army of the kings arrived, no lesse then the first, the which
spoyled and destroyed all the contry which he had left be-
hinde him. For Dorylaus, one of king Mithridates Lieu-
tenauntes, was arrived in the city of Chalcide with a great
fleete of shippes, having brought thither with him foure
score thowsand fighting men, the best trained, the best
armed and appointed souldiers, that were in all his kingdom
of Pontus in Asia : and from thence went into Bceotia, had
all that contry at commaun dement, and sought to fight with
Sylla, notwithstanding that Archelaus alleaged many reasons
to disswade him from it: and furthermore, gave it out in
every place, that so many thowsandes of souldiers coulde
not have bene cast away in the first battell, without some
notable treason. Wherupon Sylla returned with all possible
speede, and made Dorylaus know before many dayes passed
over his head, that Archelaus was a wise man, and knew well
enough the worthines and valliant corage of the Romaines.
296

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

And Dorylaus having had but a litle proofe only in certaine SYLLA
light skirmishes which he made against Sylla, about Tilphos-
sion in Thessalie : him selfe was the first that could say then,
it was not for them to hazarde battell, but rather to draw
out the warres in length, and supplant the Romaines
with charge and expence. And yet notwithstanding, the
commodity of the great large plaine that lyeth all about
Orchomene, where they were encamped, gave great encorage-
ment to Archelaus, who judged it a very fit place to geve
battell in, specially bicause he was the stronger of horsemen
in the field. For of all the plaines that are within the
contry of Breotia, the greatest and largest of them, is the The goodly
plaine nere to the city of Orchomene : which is altogether plaine before
without trees, and runneth out in length unto the marisses, ^e ^^ of
where the river of Melas disperseth it selfe abroade. The
head of the same river is not farre from the city of Orcho- The river of
mene, and that river only of all other rivers in Greece from Melas, and
the very head whence it commeth, is navigable: and hath nature therof.
besides an other singular property, that it riseth and swelleth
even in the longest sommer dayes, as the river of Nilus doth,
and bringeth forth the selfe same plantes and trees, saving
that they beare no frute, neither are they so great as those
of JEgypt. This river hath no longe course, bicause that
the most parte of the water runneth into lakes and marisses,
covered with brambles and briars, and there is but a very
litle parte of it that falleth into the river of Cephisus, in
the place where the redes grow that they make good flutes
withal. When they were camped one nere to an other,
Archelaus lay quietly and sturred not. But Sylla presently
cast great trenches from one side to an other, to stoppe the
way against their enemies, that they could not come into
that great plaine where they might have taken what ground
they would for their men of armes, and have driven the
Romaines into the marisses. The barbarous people not being
able to endure that, so soone as their Captaines had geven
them liberty, discharged with such a fury, that they did not
only scatter them that wrought in Syllaes trenches, but put
the most parte of their gard also that stoode in battell ray to
defend them, in a marvelous feare, who also beganne to flie.
3 : PP 297

SYLLA

Syllaes words
to animate
his souldiers.

Diogenes
slaine.

Syllaes vic-
tory of Mith-
ridates Lieu-
tenauntes at
Orchomene.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

Which Sylla perceiving, lighted straight from his horse, and
taking an ensigne in his hande, ran through the middest of
his men that fled, untill he came to his enemies, and crying
out, sayd unto them : O my Romaine souldiers, mine honor
commaundeth me to dye here, and therefore when any man
asketh you where you forsooke your Captaine, remember that
you aunswer it was at Orchomene. They were so ashamed
at these wordes, that he made them turne : besides that
there came two cohortes unto him from the right wing of
his battell, who under his leading gave such a hotte charge
upon their enemies, that they fled forthwith apon it. That
done, Sylla retyred with his men, and made them dine : and
therupon by and by set them againe to the trenches to
enclose his enemies campe, who then came out in better order
then they did before. There was Diogenes, Archelaus wives
sonne slaine, fighting valliantly before them all in the right
wing of their battell. And the bowe men being pressed so
neere by the Romaines, that their bowes would doe no good :
tooke their arrowes in their handes in stead of swordes, and
strake their enemies with them to force them to geve backe,
until such time as at the last they were all driven into their
campe, where they passed that night in great sorow, as well
for the losse of them that were slaine, as also for the number
of those that were hurt. The next morning, Sylla leading
his men againe towardes the campe of his enemies, went on
still continuing his trenches : and certaine of them being
come out to skirmish with them, he set apon them solustely,
that at the first charge he put them to flight. That brought
such a feare to all the whole campe of the enemies, that not
a man durst abide any lenger : so as Sylla valliantly following
on his victory, shuffled in among them as they fled, and in
thende tooke all together. Straight way all the marisses
were filled with blood, and the lake full of dead bodies : so
that untill this present day they find there in that place
many bowes of the barbarous people, moryans, peeces of
tasses, and swordes drowned in the mudde of the marisses,
notwithstanding that it is well neere two hundred yeres a
goe since this battell was striken. And thus much for the
warres about the cities of Chaeronea, and Orchomene. Now
298

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

the warres being past in this sorte in Greece, Cinna, and SYLLA
Carbo delt very cruelly and unnaturally at Rome with the Sylla over-
noble men and greatest persons : by reason whereof, many came Arche-
flying their tyranny, went to Syllaes campe, as unto the J?™
haven of their health and fulnes of felicity, so that in short battells at
time Sylla had an assembly of a Romaine Senate about him. Chaeronea
Metella her selfe, his wife, having stollen away very hardly and at Orcho-
with her children, came to bring him newes that his houses mene-
in the citie and contry both, were all burnt and destroyed
by his enemies : praying him that he would go and help
them that yet remained at Rome. Sylla uppon hearing of
these newes, fell in great perplexity. For on the tone side,
it grieved him to see his contry so miserably afflicted : and
on the other side he knew not well how he might go, leaving
so great an enterprise as that warre was, and specially against
a king of such might and power as Mithridates shewed him
selfe to be. And being in these dumpes, there came one
Archelaus a marchant to him, borne in the city of Delium,
who brought him a secret message from thother Archelaus,
king Mithridates Lieutenaunt : the which pleased Sylla so
well, that he desired that Archelaus and him selfe might
meete and talke together. So at the length they met by
the sea side, neere unto the city of Delium, where there is
a temple of Apollo. Archelaus beganne to enter the talke Talke betwixt
with him, declaring unto Sylla that he would wish him to Sylla and
leave the conquest of Asia, and of the realme of Pont, and Archelaus at
to returne into his contry to the civill warres at Rome : and
in so doing, the king would furnish him, not onely with as
much money, but with as many shippes and men, as he him
selfe would desire. Sylla apon this motion told him againe :
that he would wish him to forsake Mithridates service, and
to make him selfe king, offering to proclaime him a frend
and confederate of the Romaines, so that he would deliver
him all his navie which then he had in his handes. Archelaus
seemed much to abhorre to heare him speake of treason.
But Sylla going on with his tale, replyed againe unto him :
Why Archelaus, sayd he, thou that art a Cappadocian, and
servaunt to a barbarous king, or his frend at the least : hast
thou so good a hart with thee, that for all the benefits I offer

299

SYLLA

Peace con-
cluded be-
twext Sylla
and Arch elaus
in Mithri-
dates behalfe
apon condi-
cions.

Archelaus
suspected of
treason.

Aristiontyrau
of Athens,
poysoned by
Sylla.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

thee, thou wilt not once commit an ill act ? And art thou
in deede so bolde to speake to me of treason, which am the
Romaines Lieutenant generall, and Sylla ? As if thou wert
not he, that at the battell of Chaeronea didest save thy selfe
by flying, with a smal number left thee of six score thowsand
fighting men, which thou before haddest in thy campe : and
that hid thy selfe two dayes together in the marisses of
Orchomene, leaving the fieldes of Bceotia with such heapes
of dead bodies, that no man could passe for them. After
this replye, Archelaus altered his speech, and falling downe
at Syllaes feete, humbly besought him to ende this warre,
and to make peace with Mithridates. Whereunto Sylla
aunswered, that he was very well contented withall. And
thereupon peace was concluded betwene them under con-
dicions: that Mithridates should departe from Asia the
lesse, and from Paphlagonia, that he should restore Bithynia
unto Nicomedes, and Cappadocia unto Ariobarzanes, that he
should pay two thowsand talents to the Romaines, and geve
them three score and tenne gallies, with all their furniture.
And apon this, Sylla would also assure him the rest of his
realme : and would cause him to be proclaimed a frende
of the Romaines. These articles being past by agreement
betwixt them, Sylla taking his jorney through Thessalie, and
Macedon into the contry of Hellespont, caried Archelaus
with him, whom he honorably intreated. For Archelaus
falling daungerously sicke of a disease in the city of Larissa,
he stayed there for him, and was very carefull to recover
him, as if he had bene one of his chiefest Captaines and
companions. And this was the cause that made Archelaus
to be blamed for the battell of Chaeronea, as if he had
not faithfully fought it out, nor Sylla truly won [it, but by
treason. And againe, Archelaus was the more suspected,
bicause Sylla redelivered Mithridates all his servaunts and
frends which he had prisoners, saving the tyran Aristion that
kept Athens, whome he poysoned, bicause he was Archelaus
enemie : but specially, for the lands Sylla gave unto this
Cappadocian. For he gave him tenne thowsand lugera,
(or akers of lande) within the He of Euboea, and gave him
moreover the title of a frende of the Romaines for ever,
300

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

But Sylla denyeth all these thinges in his commentaries. SYLLA
In the meane time, Ambassadors came from king Mithridates
unto Sylla, who told him that the king their maister did
ratifie and accept all the articles of peace, saving that he
onely prayed him he would not take the contry of Paphla- Mithridates
gonia from him : and as for the gallies, he would not so exception to
much as once say he would promise them. Sylla being *^e con^-
offended herewith, angerly aunswered them againe : Then C1
Mithridates, as ye say, meaneth to kepe Paphlagonia still,
and refuseth to geve the shippes I demaunded : where I
looked that he would have humbly thancked me on his
knees, if I left him his right hand only, with the which he
put so many Romaine citizens to death. But I hope to
make him tell me an other tale, if I come once into Asia :
but no we at Pergamum, he speaketh his pleasure of this
warre which he hath not scene. The Ambassadors being
afrayed of his wordes, replied not againe. Whereupon
Archelaus spake, and besought him with teares in his eyes to
be contented, and tooke him by the hande. By intreatie,
in thend he obtained of Sylla to sende him unto Mithri- Archelaus
dates : promising that he would either bring him to agree to sent from
all the articles and condicions of peace that he demaunded, or iI-J^ • j t
if he could not, he would kill him selfe with his owne handes.
Upon this promise Sylla sent him away, and in the meane
while entred with his armie into the contrie of Medica : and
after he had destroyed the most parte thereof, returned
backe againe into Macedon, where Archelaus being returned
from Mithridates, founde him neere unto the city of Philippes,
bringing him newes that all should be well, howebeit that
his master Mithridates prayed him he might speake with him
in any case. Now, the matter that made Mithridates so
earnest to speake with Sylla, was chiefely for Fimbria : who
having slaine Flaccus the Consull, being of the contrarie
faction unto Sylla, and certaine of Mithridates Lieutenauntes
also, went him selfe against him to fight with him. Mithri-
dates fearing his comming, chose rather to make him selfe Sylla and
Syllaes frend. So Mithridates and Sylla met together in the Mithridates
contry of Troade, in the city of Dardane : Mithridates being ™ee*e at
accompanied with a fleete of two hundred saile of shippes Dardane-

301

SYLLA

The stowtnes
of Sylla.

Mithridates
excuseth him
selfe to Sylla.

Syllaes
aunswer to
Mithridates.

Nicomedes
king of
Bithynia.

Ariobarzanes
kingofCappa-
docia.

A hundred
and fifty
thowsand
Romanes
slaine in one
day in Asia
by Mithri-
dates com-
maundemeut.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

with ores at sea, with twenty thowsand footemen, sixe thow-
sande horse, and a number of armed cartes with sythes besides
by land, Sylla having onely but foure ensignes of footemen,
and two hundred horsemen. Mithridates went to Sylla,
and offering to take him by the hand : Sylla asked him
first, if he did accept the peace with the condicions which
Archelaus had agreed unto. Mithridates made him no
aunswere. Sylla following on his tale, sayd unto him : It
is for suters to speake first, that have request to make :
and for conquerors, it is enough to hold their peace, and
heare what they will say. Then began Mithridates to excuse
him selfe, and to lay thoccasion of the warre, partly upon the
ordinaunce of the goddes that so had appointed it, and partly
also uppon the Romanes them selves. Whereunto Sylla
replyed, that he had heard of long time that Mithridates
was an eloquent Prince, and that he knew it now by ex-
perience, seeing that he lacked no comely words, to cloke his
fowle and shamefull dedes : but withall he sharply reproved
him, and drave him to confesse the cruelties he had com-
mitted. And afterwardes asked him againe, if he did con-
firme that which Archelaus had done. Mithridates made
aunswer that he did. Then Sylla saluted, embraced, and
kissed him : and calling for the kinges Nicomedes, and
Ariobarzanes, reconciled them together, and made Mithri-
dates their frende againe. In conclusion, after Mithridates
had delivered Sylla three score and tenne gallies, and five
hundred bow men, he returned by sea into his realme
of Pontus. But Sylla hearing that his souldiers were
angrie with this peace made with Mithridates, bicause
they could not abide to behold that king, whom they
accompted for their most cruell and mortall enemy, (hav-
ing in one selfe day caused a hundred and fifty thowsand
Romane citizens to be slaine, that were dispersed abroade in
divers places of Asia) so to departe, and goe his way safe,
with the riches and spoyles of the contry, which he had
bereft them of, and used at his pleasure, the space of forty
yeares together : aunswered them in excuse of him selfe, that
he was not able to make warres with Mithridates, and Fim-
bria both, if once they were ]oyned together against him.
302

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

And so Sylla departing thence, went against Fimbria, who SYLLA
then was encamped neere to the city of Thyatira, and lodged Fimbria
him selfe as neere unto him as he conveniently might. Nowe camped at
whilest he was compassing in his lodging with a trench, Thyatira-
Fimbriaes souldiers came out of their campe in their coates
without any armor or weapon, to salute Syllaes souldiers,
and holpe them very frendly to make up their trenche.
Which Fimbria seeing, and perceiving his souldiers mindes
so chaunged, of an extreame feare which he had of Sylla, at
whose handes he looked for no mercy : killed him selfe in Fimbria slain,
his owne campe. Sylla hereuppon condemned the whole
contry of Asia the lesse, to pay the summe of twenty thow-
sand talentes amongest them, and presently also he undid
many poore householders through his insolent souldiers,
lying long upon their charge, which he left in garrison there.
For he ordained that every householder should geve the Sylla very
souldier that lodged in his house, foure Tetradrachmas a hardly in-
day, and should be bound to geve him and his frendes (as Jf6^^ m
many as he would bring with him) their supper also : and
that every Captaine should have fifty Drachmas a day, a
night gowne for the house, and a garment to goe abroade
into the city when he thought good. When he had geven
this order, he departed from the city of Ephesus with all
his fleete, and in three dayes sayling arrived in the haven of
Pirsea at Athens, where he was received into the fraternity
of the mysteries, and reserved for him selfe the librarie of
Apellicon Teian : in the which were the most parte of
Aristotle and Theophrastus workes, not then thought meete
to come in every mans handes. And they say, that this
librarie being brought to Rome, Tyrannion the grammarian
founde the meanes to extract a great parte of them : and
that Andronicus the Rhodian having recovered the originalls
into his hands, put them in printe, and wrote the summaries
which we have at this present. For the auncient Peripatet-
icke Philosophers were of them selves very wise and learned
men, but they had not all Aristotles workes, nor Theo- Aristotle and
phrastus amongest them, and yet those fewe they had, were Theophrastus
not by them seene all whole and perfect together : bicause bookes.
that the goodes of Neleus Scepsian (to whom Theophrastus

303

SYLLA

Sylla went to
the bathes at
Adipsum for
the gowte in

his le£T£res.

Bubbles of
fire rising out
of a meadow
by Dyrra-
chium.

A Satyre
taken sleep-
ing, and
brought to
Sylla.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

left all his bookes by will) came to fall into the hands of
meane ignorant men, who knew not the vertue and estimacion
of them. And furthermore, Sylla being at Athens had such
a paine and numnesse in his legges, and was so heavy withall,
that Strabo calleth it a spice of the gowte, that is to say, a
feeling or entring therinto, which then beganne to roote and
take hold of him. Upon which occasion he tooke the seaes,
and went unto a place called Adipsum, where there are
naturall hotte bathes : and there remained a while solacing
him selfe all the day long with musicke, seeing of playes,
and entertaining such kinde of people. Upon a day as he
was walking by the sea side, certaine fisher men made him
a present of fish, which pleased him marvelous well, and
demaunding of them whence they were : they aunswered him
againe, that they were of the city of Ales. What ? of Ales
sayd he : is there any of them yet left alive ? speaking it,
bicause that after the battell of Orchomene when he followed
the chase of his enemies, he had taken and destroyed three
cities of Boeotia all at one selfe time, to wit Anthedon,
Larymna, and Ales. The poore fisher men were so amazed
with his wordes, that they stoode still, and could not tell
what to say. Sylla fell a laughing thereat, and bad them
go their wayes a gods name, and be not affrayed, for they
brought no small intercessors with them, which were worth
the reckening of. When Sylla had geven them these wordes,
the Alleians went home with a mery harte, to gather them
selves together againe in their city. Sylla so passing through
Thessalia and Macedon, came to the sea side, intending to go
from the city of Dyrrachium unto Brundusium, with twelve
hundred sayle. The city of Apollonia is hard by Dyrrachium,
and thereabouts is a parke consecrated unto the nymphes,
where in a fayer goodly greene meadowe in many places
there commeth out great bubles of fire that flame continually :
and it is sayd that there was a Satyre taken sleeping, even
in the very selfe same forme the painters and image gravers
have set him out. He was brought unto Sylla, and being
asked by all sortes of interpreters what he was, he made no
aunswere that a man could understand : but only put forth
a sharpe voyce like the neying of a horse, or whynnying of a
304

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

goate. Sylla wondering at it, abhorred him, and made him SYLLA
to be caried from him as a monstrous thing. Furthermore,
when Sylla had imbarked his men to passe the sea, he was
afrayed that so soone as they were landed in Italie, they
would shrinke from him, and every man go home to his
owne. But they sware and promised first of them selves,
that they would tary and keepe together, and by their willes
would doe no hurt in Italie. Moreover, perceiving that he
stoode in neede of money, they offred him of theirs, and
every man to lend him as his ability served. But Sylla
would none, yet thanked them for their goodwill : and after
he had exhorted them to fight like valliant souldiers, he went Sylla went
against fifteene generalls of armies of his enemies, who had against fif-
foure hundred and fifty ensignes of footemen well armed, as r^e a^&
he him selfe wryteth in his commentaries. But the goddes fburehundred
promised him good fortune in his warres, by many sundry and fiftie
apparant signes. For in a sacrifice he made by Tarentum, ensignes.
after he was come a lande, the liver of a certaine beast Syllaes re-
sacrificed, was altogether facioned after the maner of a *ur,ne into
crowne or garland of laurell, out of the which did hang two
bandes or rolles. And a litle before he went into Campania,
neere unto the mountaine Epheum, there appeared two great Epheum
goates in the day time fighting together, even as two men m<>ns.
do when they fight : which neverthelesse was no matter of
trueth, but a vision onely that appeared, and rising from the
earth dispersed it selfe by litle and litle here and there in
the ayer, and in thende vanished quite away, as clowdes
which come to nothing. Shortly after, in the selfe same
place, Marius the younger, and Norbanus the Consull, who
brought two great armies against him, were overthrowen by Sylla over-
him, before he had set his men in battell, or had appointed threw the
any man his place where he should fight : and this proceeded Consull Nor-
onely upon the corage and life of his souldiers, whose good- MarhisTthe
will to serve against them was such, as following this victory, younger
he compelled the Consull Norbanus after he had slaine sixe neere to the
thowsande of his men, to take the city of Capua for his mountaine
refuge. This noble exployte, (as him selfe reported) was the ^ '
cause that his men kept so well together, that they neither
went home to their houses, nor made any reckening of their
3 : QQ 305

SYLLA

A slave
foreshewed
Syllaes vic-
tory, and the
burning of
the Capitoll
which fell
out truely.

A winde that
blewe flowers
out of a
meadow upon
Lucullus
souldiers by
the city of
Fidentia.

Lucullus
victory at
Fidentia.

Syllaes policie
with Scipio.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

enemies, although they were many against one. And he sayth
furthermore, that in the city of Sylvium, there was a slave of
one Pontius a citizen, who beinge inspired with a propheticall
spirite, came to tell him from the goddesse Bellona, that he
should grow in strength, and cary away the victory of these
wars : howbeit that if he did not hye him the sooner, the
Capitoll at Rome should be burnt. And so it fell out the
same day according to his wordes, being the sixteene day
of the moneth called Quintilis, and now luly. And further-
more also, Lucullus (one of Syllaes Captaines) being neere
unto the city of Fidentia with sixteene ensignes only,
against fifty ensignes of his enemies, knowing his men to be
very well affected to serve, bicause the most parte of them
were naked and unarmed, was afrayed to hazard the battel :
and as he was even bethinking him selfe what was best to
determine therof, there rose a litle winde out of a goodly
meadow that blewe a wonderfull sorte of flowers apon the
souldiers on every parte of them. These flowers stayed
of them selves as they fell, some apon their targets, and
others apon their moryans, without falling to the grounde :
so that it seemed to their enemies a farre of, as if they
had bene garlandes of flowers upon their heades. This
made Lucullus souldiers more lusty a great deale, then they
were before, and with this good will they determined to
geve a charge upon their enemies : whom they overthrew,
slue eighteene thowsand of them in the field, and tooke
their campe. This Lucullus was brother unto the other
Lucullus, that afterwards overthrew the kings Mithridates,
and Tigranes. Nevertheles, Sylla perceiving that his enemies
lay round about him with many great puisant armies, thought
good to use policy with force : and therefore practised with
Scipio, one of the Consulls, to make peace with him. Scipio
was willing to it : and thereupon were oft meetings and
assemblies of both sides. Now Sylla drave of the conclusion
of the peace as long as he could, still seeking occasion of
delay, to thend that his souldiers which were throughly
acquainted with craft and subtilty as well as him selfe,
might in the meane time corrupt Scipioes souldiers by re-
payre into his campe : for they comming into Scipioes
306

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

campe, being very conversaunt with them, straight cor- SYLLA

rupted some of them with ready money, other with promises,

and other with fayer flattering words, and many goodly tales

they told them. At the length, after this practise had

continued a while, Sylla comming nere unto Scipioes campe

with twenty ensignes only : all his men saluted Scipioes

souldiers, and they resaluting them againe, yelded them Sylla wanne

selves unto Sylla, so as Scipio was left poste alone in his 40 ensignes

tente where he was taken, but they afterwards let him goe. b^ntie10

So Sylla with his twenty ensignes, like unto the fowlers, that

by their stales draw other birds into their netts, having

gotten forty ensignes from his enemies by his craft, brought

them away with him into his campe. There it was that

Carbo sayd of Sylla, that he had to fight with a foxe and a Carboes say-

lyon both : but that the foxe did him more hurte and mis- ing °f sYlla

chiefe, then the lyon. After this, Marius the younger having touching the
f , x . • i • J & . .1 foxe and lyon.

fourescore and nve ensignes in his campe neere unto the

citie of Signium, presented battell unto Sylla : who having Marius the
very good desire to fight, and specially on that day, bicause younger with
the night before he had scene this vision in his dreame, that 85 ensig^s
he thought he sawe Marius the father (who was deceased gyua battell
long before) warning his sonne that he should come to him. by the city of
Sylla for this respect desired marvelously to fight that day : Signium.
and thereuppon caused Dolobella to come unto him, that Syllaes vision
was before lodged farre from him. But the enemies stept in his dreame.
betwene him and home, and stopped his passage to keepe
him from joyning with Sylla. Syllaes souldiers to the
contrarie, fought to keepe the way open for him, with so
great labor and paine, that they were all wearie and over-
harried. And furthermore, there fell a marvelous great
shower of raine upon them as they were busie, opening the
way, that troubled them more, then the labor they had in
hande. Whereuppon the private Captaines of the bandes
went to make Sylla understande it, and to pray him to
deferre the battell untill an other day : showing him howe
the souldiers wearied with labor, lay downe upon their
targettes on the grounde to take their ease. Sylla per-
ceiving this, was contented withall, though greatly in deede
against his will. But when he had geven the signall to

307

SYLLA

Marius fled to
Praeneste.

Carbo fled
into Africke.

Thelesinus
the Samnyte
put Sylla
in great
daunger.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

lodge, and that they beganne to trenche and fortifie their
campe : Marius the younger commeth a horse backe march-
ing bravely before all his companie, hoping to have surprised
his enemies in disorder, and by that meanes to have over-
throwen them easily. But farre otherwise did fortune then
performe the revelation which Sylla had in his foresayed
dreame : for his men fallinge in a rage withall, left their
worke in the trenche where they wrought, stucke their
dartes uppon the bancke, ranne uppon their enemies with
their swordes drawen, and with a marvelous crie set apon
them so valliantly, that they were not able to resist their
furie, but sodainly turned their backes and fled, where there
was a great and notable slaughter made of them. Marius
their Captaine fled to the citie of Praeneste, where he found
the gates shut : but they threw him downe a rope from the
wall, which he tied about his midle, and so was triced up by
it. Yet some wryters say, and Fenestella among other, that
Marius never sawe the battell : for beinge wearied with labor,
and verie sleepie, he laye under some tree in the shadowe to
rest a litle, after he had geven the signall and word of the
battell, and slept so sowndly, that he coulde scant awake with
the noyse and fleeinge of his men. Sylla him selfe wryteth,
that he lost at this battell but three and twentie men, slewe
twentie thowsande of his enemies, and tooke eight thowsande
prisoners. His Lieutenauntes also had the like good successe
in other places, Pompeius, Crassus, Metellus, and Servilius :
which without any losse of their men, or but with a verie
small, overthrewe many great mightie armies of their enemies.
Insomuch as Carbo, the heade and chiefe of all the contrarie
faction, and he that most maintained it, fled one night out
of his campe, and went beyonde the seaes into Africke. The
last battell that Sylla had, was against Thelesinus Samnyte,
who comming like a fresh champion to set apon him, when
he was already wearied, and had fought many battells,
had almost slaine him even at Rome gates. For Thelesinus
havinge gathered together a great number of souldiers with
one Lamponius Lucanian, marched with all speede towards
the city of Praeneste, to deliver Marius the younger that
was besieged there. But understandinge that Sylla on the
308

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

one side, came in great haste also to meete him, and that SYLLA
Pomponius came behinde him on the other side, and per-
ceiving, moreover that the way was so shut up, that he
could neither go forward nor backeward : being a valliant
souldier, and one that had bene in many great foughten
fieldes, most daungerously ventured to go straight to Rome.
And so stale away by night with all his whole power, and
inarching to Rome ward, had almost taken it at his first
comming, for that there was neither watch nor ward kept :
but he stayed happely tenne furlonges from the gate Collina,
bragging with him selfe, and beleving that he should doe
wonders, for that he had mocked so many great Captaines.
The next morning betimes came diverse young noble men
and gentlemen out of the citie to skirmishe with Thelesinus :
who slue a great number of them, and among others one
Appius Claudius a young gentleman of a noble house, and
very honest. Whereuppon (as you may easily imagine) the
city trembled for feare, and specially the women, who fell
a shreeking, and running up and downe, as if they had bene
all taken. But in this great feare and trouble, Balbus
(whom Sylla had sent) came first with seven hundred horse
upon the spurre, and staying but a litle to coole and geve
them breath, brideled straight againe, and went to set apon
the enemies thereby to stay them. Soone after him came
Sylla also, who commaunded his men that came first, quickely
to eate somwhat, and that done, put them straight in battell
ray : notwithstanding that Dolobella and Torquatus per-
swaded him to the contrary, and besought him not to put
his souldiers wearied with their jorney, to so great and
manifest a daunger, and the rather, bicause they had not to
fight with Carbo and Marius, but with the Samnytes and
Lucanes, who were (both) warlike nations and good souldiers,
and those besides that most deadly hated the Romanes.
But for all that, Sylla drave them backe, and commaunded
his trompets to sounde the alarome, being almost within
foure houres of night : and this battell was sharper and
more cruell, then any other that ever he fought before. The
right wing where Crassus was, had the better much : but the
left wing was very sore distressed, and stoode in great perill.

309

SYLLA

Syllaes
daunger.

Sylla fled.

Lucretius
Offella be-
sieged Marius
in Praeneste.

In the ende of
Marius life it
is reported
contrarie,that
Sylla besieged
Marius the
younger in
Perusia, and
not in Prae-
neste.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

Sylla hearing thereof, and thinking to helpe it, got up uppon
a white courser that was both swift, and very strong. The
enemies knewe him, and there were two that lifted up their
armes to throw their dartes at him, whom he saw not : but
his page gave his horse such a lash with his whippe, that he
made him so to gird forward, as the very pointes of the
dartes came hard by the horse tayle, and stucke fast in the
grounde. Some say that Sylla had a litle golden image
of Apollo, which he brought from the city of Delphes, and
in time of warres ware it alwayes in his bosome, which he
then tooke in his hand, and kissing it, sayd : O Apollo
Pythias, hast thou so highly exalted Cornelius Sylla, so
fortunate hitherto through so many famous victories, and
wilt thou now with shame overwhelme him wholly, even
at the very gates of his owne naturall city among his contry
men ? And so crying out to Apollo for helpe, thrust into
the prease among his men, intreating some, threatning others,
and layinge apon the rest to stay them. But for all he
coulde doe, all the left winge of his army was broken and
overthrowen by his enemies : and him selfe amongest them
that fled, was compelled to recover his campe with speede,
having lost many of his frendes and familiars. There were
moreover many citizens slaine and troden under feete (both
with horse and men) that came only to see the battell
fought : so that they within the city thought them selves
utterly undone. Lucretius Offella furthermore (he that
besieged Marius in the citie of Praeneste) had almost raised
his siege, upon the wordes of them that fled and came thither
from the battell, who wished him to remove with all speede
possible, for Sylla was slaine, and Thelesinus had taken
Rome. Now about midnight came certaine souldiers from
Crassus to Syllaes campe, and asked for meate for Crassus
supper, and his mens, who having chased his flying enemies
whom he had overthrowen, unto the city of Antemna (which
they tooke for refuge) had lodged his campe there. Sylla
understanding that, and being advertised that the most parte
of his enemies were overthrowen at this battell : went him
selfe the next morning betimes unto Antemna, where three
thowsand of his enemies sent to know if he would receive
310

them to mercy, if they yelded them selves unto him. His SYLLA
aunswer was, that he would pardon their lives, so as they
would do some mischiefe to their fellowes before they came 3000 saved
to him. These three thowsand hereupon trusting to his them selves in

promise, fell apon their companions : and for the most parte Antemna '•

c j.i i *ii j 0.1. XT j. -J.L j j- a 11 i. • and yelded to

one of them killed an other. JNot withstanding, oylla having gylla upon

gathered all those together that remained of his enemies, as promise of
wel the three thowsand, as the rest, amounting in all to the life.
number of six thowsand men, within the show place where Sylla against
they used to run their horses : whilest he him self held a ^e ^aw °f
counsell in the temple of the goddesse Bellona, and was hi^rorni
making his oration there, he had appointed certen to set ca,usecl sixe'
upon those six thowsand, and put them to the sword every thowsand men
man. Great and terrible were the cries of such a number of to be slaine.
men slaine in so small a roome, as many may easily conjecture:
insomuch as the Senators sitting in counsell heard them very
easily, and marveled what the matter was. But Sylla con-
tinuing on his oration which he had begon with a set steady
countenance, without chaunging of colour, willed them only
to hearken what he sayd, and not to trouble them selves with
any thing done abroade : for they were but certen offenders
and lewd persons that were punished by his commaundement.
This was enough to shew the simplest Romane in Rome, that
they had but only chaunged the tyran, but not the tyranny.
Now for Marius, that had bene ever of a churlish and severe
nature even from his childhood, he never chaunged for any
authority, but did rather harden his natural stubbornes.
Where Sylla contrarily in the beginning, was very modest
and civill in all his prosperity, and gave great good hope
that if he came to the authority of a prince, he would favor
nobility wel, and yet love notwithstanding the benefit of the
people. And being moreover a man in his youth geven all
to pleasure, deliting to laugh, ready to pity, and weepe for
tender hart : in that he became after so cruell and bloody, Honor
the great alteracion gave manifest cause to condemne the c
increase of honor and authority, as thonly meanes wherby c
mens maners continue not such as they were at the first, but Sylla the
still do chaunge and vary, making some fooles, others vaine example,
and fantasticall, and others extreame cruel and unnaturall.

311

SYLLA

Infinite mur-
thers commit-
ted in Rome
by Sylla and
his favorers.

The boldnes
of Caius
Metellus, to
tell Sylla his
cruelty in
open Senate.

Syllaes pro-
scription.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

But whether that alteracion of nature came by chaunging his
state and condicion, or that it was otherwise a violent break-
ing out of hidden malice, which then came to shewe it selfe,
when the way of liberty was layed open : this matter is to be
decided in some other treatise. So it came to passe, that
Sylla fell to sheading of blood, and filled all Rome with
infinite and unspeakeable murthers : for diverse were killed
for private quarrels, that had nothing to do with Sylla at
any time, who suffered his frends and those about him to
worke their wicked wills. Until at the length there was a
young man called Caius Metellus, that was so bold to aske
Sylla in open Senate, when all these miseries should end, and
when they should know that all the mischieves were finished,
the which they dayly sawe. For said he, we will not intreate
you to pardon life, where you have threatned death : but only
to put them out of dout, whom you have determined to save.
Wherunto Sylla made aunswer, that he was not resolved
whom he would save. Metellus replied, Then tell us quod
he, who they are that shall dye. Sylla answered he would.
Howbeit some say it was not Metellus, but Aufidius one of
his flatterers, that spake this last word unto him. Where-
fore Sylla immediatly without making any of the magistrate
privy, caused foure score mens names to be set up upon postes,
whom he would put to death. Every man being offended
withal, the next day following he set up two hundred and
twenty mens names more: and likewise the third day as
many more. Herupon, making an oration to the people, he
told them openly that he had appointed all them to dye,
that he could call to remembraunce : howbeit that hereafter
he would appoint them that should dye by daies, as he did
call them to minde. Whosoever saved an outlaw in his
house, for reward of his kindnes, he himselfe was con-
demned to dye : not excepting them that had received their
brothers, their sonnes, their fathers, nor mothers. And the
reward of every homycide and murtherer that killed one of the
outlawes, was two talentes : though it were a slave that had
killed his master, or the sonne that had slaine the father.
But the most wicked and unjust act of all was, that he
deprived the sonnes, and sonnes sonnes of them whom he
312

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

had killed, of all credit and good name, and besides that, SYLLA
had taken all their goods as confiscate. And this was not
only done in Rome, but also in al the cities of Italic through
out : and there was no temple of any god whatsoever, no
aulter in any bodies house, no liberty of hospital, nor fathers
house, that was not embrued with blood and horrible murder.
For the husbands were slaine in their wives armes, and the
children in their mothers laps : and yet they which were
slaine for private hatred and malice, were nothing in re- The murder
spect of those that were murdered only for their goods, ofoutlawes
And they that killed them might well say, his goodly great fiTneKTTf i
house made that man dye, his goodly fayer garden the
other : and his hotte bathes an other. As amongest others, Quintus
Quintus Aurelius, a man that never medled with any thinge, Aurelius, a
and least looked that these evills should light upon him, and ^"i®t m™
that only pitied those which he sawe so miserably murdered : no* ^jn^for
went one day into the marketplace, and reading the bill set up his house,
of the outlawes names, found his owne name amongest the rest,
and cried out alowde : Alas the day that ever I was borne, my
house of Alba maketh me to be put to death. He went not
farre from the market place, but met with one that killed
him presently. In the meane time, Marius the younger Marius the
seeing he could by no meanes escape if he were taken, younger slue
slue him selfe. And Sylla comming to Praeneste, did first p m se^e at
execute them by one and by one, keeping a certaine forme
of justice in putting them to death : but afterwardes as if he
had no lenger leasure to remaine there, he caused them all Sylla slue 12
to be put in a place together, to the number of twelve thowaandmen
thowsande men, whom he caused to be put to the sword J*1 . "r8en6ste,
every man, saving his host only, unto whom he sayd, that into one place
he shewed him specially favor to save his life. But his host together,
aunswered him stowtly againe, that he would not be behold-
ing unto him for his life, seeing he had slaine all the rest
of his contry men : and so thrusting in amongest the citizens,
was willingly slaine with them. They thought the act of
Lucius Catiline also very straunge, who had slaine his owne Lucius Cati-
brother before the civill warre was ended : and then prayed lina slue his
Sylla to put him in the number of the outlawes, as if his owne brother-
brother had bene alive. Sylla performed his desire. Catiline
3 : RR 313

SYLLA

Sylla
Dictator.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

thereuppon to shewe his thankefulnesse for the pleasure Sylla
had done him, went presently, and slue Marcus Marius, who
was of the contrary faction : and brought him his head for a
present before all the people, in the middest of the market
place where he was sitting. When he had so done, he went
and washed his handes all bloodied in the hallowed font of the
temple of Apollo, that was hard by. But besides so many
murders committed, yet were there other things also that
grieved the people marvelously. For he proclaimed him
selfe Dictator, which office had not bene of six score yeares
before in use, and made the Senate discharge him of all
that was past, geving him free liberty afterwardes to kill
whom he would, and to confiscate their goodes : to destroy
cities, and to build up new as he listed : to take away king-
domes, and to geve them where he thought good. And
furthermore, he openly sold the goodes confiscate, by the
crier, sitting so prowdly and stately in his chayer of state,
that it grieved the people more to see those goodes packt up
by them, to whome he gave and disposed them : then to see
them taken from those that had forfeited them. For som-
times he would geve a whole contry, or the whole revenues
of certaine cities, unto women for their beawty, or unto
pleasaunt j casters, minstrells, or wicked slaves made free :
and unto some, he would geve other mens wives by force,
and make them to be maried against their willes. For he
desiring (howesoever it happened) to make alliance with
Pompey the great, commaunded him to put away his wife
he had maried : and taking ^Emylia (the daughter of
^Emylius Scaurus, and of Metella his wife) from the great
Glabrio, caused him to mary her great with childe as she
was by Glabrio : but she dyed in childbed, in Pompeyis
house. Lucretius Offella also that had brought Marius the
younger to that distresse at the city of Praeneste : suing to
be Consull, Sylla commaunded him to cease his sute. But
he notwithstandinge that expresse commaundement, went one
day into the market place, with a great traine of men follow-
ing him that favored his cause. Whither Sylla sent one of
Lucretius his Centurions that slue Offella before all the people : him
Offella slaine. selfe sitting in a chayer of estate in the temple of Castor and

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

Pollux, and seeing from above the murder done. The people SYLLA
that were about Offella, layed hold of the murderer straight
and brought him before Sylla. But Sylla bad them be quiet,
that brought the Centurion with tumult, and that they
should let him goe, bicause he coinmaunded him to do it.
Furthermore as touching his triumphe, it was a sumptuous The order of
sight to behold, for the rarenes of the riches, and princely Syllaes
spoyles which were shewed at the same. But yet was it so ' imPhe-
much the better set out, and worth the sight, to see the
banished Romanes, who were the chiefest noble men of all
the city of Rome, following his charet triumphant wearing
garlandes of flowers on their heades, calling Sylla their father,
and savior: bicause that by his meanes they returned to
their contry, and recovered their goods, wives, and children.
In the end of his triumphe, he made an oration in open
assembly of the people of Rome, in the which he did not
only declare unto them (according to the custome) what
thinges he had done, but did as carefully tell them also as
well of his good fortune and successe, as of his valliant deedes
besides : and to conclude his oration, told them that by
reason of the great favor fortune had shewed him, he would
from thenceforth be called by them, Felix, to say, happy,
or fortunate. And he him selfe when he wrote unto the
Greecians, or that he had any thing to do with them : sur-
named him selfe Epaphroditus, as who would say, a pleasaunt
man, beloved and favored of Venus. His tokens of triumphe
which are yet in our contry, have this superscription : Lucius
Cornelius Sylla Epaphroditus. And when his wife Metella
had brought him two twinnes, a sonne and a daughter : he Syllaes
named his sonne Faustus, signifying fortunate, and his tonnes,
daughter Fausta : bicause the Romanes call Faustum that, p^stus and
which falleth out prosperously, and happely. To be short, Fausta.
he trusted so much unto his good fortune and doinges, that
notwithstanding he had killed and put so many men to
death, and had made so great a chaunge and innovation in
the common wealth, yet of him selfe he left of his office of Sylla leaveth
Dictator, and restored the people to the authority of elec- his Dictator
tion of Consulls againe, without his presence at the election : shlPPe'
and frequented the market place as a private man among

315

SYLLA

Marcus Lepi-
dus chosen
Consull.

Sylla feasted
the people.

Wine of forty
yeres olde
and upward.

Sylla brake
his owne lawes
he made.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

the citizens, offering him selfe to every man that would aske
him accompt of his doings past. It happened that a stowt
and rash enemy of his was chosen Consull against his will,
called Marcus Lepidus, not for any devotion the people had
to Lepidus, but onely to gratifie Pompey, who gave coun-
tenaunce and favor unto him. Sylla seeing Pompey come
mery homewardes from the election, and joyfull that he had
obtained his frendes sute from all other suters : tooke him
a side, and told him : In deede thou hast great cause to
rejoyce, young man my frende, for thou hast done a goodly
acte : to choose Marcus Lepidus Consull, the veriest asse in
all Rome, before Catulus the honestest man. But I tell thee
one thing, thou haddest not nede to sleepe : for thou hast
strengthened an enemy, that will be thine owne destruction.
And Sylla proved a true prophet : for Lepidus being bent
to all cruelty immediatly after, flatly fell at defiaunce
with Pompey. Now Sylla consecratinge the dismes of all his
goodes unto Hercules, made exceeding sumptuous feastes
unto the Romanes, the provision whereof was so unreason-
able great, that every day they threwe a great deale of meate
into the river, and they dranke wine of forty yeares olde and
above. During these feastes which continued many dayes,
his wife Metella sickened, and dyed, and in her sickenes the
Priestes and Soothsayers willed Sylla he should not come
neere her, nor suffer his house to be polluted and defiled with
mourning for the dead. Whereupon Sylla was divorsed
from her in her sickenes, and caused her to be caried into an
other house, whilest she lived. And thus did Sylla curiously
observe the supersticion and ordinaunce of the Soothsayers :
but yet he brake the law which he made him selfe, touching
the order of funeralls, sparinge no cost at Metellaes buriall.
So did he also breake an other order him selfe had made,
touching the reformation of banckets : comforting his sorrow
with ordinary feastes, full of all vanity and lasciviousnes.
Within a fewe monethes after, he had fensers games at the
sharpe : and the roomes of the Theater being open and
unsevered, men and women sitting together, it fortuned that
there was a fayer Lady, and of a noble house, that sat hard
by Sylla, called Valeria: she was the daughter of Messala,
316

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

and sister of Hortensius the orator, and had bene divorsed SYLLA
not long before from her husbande. This Lady passing by
Sylla behinde him did softly put her hand on his shoulder,
and tooke a heare from of his gowne, and so went on to her
place, and sat her downe. Sylla marveling at this familiarity,
looked earnestly upon her : It is nothing my Lord, (quod
she) but that I desire with others to be partaker a litle of Valeria, de-
your happines. Her words misliked not Sylla, but con- sirous to be
trarily he shewed that she had tickled him with them : for Svllaes^appi-
he sent straight to aske her name, and enquired of what ngSi
house she was, and how she had lived. But after many slye
lookes betwene them, they turned their faces one to an other
upon every occasion, with prety smyling countenaunces : so
that in the end, they came to promise and contract mariage Sylla marled
together, for the which Valeria was not to be blamed. For Valeria, the
though she was as wise, as honest, and as vertuous a Lady as sister of _ Hor-
could be possible, yet the occasion that made Sylla mary her, Orator
was neither good nor commendable, bicause he was taken
straight with a looke and a fine tongue, as if he had bene
but a young boy : which commonly shew forth the filthiest
passions of the minde, to be so caried, and with such motions.
Now, notwithstanding he had this fayer young Lady in his
house, he left not the company of women minstrells and
tumblers, and to have pleasaunt jeasters and musitians about
him, with whome he would lye wallowing and drinking all
the day long, uppon litle cowches made for the nonest. For,
his companions that were in greatest estimacion with him at
that time, were these three : Roscius a maker of common
playes, Sorex a prince of scoffers, and one Metrobius a singing
man, whom he was in love withall while he lived, and yet
did not dissemble his love, though he was past age to be
beloved. This wicked life of his was cause of increasing his
disease, the originall cause whereof had a light foundacion
at the first. For he lived a great time before he perceived
that he had an impostume in his body, the which by processe Syllaesimpos-
of time came to corrupt his fleshe in such sorte, that it tu™e turned
turned all to lice : so that notwithstanding he had many to yce>
men about him, to shift him continually night and day, yet
the lyce they wiped away were nothing, in respect of them

317

SYLLA

Divers famous
men that dyed
of lyce.

Syllaes com-
mentaries
containe 22
bookes.

Syllaes sonne
that was dead
appeared to
him in his
dreame in
ill favored
apparell.

Granius
strangeled in
Syllaes sight
by his owne
commaunde-
ment.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

that multiplied still upon him. And there was neither
apparell, linnen, bathes, washing, nor meate it selfe, but was
presently filled with swarmes of this vile vermine. For he
went many times in the day into the bathe to washe and
dense him selfe of them, but all would not serve : for the
chaunging of his flesh into this putriture wanne it straight
againe, that there was no clensing, nor shifting of him, that
could kepe such a number of lyce from him. Some say, that
in old time (amongest the most auncientest men, whereof
there is any memory) Acastus the sonne of Pelias, dyed of
the lowsie evill : and long time after also, the Poet Alcman,
and Pherecides the devine : and so did Callisthenes Olynthian
in prison, and Mutius a wise lawyer. And if we shall make
mencion of those that are famous men, although it be not in
any good matter : we finde that a bonde man called Eunus,
he that was the first procurer of the warres of the bondmen
in Sicilia, being taken and caried to Rome, dyed also of the
same disease. Furthermore, Sylla did not only foresee his
death, but he wrote some thing of it also : for he made an
end of wryting the two and twenty booke of his commen-
taries, two dayes before he dyed. In that booke he sayth,
that the wise men of Chaldea had told him long before, that
after he had lived honorably, he should ende his dayes in the
flower of all his prosperity. And there he sayth also, that
his sonne (who departed a litle before his mother Metella)
appeared to him in his sleepe, apparrelled in an ill favored
gowne, and that comminge unto him, he prayed him he
would go with him unto Metella his mother, thenceforth to
live in peace and rest with her. But for all his disease, he
would not geve over to deale in matters of state. For tenne
dayes before his death he pacified a sedition, and tumult,
risen among the inhabitantes of the city of Puteolanum (in
Italian called Pozzolo) and there he gave them lawes and
ordinaunces, wherby they should governe them selves. And
the day before he dyed, hearing that Granius who was in
debt to the common wealth deferred payment of his money
looking for his death : he sent for him, and made him come
into his chamber, and there caused his men to compasse him
about, and commaunded them to strangle him in his sight.
318

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

The passion of his anger was so vehement against him, that SYLLA
by the extreame straining of him selfe, he brake the impos-
tume in his body, so as there gushed out a wonderfull deale
of blood : by reason whereof his strength failing him, he was
full of paine and panges that night, and so dyed, leaving Syllaes death,
the two litle children he had by Metella. For Valeria was
brought to bed of a daughter after his death, which was
called Posthumia, bicause the Romanes call those children
that are borne after the death of their fathers, Posthumi. Posthumi.
Now when Sylla was dead, many gathered about the Consull
Lepidus to let that his body should not be honorably buried,
as they were accustomed to bury noble men and men of
quality. But Pompey, though he was angry with Sylla,
bicause he had geven him nothing in his will, and had
remembred all his other frendes : yet he made some for love,
some by intreaty, and others with threatning to let it alone, Syllaes
and accompanying the corps into Rome, gave both safety funeralls.
and honor unto the performance of his funeralls. And it is
sayd also, that the Romane Ladies, amongest other things,
bestowed such a quantity of perfumes and odoriferous matter
towardes the same : that besides those which were brought
in two hundred and tenne great baskets, they made a great
image to the likenes of Sylla him selfe, and an other of a
sergeaunt carying the axes before him, all of excellent incence
and synamon. When the day of the funeralls came, fearing
least it would raine in the forenone, all the element being so
clowdy : they deferred to cary forth the body to be burnt,
untill past three of the clocke in the afternone. And then
rose there such a sodaine boysterous winde, that it set all
the stake of wodde straight a fire, that the body was burnt
at a tryce, and the fire going out, fell a great shower of
raine that held on till night: so that it seemed good
fortune following him even to his ende, did also helpe
his obsequies after his death. His tombe is to be seene Syllaes
in the fielde of Mars, and they say that he him selfe epitaphe.
made his owne epitaphe that is wrytten upon it, which
was : that no man did ever passe him, neither
in doing good to his frendes, nor in doing
mischiefe to his enemies.

319

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

THE COMPARISON OF
SYLLA WITH LYSANDER

OW that we have at large also set forth the
life of the Romane, let us come to com-
pare them both together. In this they
are both a like, that both of them grew
to be great men, rising of them selves
through their owne vertue : but this only
is proper to Lysander, that all the offices
and dignities which he attained unto in
the common wealth, were layed apon him through the peoples
good wills and consents. For he compelled them to nothinge,
neither usurped he any extraordinarie authoritie uppon them,
contrarie to lawe : for, as the common saying is :

Where partialitie, and discorde once doe raigne :

There wicked men are most esteemde, and rule with greatest game.

As at that time in Rome, the people being corrupted, and
the state of government utterly subverted and brought to
nought : to day there rose up one tyranne, to morow an
other. And therefore we may not wonder if Sylla usurped
and ruled all, when such fellowes as Glaucia and Saturninus,
did both banish and drive out of Rome such men as Metellus
was : and where also in open assembly they slue Consuls
sonnes in the market place, and where force of armes was
bought and sold for gold and silver, with the which the
souldiers were corrupted : and where they made new lawes
with fire and sword, and forced men to obey the same. Yet
I speak e not this in reproache of him that in such trouble-
some times founde meanes to make him selfe the greatest
The chiefe man : but to shew that I measure not his honesty by the
person is not dignity he grew unto in so unfortunate a city, although he
became the chiefe. And as touching him that came from
Sparta (at what time it florished most, and was the best
governed common weale) he in all great causes, and in most
320

alwayes the
honestest.

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

honorable offices, was reputed for the best of all bests, and LYSANDER
the chiefe of all chiefes. Wherefore it happened, that the AND
one resigned up the authority to his contry men, the citizens, SYLLA
which they had geven him, who also restored it to him againe
many ana sundry times : for the honor of his vertue did
alwayes remaine, and made him justly accompted for the
worthiest man. Where the other being once only chosen
generall of an army, remained tenne yeares continually in
warres and hostilitie, making him selfe by force, sometime
Consull, somtime vice Consull, and somtime Dictator, but
alwayes continued a tyranne. In dede Lysander attempted
to chaunge, and alter the state of government in his contrie,
howbeit it was with greater lenity, and more lawfully then
Sylla did. For he sought it by reason, and good perswasion,
not by the sword : neither would he make a chaunge of the
whole at one selfe time as Sylla did, but sought only to re-
forme the election of kinges. The which thing according to
nature, doubtlesse seemed very just : that he which was the
best amongest good men, should be chosen king of that citie,
which was the chiefe over all Greece, not for her nobility,
but for her vertue only. For like as a good hunter doth not
seeke for the whelpe of a good dogge, but for the good
dogge him selfe : nor a wise man of armes also, the colte
that commeth of a good horse, but the good horse him selfe.
Even so, he that taketh upon him to stablish a civill govern-
ment, committeth a fowle fault: if he looke of whom his
Prince should be borne, and not what the Prince him selfe
should be, considering that the Lacedaemonians them selves
have deprived diverse of their kinges from their crowne and
realme, bicause they were not Princely, but unprofitable, and
good for nothing. Vice, although it be in a noble man, yet
is it alwayes ill of it selfe : but vertue is honored for her
selfe alone, and not bicause she is placed with nobility.
Now for the wronges and injuries they both committed, the Lysanders
one did worke only to pleasure his frendes, and the other to and Syllaes
offend them to whom he was bounden. For it is certaine, faults-
that Lysander did great wronges to gratifie his familliars :
and the most parte of them whom he put to death, was
to establish the tyrannicall power of certaine his frendes.
3 : SS 321

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LYSANDER Where Sylla sought for spite to take away his army from
AND Pompey, and the Admirallty from Dolobella, which he him
SYLLA se}fe na(} geven, and caused Lucretius Offella to be slaine
openly in his owne sight, bicause he sought to be Consull,
for recompence of the good service he had done : for which
cruelty of his, causinge his owne frendes to be slaine in such
sorte, he made every man afeard of him. Furthermore,
their behaviors touching covetousnes and pleasure doth shew,
that the intent of the one was the desire of a good Prince,
and the other, that of a tyranne. For we doe not finde
that Lysander, for all his great Princely authority, did ever
use any insolency or lasciviousnes in his deedes, but alwayes
avoyded as much as a man might, the reproache of this
common proverbe : ' Lyons at home and Foxes abroade': He
Lysanders led such a true Laconian life, straightly reformed in all
temperance poyntes. Where Sylla could never moderate his unlawfull
and mode- lustes, neither for poverty when he was young, nor yet for
age, when it came upon him. But whilest he gave lawes to
Syllaes licen- the Romanes touching matrimoniall honestie and chastitie :
tious and pro- hjm sejfe m the meane time did nothing but follow love, and
commit adultries, as Salust wryteth. By meanes whereof
he so much impoverished Rome, and left it so voyde of gold
and silver : that for ready money he sold absolute freedome
unto the cities their confederates, yet was it his dayly study
to confiscate and take for forfeit, the richest and most
wealthiest houses in all the whole citie of Rome. But all
this spoyle and havoke was nothing in comparison of that
which he dayly cast away upon his jeasters and flatterers.
What sparing, or measure may we thinke he kept, in his giftes
at private banckets : when openly in the day time (all the
people of Rome being present to see him sell the goodes
which he had caused to be confiscate) he made one of his
frendes and familiars, to trusse up a great deale of house-
hold stuffe, for a very litle price. And when any other had
out bidden his price, and that the crier had cried it out
Syllaes tyran- alowde : then was he angry, and sayd : My frendes, I have
nicall saying, great wrong done me here, not to suffer me sell the spoile
I have gotten at mine owne pleasure, and dispose it as I list
my selfe. Where Lysander contrarily sent to the common
322

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

wealth of Sparta, with other money, the very presentes that LYSANDER
were geven to him selfe. And yet I do not commende him AND
in that deede. Foi, peradventure he did more hurt to SYLLA
Sparta, bringing thither that gold and silver: then Sylla
did to Rome, in wasting and consuming that he consumed.
Howbeit I alleage this onely, for proofe and declaration that
Lysander was nothing covetous. They both have done that
unto their citie, which never any other but them selves did.
For Sylla being a riotous and licentious man, brought his
citizens notwithstanding to good order and government :
and Lysander contrarily filled his citie with vice, yet not
infected withall him selfe. Thus were they both offenders,
the one for breaking the law he commaunded to be kept,
and the other in making the citizens worse then he was
him selfe : for he taught the Spartans to desire those
thinges, which he above all things had learned to despise.
And thus much concerning peace and civill government.
Now for matters of warre and battells fought, there is no
comparison to be made of Lysander to Sylla, neither in Sylla for wars
number of victories, nor in hazard of battell. For Lysander to be pre-
wanne only but two battells by sea, besides the taking of the jerre^ before
citie of Athens : which (though I graunt him) being rightly ^sa
considered, was no great exployte of warre, howbeit it was
a noble act, considering the fame he wan by it. And as
for things which happened to him in Boaotia, hard by the
citie of Aliarte : a man might say peradventure that he had
ill lucke. But yet me thinkes also there was a fault in him,
for that he stayed not for king Pausanias aide (the which
came from Platees immediatly after his overthrow) and bicause
he went in a geere in fury, and in a vaine ambition to runne
his head against a wall : so that men of all sortes making a
desperate salye out of Aliarte upon him, slue him there to
no purpose. Farre unlike to Cleombrotus that died at the
battell of Leuctres, resisting his enemies that distressed his
men : nor yet like Cyrus, nor Epaminondas, who to keepe
his men from flying, and to geve them assured victory, re-
ceived his deadly wounde : for all these men dyed like noble
kings, and valliant Captaines. Where Lysander rashly cast
him selfe away, to his great dishonor, by too much venturing:

323

AND

SYLLA

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LYSANDER proving thereby, that the auncient Spartans did like wise
men, to avoyde the fight with walles. For the noblest
and valliantest man that is, or possible can be, may easily
be so slaine, not onely by the first souldier that commeth,
but by every seely woman or childe. As they say that the
worthy Achilles was killed by Paris within the very gates
of Troia. Now to the contrarie againe, the victories that
Sylla wanne in set battells, and the thowsandes of enemies
which he slue, are not easily to be numbred, besides also
that he tooke the city of Rome twise, and the haven of
Athens : not by famine as Lysander did, but by force, after
he had by many great battells driven Archelaus out of firme
land, into the maine sea. It is to be considered also, against
what Captaines they made warres. For me thinkes it was
but a pastime, as a man might say, for Lysander to fight
with Antiochus, a pylot of Alcibiades, or to surprise and
deceive Philocles, a common orator at Athens :

Much worse then two edged sword, his busie tongue did seeme :
Which pratled still, and honestie did never once esteeme.

And whom Mithridates (in my opinion) would not vouche-
safe to compare with his horsekeeper, nor Marius with one of
his sergeauntes or masebearers. But to leave a side the
particular names of all other Princes, Lordes, Consulls,
Praetors, Captaines, and Governors that made warres with
Sylla : what Romane Captaine was there more to be feared,
then Marius? what king living was there of such power as king
Mithridates ? And of Generalls and Lieutenauntes of armies
in all Italie, were there any ever more valliant, then Lampo-
nius and Thelesinus : of the which Sylla drave the one away,
and brought the other to obey him, and slue the two last ?
But the greatest matter of all that we have spoken of yet, in
my opinion was, that Lysander did all his noble actes, with
the aide of his whole contrie : where Sylla to the contrarie
did his, (being banished from his contry) by his enemies.
And at the selfe same time that they drave Syllaes wife out of
Rome, that they overthrewe his houses, and slue his frendes
also in Rome : he notwithstanding made warres in the meane
time with infinite thowsandes of fighting men in Bceotia,

324

Sylla fought
with men of
greatest
power and
overcame
them.

and ventred his person in manifold daungers, so that in the LYSANDER
end he conquered them all to the honor and benefit of his AND
contry. Furthermore, Sylla would never stoupe to king SYLLA
Mithridates, for any particular allyance he offred him,
neither yeelde unto him for any aide of men, or money, to
warre against his enemies : but a thing most chiefely to be
noted above the rest, he would not vouchesafe to speake
to Mithridates, nor to take him by the hande onely, before Syllaes mag-
he had spoken it with his owne mouth, and faithfully pro- nanimity.
mised, that he would forgoe Asia, deliver him his gallies,
and geve up the realmes of Bithynia and Cappadocia unto
their naturall kinges. This me thinkes was the goodliest act
that ever Sylla did, and proceeded of the greatest magna-
nimity, to have preferred the benefit of the common wealth
in that sorte, before his private commodity. For therin
he was like unto a good greyhound that first pincheth the
deare, and holdeth him fast, till he have overthrowen him :
and then afterwardes followeth the recovery of his owne
private quarrell. And lastly, me thinkes it is easily judged,
what difference there was betwene their two natures, in that
they did both towardes the citie of Athens. For Sylla
having taken it, after the citizens had made fierce warres
with him for the increase of king Mithridates greatnes : yet
he left it free unto them, enjoying their owne lawes. Where
Lysander to the contrary, seing such a mighty state and
Empire as that, overthrowen from the great rule it bare, had
no pity of it at all, but tooke away the libertie of popular

fovernment, whereby it had bene governed of long time Plutarkes
efore : and established there very cruell and wicked tyrans. judgement of
And therfore in myne opinion, we shall not much swarve from ?y *nd
troth, if we geve this judgement : that Sylla did the greater
acts : and Lysander committed the fewer faultes. And
that we geve to the one the honor of a continent and
modest man : and to the other, the commenda-
cion of a valliant and skilfull souldier.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

THE LIFE OF CIMON

Peripoltasand
his posterity.

ERIPOLTAS the Soothsayer, he that
brought king Opheltas out of Thessalie
into the contry of Breotia, with the
people which were undre his obedience :
left a posterity after him that long time
florished in that contry, the more parte
of the which were ever resident in the
city of Chaeronea, bicause it was the first
city that was conquered from the barbarous people whom
they expulsed thence. All they that came of that race,
were commonly men of great corage, and naturally geven to
the warres : who were so forward and adventurous in all
daungers therof (in the invasions of the Medes into Greece,
and in the battells of the Gaules) that they were slaine all
of them, but onely Damon (a litle childe left fatherlesse
and motherlesse) surnamed Peripoltas that escaped, who for
goodly personage and noble corage excelled all the lusty
The manners youthes of his time, though otherwise he was very rude, and
and lewd of a severe nature. Now it fortuned, that when Damon was

partes of growen of full age, a Romane Captaine of an ensigne of
Damon Peri- £ ,, . Vs ' . ,, , , r. . . ...

poltas. lootemen (lying in garrison tor the winter season in the citie

of Chaeronea) fell in great love with Damon : and bicause
he could not reape the frutes of his dishonest love by no
intreaty nor giftes, there appeared vehement presumptions
that by force he went about to abuse him, for that Chaeronea
at that time (being my naturall city where I was borne) was
a small thing, and (being of no strength nor power) litle
regarded. Damon mistrusting the Captaines villanie, and
detesting his abhominable desire watched him a shrewd
turne, and got certaine of his companions (not many in
number, bicause he might the more secretly compasse his
enterprise) to be a counsel with him, and take his parte
against the Captaine. Now there were a sixteene of them in
consort together, that one night blacked their faces all with
326

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

soote, and the next morning after they had dronke together, CIMON
by the breake of day set upon this Romane Captaine, that
was making sacrifice in the market place, and slue him with
a good number of his men : and when they had done, fled
out of the citie, which was straight in a great uprore for the
murther committed. Thereuppon they called a counsell,
and in the market place condemned Damon and his con-
federates to suffer paines of death : hoping thereby to have
cleared their innocencie for the fact done to the Romaines.
But the selfe same night, as all the magistrates and officers
of the city were at supper together in the towne house
according to their custome : Damon and his followers stale
upon them sodainly, slue them all, and fled againe upon it.
It chaunsed about that time, that Lucius Lucullus bding
sent on some jorney, passed by the city of Chseronea with
his army : and bicause this murther was but newly done, he
stayed there a few dayes to examine the troth and originall Lucius Lucul-
thereof. And found that the commons of the citie were in ^s examineth
no fault, but that they them selves also had received hurte : *£* murther
wherupon he tooke the souldiers of the Romanes that
remained of the garrison, and caried them away with him.
In the meane time, Damon destroyed all the contry there-
about, and still hovered neere to the citie, insomuch as the
inhabitantes of the same were driven in the end to send unto
him, and by gentle wordes and favorable decrees handled him
so, that they intysed him to come againe into the city : and
when they had him amongest them, they chose him Gym-
nasiarchus, to say, a master of exercises of youth. But
shortly after, as they were rubbing of him with oyle in his
stoove or hotte house, starke naked as he was, they slue him Damon slaine
by treason. And bicause that there appeared sprights of by treason,
long time after in that place, and that there were heard
gronings and sighings as our fathers tolde us, they caused the
dore of the hotte house to be walled up : yet for all that,
there are visions seene, and terrible voyces and cries heard in
that selfe place unto this present time, as the neighbours
dwellinge by doe testifie. Now they that were discended of
this Damon (for there are yet of his race in the contrie of
Phocides, neere unto the citie of Stiris, who do only of all

327

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

CIMON other both keepe the language and maners of the ^Etolians)
Asbolomeni, are called Asbolomeni, signifyinge blacke, and besmered with
who they soote : bicause that Damon and his fellowes did blacke their
lfd faces with soote, when they slue the Romane Captaine. But the
Orchomenians being neere neighbors unto the Chaeroneians,
and therfore their enemies, hyered an informer of Rome, a
malitious accuser, to accuse the whole citie, (as if it had bene
one private person alone) for the murther of the Romanes,
Chaeronea in- whome Damon and his companions had slaine. The indite-
dited for tne ment was drawen, and the case pleaded before the governor
rnurther. Qf Macec}onj for thai the Romanes did send no governors
at that time into Greece : and the counsellers that pleaded
for the citie of Chaeronea, relied upon the testimonie of
Lucullus Lucius Lucullus, referring them selves to his reporte, who
called for a knew the troth, and how it was. Thereupon the governor
witnesse of , • j r 11 • u- i a e

the troth. wrote unto him, and Lucullus in his letter of aunswere

advertised the very troth : so was our city cleared of the
accusation, which otherwise stoode in daunger of utter
destruction. The inhabitantes of the city of Chaeronea, for
that they had escaped the daunger by testimonie of Lucius
Lucullus, to honor him withall, they set up his image in
stone in the market place, next unto the image of Bacchus.
And we also that be living at this present, though many
yeares be gone and passed sence, do notwithstanding recken
our selves partakers of his forepassed benefit. And bicause
Historic, is we are perswaded, that the image and portraiture that
a certaine maketh us acquainted with mens manners and condicions, is

image of mens farre more excellent, then the picture that representeth any
manners and i i MI i_ -i i • v/» i

wisedom mans person or shape only : we will comprehend his life and

doinges according to the troth, in this volume of noble mens

lives, where we doe compare and sorte them one with an

other. It shalbe sufficient for us therefore, that we shew

our selves thankefull for his benefit, and we thinke, that he

himselfe would mislike for reward of his true testimonie, to

be requited with a favorable lye told in his behalfe. But

A prety like as when we will have a passinge fayer face drawen, and

similitude. lively counterfeated, and that hath an excellent good grace

withall, yet some manner of bleamishe or imperfection in it :

we will not allowe the drawer to leave it out altogether, nor

328

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

yet too curiously to shewe it, bicause the one would deforme CIMON
the counterfeate, and the other make it very unlikely. Even
so, bicause it is a hard thing (or to say better, peradventure
impossible) to describe a man, whose life should altogether Howe to de-
be innocent, and perfect : we must first study to wryte his scribe the life
vertues at large, and thereby seeke perfectly to represent the °
troth, even as the life it selfe. But where by chaunce we
finde certaine faultes and errors in their doinges, proceeding
either of passion of the minde, by necessity of the time or
state of the common wealth : they are rather to be thought
imperfections of vertue not altogether accomplished, then
any purposed wickednes proceeding of vice, or certaine
malice. Which we shall not neede too curiously to expresse
in our history, but rather to passe them lightly over, of
reverent shame to the meere frayelty of mans nature, which
can not bringe foorth a man of such vertue and perfection,
but there is ever some imperfection in him. And therefore,
considering with my selfe unto whome I might compare
Lucullus, I thought it best to compare him with Cimon, bicause Cimon, and
they have bene both valliant souldiers against their enemies, Lucullus in
having both done notable exploytes in warres against the j^ ,* ™ges
barbarous people : and moreover, they have both bene cur- K^
teous and mercifull unto their citizens, and were both the
only men that pacified the civill warres and dissention in
their contrie, and both the one and the other of them wan
notable victories of the barbarous people. For there was
never Greecian Captaine before Cimon, nor Romane Captaine
before Lucullus, that had made warres so farre of from their
contrie leaving a parte the deedes of Bacchus and of Hercules,
and the deedes also of Perseus, against the ^Ethiopians, the
Medes, and the Armenians, and the deedes of lason also : if
there remaine any monument extant since their time, worthie
of credit in these our dayes. Furthermore, herein they are
to be likened together : that they never ended their warres,
they only overthrewe their enemies, but never overcame them
altogether. Againe, they may note in them a great resem-
blaunce of nature, for their honestie, curtesie and humanitie,
which they shewed unto straungers in their contrie : and for
the magnificence and sumptuousnes of their life and ordinarie
3 : TT 329

CIMON

Cimons
linadge.

Thucidydes
linadge.

Miltiades died
in prison.

Cimon de-
famed in his
youth.

Coalemos,
foole.

Cimons con-

dicions.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

expence. It may be we doe leave out some other similitudes
betwene them : howbeit in the discourse of their lives they
will easily appeare. Cimon was the sonne of Miltiades and
of Hegesipyle, a Thracian woman borne, and the daughter of
king Olorus, as we finde wrytten in certaine poeticall verses
which Melanthius and Archelaus have wrytten of Cimon.
The father of Thucydides the historiographer him selfe, who
was of kinne also unto Cimon, was called in like manner
Olorus, showing by the agreeing of the name, that this king
Olorus was one of his auncesters, and did also possesse mines
of gold in the contry of Thracia. It is sayd moreover that
he dyed in a certaine place called the ditchie forrest, where
he was slaine : howbeit that his ashes and bones were caried
into the contrie of Attica, where his tombe appeareth yet to
this day, amongest the tombes of them of the house and
family of Cimon, neere unto the tombe of Cimons owne sister
called Elpinice. Notwithstanding, Thucydides was of the
village of Alimus, and Miltiades of the village of Lacia.
This Miltiades Cimons father, being condemned by the state
to pay the summe of fifty talentes, was for non payment cast
into prison, and there dyed : and left Cimon and his sister
Elpinice alive, both Orphanes, and very young. Now, Cimon
in his first young yeares had a very ill name and reporte in
the city, being counted a riotous young man, and a great
drinker, following his grandfather Cimons facions up and
downe, as he had also his name : saving that his grandfather
for his beastlines was surnamed Coalemos, as much to say as
foole. Stesimbrotus Thasian, who was about Cimons time,
wryteth, that Cimon never learned musike, nor any other
of the liberall sciences accustomably taught to young noble
mens sonnes of Greece, and that he had no sharpe wit, nor
good grace of speaking, a vertue proper unto children borne
in the contry of Attica : howbeit that he was of a noble
minde, and plaine, without dissimulacion, so that he rather
lived Peloponnesian like, then like an Athenian. For he
was even such as the Poet Euripides described Hercules
to be:

330

A simple man he was, and could not well disguise :

As honest eke in thiuges of weight, as wit could well devise.

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

This served fitly to be applied unto Stesimbrotus wordes CIMON
wrytten of him : but notwithstanding, in his first younge
yeares he was suspected of incontinency with his sister, who Elpinice
in deede otherwise had no very good name. For she was Cimons sister
very familiar with the painter Polygnotus, who painting the uncliast-
Troian Ladies prisoners, upon the walls of the gallery,
called the Plesianaction, and now Poecile : (to say, set out
and beawtified with divers pictures) he drue (as they say)
Laodices face upon Elpinices picture. This painter Poly- Polygnotus
gnotus was no common artificer nor hierling, that painted the painter,
this gallery for moneys sake, but gave his labor franckely to
the common wealth, as all the historiographers that wrote
in that time do witnesse : and as the Poet Melanthius also
reciteth in these verses :

At his owne proper charge, great cost he hath bestowed :
In decking up our temples here with gilted roofes embowed,
For honor of the goddes. And in our towne likewise,
He hath adornd the common place, with many a fine devise.
Painting and setting forth, in stately show to see,
The images of demy goddes that here amongest us be.

Yet some say that Elpinice did not secretly companie Elpinice
with her brother Cimon, but lay with him openly as his being poore,
lawfull maried wife, bicause she could not for her poverty f1 re^rde
have a husband of like nobilitie and parentage to her selfe. cor(iing to her
Howbeit, that a certaine man called Callias, being one of state and
the richest men of the citie, did afterwardes fall in fansie calling,
with her, and desired to mary her, offering to pay her father
Miltiades fine of fiftie talents, wherein he stoode condemned
a debter to the state, so that he might have her to his wife.
Cimon was contented, and uppon that condicion maried his
sister Elpinice unto Callias. This notwithstandinge, it is
certaine that Cimon was somewhat amorous, and geven to Cimon subject
love women. For Melanthius the Poet in certaine of his to lascivious
elegies, maketh mencion for his pleasure of one Asteria borne '
at Salamina, and of an other called Mnestra, as if Cimon
had bene in love with them. But undoutedly, he loved
his lawefull wife Isodice marvelous well, the daughter of
Euryptolemus, Megacles sonne, and tooke her death very
grievouslie, as we may conjecture by the elegies that were

331

ditions.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

CIMON wrytten unto him, to comforte him in his sorowe. Panaetius
the Philosopher is of opinion, that Archelaus the Phisitian
wrote those elegies : and sure it is not unlikely, considering
the time in which they were wrytten. But furthermore,

The praise of Cimons nature and condicions deserved great commendacion.

Cimons con- For his valliantnesse he gave no place unto Miltiades, and
for his wisedome and judgement, he was not inferior unto
Themistocles : and it is out of all doubt that he was a juster
and honester man, then either of them both. For he was
equall with the best of either of both in the discipline of
warres, and for the valliantnesse of a noble Captaine : and
he did much excell them both in the properties of a good
governor, and in thadministracion of the affayres of a citie,
when he was but a younge man, and had no experience of
warres. For when Themistocles at the comminge in of the
Medes counselled the people of Athens to goe out of the citie,
to leave their landes and contrie, and to shippe into gallies,
and fight with the barbarous people by sea in the straight of
Salamina : as everie man was wonderinge at his bolde and
venturous counsell, Cimon was the first man that went with
a life and jolitie through the streete Ceramicus, unto the
castell, accompanied with his younge familiars and com-
panions, caryinge a bitte of a bridle in his hande to con-
secrate unto the goddesse Minerva, signifyinge thereby, that
the citie had no neede of horsemen at that time, but of
mariners and sea men. And after he had geven up his
offering, he tooke one of the targettes that honge uppon
the wall of the temple, and havinge made his prayer unto
Minerva, came downe to the haven, and was the first that
made the most parte of the citizens to take a good harte
to them, and coragiously to leave the land, and take the
sea. Besides all this, he was a man of a goodly stature, as
Ion the Poet testifieth, and had a fayer curled heare and
thicke, and fought so valliantlie at the day of the battell,
that he wanne immediatly great reputacion, with the love
and good wll of everie man. So that many were still about
him to encorage him, to be lively and valliant, and to thinke
thence foorth to doe some actes worthie of the glorie that
his father had gotten at the battell of Marathon. And
332

Cimons per-
sonage com-
mended.

afterwardes, so soone as he beganne to deale in matters of CIMON
state, the people were marvelous glad of him, and were
wearied with Themistocles : by meanes whereof Cimon was
presently advaunced and preferred, to the chiefest offices
of honor in the citie, being very well thought on of the
common people, bicause of his soft and plaine nature.
Moreover, Aristides also did greatlie furder his advaunce-
ment, bicause he sawe him of a good gentle nature, and for
that he would use him as a countrepease to controll Themis-
tocles craft and stowtnesse. Wherefore after the Medes
were fled out of Greece, Cimon being sent for by the
Athenians for their generall by sea, when the citie of Athens Cimon Gene-
had then no manner of rule nor commaundement, but rail for the
followed kinge Pausanias and the Lacedaemonians : he ever b * Sg^ians
kept his contrie men and citizens in marvelous good order
in all the viages he made, and they were readier to doe good
service, then any other nation in the whole armie what-
soever. And when kinge Pausanias had practised with the
barbarous people to betraye Greece, had wrytten also to the
kinge of Persia about it, and in the meane time delt very
cruelly and straightly with the confederates of his contry,
and committed many insolent partes by reason of the great King Pausan-
authority he had, and through his foolish pride whereof he j3.8 *hrough
was full : Cimon farre otherwise, gently entertained them and^rideTost
whom Pausanias injured, and was willing to heare them, the Lacedae-
So that by this his curteous manner, the Lacedemonians monians all
having no eye to his doinges, he stale away the rule and their rule of
commaundement of all Greece from them, and brought the
Athenians to be sole Lordes of all, not by force and cruelty,
but by his sweete tongue, and gracious manner of using all
men. For the most parte of the confederates being no
lenger able to away with Pausanias pride and cruelty, came
willingly and submitted them selves under the protection of
Cimon and Aristides : who did not only receive them, but
wrote also to the counsell of the Ephores at Lacedsemon,
that they should call Pausanias home, for that he dishonored
Sparta, and put all Greece to much trouble and warres.
And for proofe hereof, they say that king Pausanias being
on a time in the citie of Byzance, sent for Cleonice, a young

333

CIMON

Pausanias
tinevir ir

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

maiden of a noble house, to take his pleasure of her. Her
parentes durst not keepe her from him, by reason of his
crueltie, but suffered him to cary her away. The young
gentlewoman prayed the groomes of Pausanias chamber to
take away the lightes, and thinking in the darke to come to
Pausanias bed that was a sleepe, groping for the bed as
softly as she could to make no noyse, she unfortunately hit
against the lampe and overthrew it. The falling of the
lampe, made such a noyse, that it waked him on the sodaine,
and thought straight therewithall that some of his enemies
had bene comen traiterously to kill him, wherupon he tooke
his dagger lying under his beddes head, and so stabbed it
in the young virgine, that she dyed immediatly upon it.
^owbeit sne neyer let Pausanias take rest after that, bicause
her spirite came every night and appeared unto him, as he
would faine have slept, and spake this angrily to him in
verse, as followeth :

Keepe thou thy selfe upright, and justice see thou feare,

For woe and shame be unto him, that justice downe doth beare.

This vile fact of his did so stirre up all the confederates
against him, that they came to besiege him in Bizantium
under the conduction of Cimon : from whom notwith-
standing he escaped, and secretly saved him selfe. And
bicause that this maidens spirite would never let him rest,
but vexed him continually : he fled unto the city of
Heraclea, where there was a temple that conjured dead
spirites, and there was the spirite of Cleonice conjured, to
pray her to be contented. So she appeared unto him, and
told him that he should be delivered of all his troubles so
soone as he came to Sparta : signifying thereby (in my
opinion) the death which he should suffer there. Divers
wryters do thus reporte it. Cimon being accompanied with
the confederates of the Greecians, which were come to him
to take his parte: was advertised that certaine great men
of Persia, and allyed to the king himselfe, who kept the
city of Eione, upon the river of Strymon in the contrie of
Thracia, did great hurt and damage unto the Greecians
inhabiting thereabouts. Upon which intelligence he tooke

334

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

the sea with his armie, and went thither, where at his first CIMON

comming he vanquished and overthrewe the barbarous people Cimonsjorney

in battell : and havinge overthrowen them, drave all the rest andvictorie

into the city of Eione. That done, he went to invade the u

Thracians that dwelt on the other side of the river of

Strymon, who did commonly vittell them of Eione : and

having driven them to forsake the contrie, he kept it, and

was Lord of the whole him selfe. Whereupon he held them

that were besieged at Eione so straightly from vittells, that

Butes the king of Persiaes Lieutenaunt, dispayringe of the

state of the citie, set fire on the same, and burnt him selfe, Butes burneth

his frendes, and all the goodes in it. By reason whereof, him selfe, city,

the spoyle taken in that citie was but small, bicause the ^ fj^ ^'

barbarous people burnt all the best thinges in it with them Cimon.

selves : howebeit he conquered the contrie thereaboutes, and

gave it the Athenians to inhabite, being a verie pleasaunte

and fertyle soyle. In memorie whereof, the people of Athens

suffered him to consecrate and set up openly three Hermes

of stone, (which are foure square pillers) upon the toppes of Statues of

the which they set up heades of Mercurye : upon the first of Mercury.

the three pillers, this inscription is graven :

The people truely were, of corage stowte and fierce,

Who having shut the Medes fast up (as stories do rehearce)

Within the walled towne, of Eione that tyde,

Which on the streame of Strymon stands : they made them there

abide

The force of famines pinche, and therewith made them feele,
The dynte of warre so many a time, with trusty tooles of steele,
Till in the end dispaire, so pearced in their thought,
As there they did destroy them selves, and so were brought to

nought.

Upon the second there is such an other:

The citizens which dwell, in Athens stately towne,
Have here set up these monuments, and pictures of renowne.
To honor so the facts, and celebrate the fame,
Their valliant chieftaines did achieve, in many a marshall game.
That such as after come, when they thereby perceive,
How men of service for their deedes, did rich rewards receive,
Encoraged may be, such men for to resemble,
In valliant acts, and dreadfull deedes, which make their foes to
tremble.

335

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

CIMON And upon the third an other :

When Mnestheus did lead forth of this citie here.

An armie to the Troyane warres, (by Homer dotli appeare)

He was above the rest, that out of Graecia went :

A valliant knight, a worthy wight, a Captaine excellent.

To take in hand the charge, an army for to guide :

And eke to range them orderly, in battell to abide.

That praise of prowesse then, (O grave Atheniens)

Is now no newes to fill the eares of these your citizens.

Since through the world so wide, the fame and worthy praise,

For marshall feates, to you of yore hath judged beene alwayes.

Now, though Cimons name be not comprised in these
inscriptions, yet they thought that this was a singular honor
to him at that time : for neither Miltiades nor Themistocles
had ever the like. For when Miltiades requested the people
one day that they woulde licence him to weare a garland of
olyve boughes upon his head : there was one Sochares, borne
in the towne of Decelea, that standing up in open assembly
spake against him, and sayd a thing that marvelously pleased
the people, though in deede it was an unthankeful recoin-
pence for the good service, he had done to the common
wealth. When you have Miltiades, (sayd he) overcome the
barbarous people alone in battell, then aske to be honored
alone also. But howe was it then, that Cimons service was
so acceptable to the Athenians ? Yt was in myne opinion,
bicause they had with other Captaines fought to defende
them selves and their contrie onely: and that under the
conduction of Cimon, they had assulted and driven their
enemies home to their owne dores, where they conquered the
cities of Eione and of Amphipolis, which afterwardes they did
inhabite with their owne citizens, and wanne there also the
He of Scyros, which Cimon tooke upon this occasion. The
Dolopians did inhabite it, who were idle people, and lived
without labor or tillage, and had bene rovers of the sea of a
wonderfull long time, using pyracie altogether to maintaine
them selves withall : so that in the end they spared not
so much as the marchaunts and passengers tnat harbored
in their havens, but robbed certaine Thessalians that went
thither to trafficke. And when they had taken their goodes
from them, yet would they cast them in prison besides.
336

Sochares
Decelean,
spake against
Miltiades re-
quest for the
garland of
Olyve
boughes.

Cimon wanne
the He of
Scyros.

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

Howbeit the prisoners found meanes to escape, and after CIMON
they had saved them selves, repayred to the parlament of
the Amphictyons, which is a generall counsell of all the The counsel!
states and people of Greece. The Amphictyons understand- °£the Am-
inge the matter, condemned the citie of the Scyrians to pay ^ 1C y°ns-
a great summe of money. The citizens refused to be con-
tributaries to the payment of the fine, and bad them that
robbed the marchauntes and had the goodes in their handes,
pay it if they would. And therfore, bicause there was no
other likelyhood, but that the theeves them selves should be
driven to aunswer the fine, they fearing it, wrote letters unto
Cimon, and willed him to come with his army, and they
would deliver their city into his handes : the which was
performed. And thus Cimon having conquered this Hand,
drave out the Dolopians thence, and ryd the sea -^Egeum of
all pirates therby. That done, remembring that the auncient
Theseus, the sonne of ^Egeus, flying from Athens came into
that Hand of Scyros, where king Lycomedes suspecting his
comming had traiterously slaine him. Cimon was marvelous
carefull to seeke out his tombe, bicause the Athenians had
an oracle and prophecie, that commaunded them to bring his
ashes and bones backe againe to Athens, and to honor him
as a demy god. But they knewe not where he was buried,
for that the inhabitantes of the Ilande would never before
confesse where it was, nor suffer any man to seeke it out, till
he at the last with much a doe founde the tombe, put his Theseus bones
bones abord the Admirall galley sumptuously decked and brought to
set foorth, and so brought them againe into his contry, foure ver^l^r
hundred yeares after Theseus death. For this, the people his death by
thanked him marvelously, and thereby he wanne exceedingly Cimon.
the Athenians good willes: and in memorie of him they
celebrated the judgement of the tragicall playes of the Poets.
For when Sophocles the Poet, being a young man had played Sophocles and

his first tragedy, Aphepsion the president perceivinge there ^scnylus

, -X i •• i it i i contentionfor

was great strife and contention amongest the lookers on, vjctory

would not draw them by lottes that should be judges of this
play, to geve the victorie unto that Poet that had best
deserved : but when Cimon and the other Captaines were
come into the Theater to see the same, (after they had
3 ; UU 337

.ffischylus
overcome by
Sophocles,
dwelleth in
Sicilia, and
dyeth there.

Cimon sang

passing

swetelv.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

CIMON made their accustomed oblations unto the god, in honor of
whom these playes were celebrated) he stayed, and made
them to minister an othe unto tenne, (which were of every
tribe of the people, one) and the othe being geven, he caused
them to sit as judges to geve sentence, which of the Poets
should cary away the prise. This made all the Poetes strive
and contend who best shoulde doe, for the honor of the
judges: but Sophocles, by their sentence bare away the
victory. But JEschilus (as they say) was so angry and
grieved withall, that he taried not long after in Athens, and
went for spight into Sicilia, where he dyed and was buried
neere unto the citie of Gela. Ion wryteth that he being but
a young boy, newly come from Chio unto Athens, supped
one night with Cimon at Laomedons house, and that after
supper when they had geven the goddes thankes, Cimon was
intreated by the company to sing. And he did sing with so
good a grace, that every man praised him that heard him,
and sayd he was more curteous then Themistocles farre : who
being in like company, and requested also to play upon the
citherne, aunswered them, he was never taught to sing nor
play upon the citherne, howbeit he could make a poore
village to become a rich and mighty city. After that done,
the company discoursing from one matter to an other, as
it falleth out commonly in speeche, they entred in talke
of Cimons doinges : and having rehearsed the chiefest of
them, he him selfe told one, which was the notablest and
wisest parte of all the rest that ever he played. For the
Athenians and their confederates together, having taken a
great number of barbarous people prisoners, in the cities
of Sestos and of Bizantium : the confederates to honor him
withall, gave him the preheminence to devide the spoyle
Cimons cun- amongest them. Whereuppon he made the division, and
ning division set out the bodies of the barbarous people all naked by them
of the spoyle. seives? an(j layed the spoyles and their apparell by them selves.
The confederates founde this distribution very unequall : but
neverthelesse Cimon gave them the choyce to choose which of
the two they would, and that the Athenians should be con-
tented with that which they left. So there was a Samian
Captaine called Herophytus, that gave the confederats
338

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

counsel rather to take the spoiles of the Persians, then the CIMON
Persians them selves, and so they did : for they tooke the Herophytus
spoile of the prisoners goodes and apparell, and left the men Samian, gave
unto the Athenians. Wherupon Cimon was thought at that cCoTe the°
time of the common souldiers to be but an ill devider of Sp0yle.
spoyle, bicause that the confederats caried away great store
of chaines, karkanets, and braselets of gold, and goodly rich
purple apparell after the Persian facion : and the Athenians
brought away naked bodies of men, very tender and un-
acquainted with paine and labor. But shortly after, the
parentes and frendes of these prisoners, came out of Phrygia
and Lydia, and redeemed every man of them at a great
raunsome : so that Cimon gathered such a masse of readie
money together by their raunsome, as he defrayed the whole
charges of all his gallies with the same, for the space of foure
monethes after, and left a great summe of money besides
in the sparing treasure of Athens. Cimon by this meanes
being nowe become riche, bestowed the goodes which he Cimons liber-
had thus honorably gotten from the barbarous people, more jdity and
honorably againe, in relieving his poore decayed citizens. osPlt!
For he brake up all his hedges and inclosures, and layed
them plaine and open, that travellers passing by, and his
owne poore citizens, might take as much frute thereof as
they would, without any maner daunger. And furthermore,
kept a continuall table in his house, not furnished with
many dishes, but with meate sufficient for many persons, and
where his poore contrie men were dayly refreshed, that would
come unto that ordinary: so as they needed not otherwise
care to labor for their living, but might be the readier, and
have the more leasure to serve the common wealth. Yet
Aristotle the Philosopher wryteth, that it was not for all the
Athenians indifferently, that he kept this ordinarie table :
but for his poore townes men onely in the village of Lacia,
where he was borne. Furthermore, he had alwayes certaine Cimons
young men waiting on him of his household servauntes well charity,
apparrelled, and if he met by chaunce as he went up and
downe the citie, any olde citizen poorely arrayed, he made
one of these younge men strip him selfe, and chaunge
apparell with tne olde man : and that was very well thought

339

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

CIMON of, and they all honored him for it. Moreover, these
young men caried ever good store of money about them :
and when they met with any honest poore citizen in the
market place, or else where, knowinge his povertie, they
secretly gave him money in his hande, and sayd never a
worde. Which the Poet selfe Cratinus seemeth to speake
of, in a comedie of his intituled the Archiloches.

I am Metrobius the secretarie, he,

Which did my selfe assure (in age) well cherished to be :

At wealthie Cimons horde, where want was never found,

Whose distributions and his almes did to the poore abound.

There thought I for to passe myne aged yeares away,

With that right noble godly man, which was the Greecians stay.

How Cimon Furthermore, Gorgias Leontine sayd, that Cimon got
used his goodes to use them, and that he used them to be honored

goods. gy them. And Critias that was one of the thirty tyrannes

of Athens, he wisheth and desireth of the goddes in his

elegies :

The goddes of Scopas heyres, the great magnificence,
And noble hart of Cimon he, who spared none expence :
The glorious victories, and high triumphant showes,
Of good Agesilaus king, good goddes, oh graunt me those.

The hospital- The name of Lichas Spartan, hath bene famous amongest
ity of Lichas the Greecians : and yet we know no other cause why, saving
Spartan. that he used to feast straungers that came to Lacedaemon on

their festivall day, to see the sportes and exercises of the
young men daunsing naked in the city. But the magni-
ficence of Cimon, did farre exceede the auncient liberality,
curtesie, and hospitalitie of the Athenians : for they of all
other were the first men that taught the Greecians through
out all Greece, how they should sow corne, and gather it to
maintaine them selves withall, and also shewed them the use
of welles, and howe they should light and keepe fire. But
Cimons godly Cimon makinge an hospitall of his owne house, where all
actes. nis poore citizens were fed and relieved, and permittinge

straungers that travelled by his groundes to gather such
frutes there, as the time and season of the yeare yelded : he
brought againe (as it were) into the world, the goodes to be
340

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

in common amongest them, as the Poets say they were in CIMON
the old time of Saturnes raigne. And now, where some Cimon
accused this honest liberality of Cimon, objecting that it brought the
was but to flatter the common people withall, and to winne g°lden world
their good willes by that meanes : the maner of life he led, againe>
accompanying his liberality, did utterly confute and over-
throw their opinions that way of him. For Cimon ever
tooke parte with the nobilitie, and lived after the Lacedae-
monians manner, as it well appeared, in that he was alwayes
against Themistocles, who without all compasse of reason
encreased the authority and power of the people : and for
this cause he joyned with Aristides, and was against Ephi-
altes, who would for the peoples sake have put downe and
abolished Ariopagus courte. And where all other governors
in his time were extorcioners, and bribetakers : (Aristides
and Ephialtes only excepted) he to the contrarie led an
uncorrupt life in administracion of justice, and ever had
cleane hands, whatsoever he spake or did, for the state and Cimons in-
common wealth, and would therefore never take money of tegrityand
any man living. And for proofe hereof, we finde it wrytten, cleane hands,
that a noble man of Persia called Resaces, being a traitor to Resaces
his master the king of Persia, fled on a time unto Athens : attempted to
where being continually bayted and wearied, with the bribe Cimon-
common accusations of these tale bearers and picke thanks,
that accused him to the people, he repayred at the length
unto Cimon, and brought him home to his owne dore two
bowles, thone full of darickes of gold, and the other of
darickes of silver, which be peeces of money so called, Darickes,
bicause that the name of Darius was written upon them, whereof so
Cimon seeing this offer, fell a laughing, and asked him called-
whether of the two he would rather choose : to have him
his frende, or his hierling. The barbarous noble man
aunswered him, that he had rather have him his frend.
Then sayd Cimon to him againe, Away with thy golde and A noble say-
silver, and get thee hence : for if I be thy frend, that gold ing of Cimon.
and silver shall ever be at my commaundement, to take and
dispose it as I have neede. About that time beganne the
confederates of the Athenians to be weary of the warres
against the barbarous people, desiring thenceforth to live

341

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

CIMON quietly, and to have leasure to manure and husband their
groundes, and to trafficke also, considering that they had
driven their enemies out of their contrie, and that now they
did them no more hurte : by reason whereof they payed the
money they were sessed at, but they would furnish no moe
men nor shippes as they had done before. But the other
Captaines of the Athenians compelled them to it by all the
meanes they could, and prosecuted law against them that
failed payment, condemning them in great fines, and that so
cruelly, that they made the seigniorie and dominion of the
Athenians hatefull unto their confederates. Howbeit Cimon
tooke a contrary course to them : for he compelled no man,
but was content to take money and voyde ships of them
that would not, or could not serve in their persons, being
very glad to suffer them to become slothfull mongrells in
their houses, by too much rest, and to transpose them selves
from good souldiers which they had bene, to laborers, mar-
chauntes, and farmers, altogether altered from armes and
warres, through the beastly slothfull desire they had, to live
The benefit of pleasauntly at home. And contrarily, causing a great
paines and number of the Athenians one after an other to serve in
service : and npa}ijes ne so acquainted them with continuall paines in
the discom- p. ,, ^, j ,, u ,

modity of ease nls vlages : that he made them in shorte space become
and idlenes. Lordes and masters over them, that gave them pay, and
entertainment. For they beganne by litle and litle to
flatter and feare the Athenians, whom they saw trained
continually in the warres, ever bearing armor, and carying
their weapons in their hands, becomming expert souldiers at
their charge, by reason of the pay they gave them : so that
in the end, they became subjects and contributaries as
it were unto them, where before they were their frendes
and companions. So as there never was Greecian Captaine
that brideled more the crueltie and power of that mightie
Cimon Persian king, then Cimon did. For, after he had driven

e him out of all Greece) he left him not so, but following
him foote hotte, as we commonly say, before the barbarous
people could take breath, or geve wise and direct order for
their doinges : he made so great speede, that he tooke some
of their cities from them by force, and other some by prac-
342

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

tise, causing them to rebell against the king, and turne to CIMON
the Greecians side. Insomuch as there was not a man of
warre left for the king of Persia, in all Asia, from the
contrie of Ionia, directly downe to Pamphylia. And
furthermore, being advertised that the kinges Captaines
were uppon the coast of Pamphylia with a great armie by
sea, bicause he would feare them in such sorte, that they
should not brave any more to shewe them selves apon the
sea, on this side of the lies of the Chelidonians : he departed
from the lie of Gindos, and from the citie of Triopium, with
two hundred gallies, the which at the first had bene excel-
lently well made and devised by Themistocles, as well for
swift sayling, as for easie turning. Howbeit Cimon made
them to be enlarged, to the end they might carie the greater
number of men of warre in battell, to assault the enemies.
And so went first against the Phaselites, who were Greecians
borne, and yet notwithstanding would neither take the
Greecians parte, nor receive their armie into their havens :
landed there, destroyed all the contrie, and then came and
camped with his armie hard at their walles. But the men
of Chio being auncient frendes of the Faselites, and in Chio an He.
Cimons armie at that jorney : did somewhat pacific his
anger, and gave advertisement to them of the citie of their
doinges by letters, which they tyed to their arrowes, and
shotte over the walles. So as in the end they procured their
peace with condicion, that the Faselites should pay ten Cimon wanne
talentes for a fine : and furthermore should also follow the the "ty of
armie of the Greecians, and from thencefoorth fight with Fasells-
them, and for them, against the barbarous people. Now
Ephorus sayth, that the Persian Captaine that had charge
of the armie by sea, was called Tithraustes, and the Captaine
of the armie by lande, Pherendates. But Callisthenes Ariomandes
wryteth, that Ariomandes the sonne of Gobrias was the the kinges
kinges Lieutenaunt, havinge chiefe authority over the whole Lieutenant
armie that lay at ancker, before the river of Eurymedon, °f l"s whole
and had no desire to fight, bicause they looked for a new arm7 by sea,
supply of foure score sayle of the Phenicians, that should ancker before
come to them from Cyprus. But Cimon contrarily, sought the river of
to fight before these gallies of the Phenicians came to joyne Eurymedon.

343

CIMON

Cimons vic-
tory of the
Persians both
by sea and
land.

Cimon tooke
two hundred
sayle prison-
ers at the
battell fought
by the river of
Eurymedon.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

with them, and put his gallies in order of battell, deter-
mininge to geve a charge, and compell them to fight, would
they, or would they not. Which the barbarous people per-
ceiving, drew neerer into the mouth of the river Eurymedon,
bicause they should not compasse them in behinde, nor
force them to come to battell against their willes. Which
notwithstanding, when they saw the Athenians come to set
apon them where they lay, they made out against them, a
fleete of sixe hundred sayle, as Phanodemus declareth : or as
Ephorus wryteth, three hundred and fifty sayle only. But
they did nothinge worthie of so great a power, at the least
touchinge the fight by sea, but turned their prooes straight
to the river : where such as coulde recover the mouth thereof
in time saved them selves, flying to their armie by lande,
which was not farre from that place set also in order of
battell. But the rest that were taken tardy by the way, they
were slaine, and their gallies sonke or taken : whereby we
may know that there were a great number of them, for
many were saved as it is likely, and many also were splitted
to peeces, and yet the Athenians tooke two hundred of them
prisoners. In the meane season, their armie by lande came
neerer to the sea side: which Cimon perceiving, stoode in
some doubt whether he should lande his men or not, bicause
it seemed a hard and daungerous thing unto him, to land in
spight of his enemies : and to put forth the Greecians already
wearied with the first battell against the barbarous people,
who were altogether whole, freshe, and lustie, and withall
many in number against one. Neverthelesse, perceiving
that his men trusted in their force, besides the corage which
the first victorie gave them, and that they desired none
other thing but to fight with the enemies: he put them
a lande while they were whotte yet with the first battell.
And so with great furie and lowde cries they ranne imme-
diatly against the barbarous people, who stoode still and
sturred not, and received their first charge very valliantly :
by reason wherof, the battell grew sharpe and bloody, inso-
much as there were slaine all the greatest personages and
men of best accompt of all the Athenians armie. But the
other fought it out so valliantly, that in the ende they wanne
344

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

the field, and with marvelous difficultie made the barbarous CIMON

people flye, whereof they slue a great number in the place, Cimon over-

and tooke the rest prisoners with all their tents and pavilions, ^a^6iith ef .1

which were full of all sortes of riches. Thus Cimon like a barbarous

valliant champion of the holy games, having in one selfe day people also

wonne two victories, and having excelled the battell by sea by lande.

also which the Greecians had wonne within the channell of

Salamina, with that which he wanne then upon the lande :

and the battell which the Grecians wanne by lande before

the city of Platees, with that which he wanne the day before

on the sea: yet he was not contented with all this. For,

after two so famous victories obteined, he would once againe

fight for the honor of the tokens of triumphe : and being

advertised that the foure score sayle of the Phoenicians

(comming too late to be present at the first battell by sea)

were arrived at the head of Hydra, he sayled thither with all

possible speede. Now the Captaines of this fleete, knewe no

certainty of the overthrow of their chiefest armie, but stoode

in doubt of it, and would not be perswaded that it was over-

throwen in that sorte : and therefore were they so much the

more affrayed, when they descried a farre of the victorious

armie of Cimon. To conclude, they lost all their shippes,

and the greatest parte of their men, which were either

drowned or slaine. This victorie against the Persians did

so dawnte and plucke downe the pride and loftie minde of

the barbarous Persian king, as he made that condicion of Cimon

peace so much spoken of in auncient histories, in the which brought the

he promised and sware, that his armies thenceforth should |cm&0^ "ersia

. , ' , ,, to condiciou

come no neerer to the Graecian sea, then the carrere or a Of peace.

horse, and that he would sayle no further forward, then the
lies Chelidonians, and Cyaneans, with any gallies or other
shippes of warre. Howbeit the historiographer Callisthenes
wryteth, that it was no parte of any article comprised within
the condicion of peace, but that the king kept it for the
feare he had of this so great an overthrow : and that after-
wardes he kept so farre from the Graecian sea, that Pericles
with fiftie saile, and Ephialtes with thirty only, did sayle
beyonde the lies Chelidoniae, and no barbarous fleete ever
came against them. Yet notwithstanding all this, amongest
3 : XX 345

CIMON

Callias sent
Ambassador
to take the
othe of the
king of
Persia.

Cimon was at
the charge of
certaine com-
mon build-
ings.

Cimon drave
the Persians
out of
Thracia.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

the common actes of Athens, which Craterus hath gathered
together, the articles of this peace are found wrytten at large,
as a thing that was true in deede. And it is sayd, that for
this occasion the Athenians built an aulter of peace, and
that they did Callias great honor, for that he was sent
Ambassador unto the king of Persia to take his othe for
confirmation of this peace. So when all these spoiles of the
enemies were sold to them that would geve most, there was
such store of gold and silver in the sparing cofers of their
treasurie, that there was enough to serve their turne for
any service they would employ it to, and besides that, they
had sufficient to build up the side of the wall of the castell
which looketh towardes the south, this voyage and great
spoyle did so enrich them. And it is sayd moreover, that
the building of the long walles that joyne to the citie with
the haven, which they call the legges, was built and finished
afterwards : howbeit the first fundacions thereof were built
with the money Cimon gave towardes it, for that the worke
met with moorish and watery places, by meane whereof they
were driven to fill up the marisses, with force of flyntes and
great logges, which they threw unto the bottome. It was
he also that first did beawtifie and set forth the citie of
Athens, with places of liberall exercise and honest pastime,
which shortly after were much esteemed. For he caused
plane trees to be set in the market place : and the Academic
which before was very drye and naked, he made it now
a pleasaunt grove, and full of goodly springes which he
brought into it, and made fine covered arbors to walke in,
and goodly long smooth allies to runne a good course in.
On a time he had newes brought him, that certaine Persians
dwelling in Cherronesus, (to say a demy He of the contrie
of Thracia) would not be gotten out, but sent to the people
of high Thracia, to pray their aide to defend them selves
against Cimon : of whome they made but litle accompt,
bicause he was departed from Athens with a very few
shippes, who set upon them only with foure gallies, and
tooke thirteene of theirs. And so having driven the
Persians out of Cherronesus, and subdued the Thracians,
he conquered all the contrie of Cherronesus, from Thracia
346

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

unto his owne contrie. And departing from thence went CIMON
against them of the He of Thasos, that had rebelled against
the Athenians : and having overcome them in battell by sea,
he wanne three and thirtie of their shippes, and besides that
tooke their citie by siege, and wanne the mynes of golde
lying beyonde the same to the Athenians, with all the lands .
that belonged unto them. This conquest made his way
open into Macedon, and gave him great oportunitie to
have taken the best parte thereof at that present time.
But bicause he let it alone, and followed not that
oportunitie, he was suspected to have taken money,
and to have bene bribed by presentes of king Alex-
ander : whereupon, his secret enemies layed their heades
together, and accused him. But Cimon to clere him Cimon
selfe before the judges of this accusation, sayd unto them: accused and
I have practised frendshippe neither with the lonians, nor dlsc"ar&ed-
yet with the Thessalians, both which are very riche and
wealthie people : neither have I taken their matters in hand,
as some other have done, to receive both honor and profit by
them. But in deede I am a frende to the Lacedaemonians, Cimon prais-
for I confesse I love them, and desire to followe their sobrietie, eth the tem-
and temperaunce of life, the which I preferre and esteeme Ef ra|e *lf? of
above any riches or treasure : although I am very glad not- monjans
withstandinge to enrich our state and common wealth with
the spoyles of our enemies. Stesimbrotus reporteth this ac- Stesimbrotus
cusation, and sayth : that his sister Elpinice went to Pericles the historian,
house, (who was the sharpest and straightest accuser of his)
to pray him not to deale so extreamely with her brother :
and that Pericles laughing on her, sayd, Alas, thou art too
old, Elpinice, thou, now to overcome these matters. Yet
for all that, when Cimons cause came to hearinge, he was a
more gentle adversarie, then any other of his accusers, and
rose up but once to speake against him, and that for manners
sake only : so that Cimon thereby escaped, and was cleared
of this accusation. And furthermore, so long as he was
present in Athens, he alwayes kept the seditious people in
obedience, who would ever crosse and thwart the authoritie
of the nobilitie, bicause they would have all the sway and
rule in their owne handes. But when Cimon was sent

347

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

abroade any whither to the warres, then the common people
having no bodie to gainesay them, turned, and altered the
government of the citie topsie turvey, and confounded all
the auncient lawes and customes which they had observed
of long time, and that by the procurement and setting on
of Ephialtes. For they tooke away all hearing of causes in
maner from the court of *Areopagus, and put all authoritie
of matters judiciall into the handes of the people, and
brought the state of the citie into a pure Democratia, to
say : a common weale ruled by the sole and absolute power
of the people, Pericles being then in great credit, who alto-
gether favored the peoples faction. Wherefore Cimon at his
returne, finding thauthority of the Senate and counsell so
shamefully defaced and troden under foote, was marvelously
offended withall, and sought to restore thauncient state of
judgement againe as it was before, and set up the govern-
ment of the nobility (called Optimacia) that was established
in the time of Clisthenes. But then beganne his enemies
againe with open mouth to crye out upon him, reviving the
olde former naughty rumor that ranne of him before, that
he kept his owne sister: and furthermore accusing him,
that he did favor the Lacedaemonians. And amongest other
thinges there ranne in the peoples mouthes the verses of the
Poet Eupolis, which were made against Cimon :

No wicked man he was, but very negligent,

And therewithall to wyne much more, then unto money bent

He stale somtimes away, at Sparta for to sleepe :

And left poore Elpinice his wife, at home alone to weepe.

And if it be so, that being thus negligent and geven to

wyne, he have gotten so many cities, and wonne such sundry

great battells : it is out of doubt then that if he had bene

sober and carefull, there had never bene before him nor

since any Graecian Captaine, that had passed him in glorie

Cimon follow- of the warres. In deede it is true, that from the beginning

ed the Lace- he ever loved the manner of the Lacedaemonians : for of two

twynnes which he had by his wife Clitoria, he named thone

of them Lacedaemonius, and thother Eleus, as Stesimbrotus

wryteth, saying that for that cause Pericles did ever twit

348

CIMON

* Areopagus
was a village
of Mars by
Athens, where
the judges
called Areo-
pagitae did sit
to judge
causes of mur-
der, and other
waightie mat-
ters concern-
ing the com-
mon wealth.

Democratia
rule of com-
munalty.

Pericles in
Cimons ab-
sence reduc-
eth the com-
mon wealth
unto the state
Democratia.

Optimacia
the govern-
ment of the
nobility.

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

them in the teeth with their mothers stocke. Howbeit CIMON
Diodorus the Geographer wryteth, that both those two, and
an other third called Thessalus, were borne of Isodice, the
daughter of Euryptolemus, the sonne of Megacles. Howso-
ever it was, it is certaine that Cimons credit grew the greater,
by the favor and countenaunce which the Lacedaemonians
gave him, who had hated Themistocles of long time, and
for the malice they bare him, were glad that Cimon being
but a young man, did beare more sway in Athens then he.
Which the Athenians perceived well enough, and were not
offended withall at the beginning: bicause the goodwill of
the Lacedaemonians towardes him, did bring them great com-
modity. For when the Athenians beganne to growe of great
power, and to practise secretly that the confederats of the
Graecians should forsake the Lacedaemonians to joyne with
them : the Lacedaemonians were not angrie withall, for the
honor and love they bare unto Cimon, who did alone in
maner manedge all thaffayres of Graece at that time, bicause
he was very curteous unto the confederates, and also thanke-
full unto the Lacedaemonians. But afterwardes when the
Athenians were aloft and of great power, and that they
saw Cimon stucke not for a litle matter with the Lacedae-
monians, but loved them more then they would have had
him : they beganne then to envy him, bicause in all his
matters he had to do, he ever highly praised and extolled
the Lacedaemonians before them. But specially, when he
would reprove them of any fault they had committed, or
that he would perswade them to do any thing : The Lace-
daemonians, sayd he, I warrant ye do not so. That, as
Stesimbrotus sayth, made him marvelously to be maliced
of the people. But the chiefest thing they accused him
of, and that most did hurt him, fell out upon this occasion.
The fourth yeare of the raigne of Archidamusi, the sonne of
Zeuxidamus king of Sparta, there fortuned the wonderfullest A marvelous
and most fearefull earthquake in the citie of Lacedaemon, and £res|* e.arth-
thereabouts, that ever was heard of. For the earth in many Lacedzemon
places of the contrie opened, and fell as into a bottomlesse
pit. The mountaine Taygetum shooke so terribly, that Taygetum
points of rockes fell downe from it. All the citie was

349

CIMON

Archidamus
sodaine policy
saved the city.

Ilotae slaves
and bondmen
to the Lace-
daemonians.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

layed on the ground and overthrowen, five houses only ex-
cepted, the rest being wholy destroied. And it is said also,
that a litle before this earthquake came, the young men of
that citie were playing with the young boyes exercising them
selves starke naked under a great galery covered over : and
as they were sporting together, there started up a hare hard
by them. The young men spying her, ranne after the hare
starke naked and oyled as they were, with great laughter.
They were no sooner gone thence, but the top of the gallery
fell downe apon the boyes that were left, and squashed them
all to death. And in memorie of the same, the tombe where
they were afterwardes buried, is called unto this day Sismatias,
as much to say, as the tombe of those which the earth-
quake had slaine. But king Archidamus foreseeing straight
uppon the sodaine the daunger that was to come, by that
he saw present, perceiving his citizens busie in saving their
householde stuffe, and that they were running out of their
houses : made the trompetters to sound a hotte alarome
upon it, as if their enemies had come stealingly upon them
to take the citie, to thende that all the inhabitantes should
presently repayre unto him (settinge all busines aparte) with
armor and weapon. That sodaine alarome doubtlesse saved
the citie of Sparta at that time : for the Ilotae, which are
their slaves and bondmen in the contrie of Laconia, and the
contrie clownes of litle villages thereaboutes, came running
armed out of all partes, to spoyle and robbe them upon the
sodaine, that were escaped from this earthquake. But when
they found them well armed in order of battell, they re-
turned backe againe as they came : and then beganne after-
wardes to make open warres upon them, when they had
drawen certaine of their neighbors unto their confederacie,
and specially the Messenians, who made hotte warres upon
the Spartans. Whereupon the Lacedaemonians sent Peri-
clidas unto Athens to demaunde ayde : whome Aristophanes
the Poet mocking, sayed :

With visage pale and wanne, he on the aulter sate,
In skarlet gowne requiring ayde, to succor their estate.

Against whom Ephialtes also spake very much, protesting
350

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

that they should not ayde nor relieve a city that was an
enemy unto Athens, but rather suffer it to fall to the ground,
and to spurne the pride and arrogancy of Sparta under their
feete. But Cimon (as Cricias saieth) being more carefull for
the benefit of Sparta, then for thenlarging and encreasing
of his contry : brought it to passe by his perswasion, that
the Athenians sent him thither with a great power to helpe Cimon pro
them. And furthermore Ion rehearseth the very selfe woroes cured ayde
that Cimon spake to move the people to graunt his request. ~j° e • a^
For he besought them that they woulde not suffer Graece to
halte, as if Lacedsemon had bene one of her feete, and Athens
the other: nor to suffer their citie to lose an other citie
their frend, and subject to the yoke and defence of Graece.
Having therfore obteyned ayde, to leade unto the Lacedae-
monians, he went with his army through the Corinthians
contry : wherwith Lachartus a Captaine of Corinthe was
marvelously offended, sayinge, that he should not have
entred into their contrie with an armie, before he had
asked licence of them of the citie. For sayd he, when
one knocketh at a mans dore or gate, yet he commeth
not in, before the master of the house commaundeth him.
But ye Corinthians (sayed Cimon to him againe) have
not knocked at the gates of the Cleonaeians, nor of the
Megarians, to come in, but have broken them open, and
entred by force of armes, thinkinge that all should be open
unto them that are the stronger. Thus did Cimon stowtely
aunswere the Corinthian Captaine againe, bicause it stoode
him uppon, and so went on with his armie through the
contrie of Corinthe. Afterwardes the Lacedaemonians sent
againe unto the Athenians, to require ayde against the
Messenians and the Ilotes, (which are their slaves) who
had wonne the citie of Ithome. But when the Athenians
were come, the Lacedaemonians were afrayed of the great
power they had brought, and of their boldnes besides :
wherefore they sent them backe againe, and would not
imploy them of all other their confederats that came to
their succor, bicause they knew them to be men very tickle,
desiring chaunge and alteracions. The Athenians returned
home, misliking much that they were sent backe againe :

351

CIMON

Cimon
banished for
10 yeares.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

insomuch as ever after they hated them that favored the
Lacedaemonians in any thing. And for the Lacedaemonians
sake therefore, taking a small occasion of offence against
Cimon, they banished him out of their contrie for tenne
yeres : which was the full terme appointed and limited unto
them that were banished with the Ostracismon banish-
ment. Now within the terme of these ten yeares, the
Lacedaemonians fortuned to undertake the delivery of the
citie of Delphes, from the servitude and bondage of the
Phocians, and to put them from the custodie and keeping of
the temple of Apollo, which is in the sayd city. Wherfore,
to obtaine their desire and purpose, they came to plante
their campe neere unto the citie of Tanagre in Phocide,
where the Athenians went to fight with them. Cimon
understanding this, although he was in exile, came to the
Athenians campe armed, with intent to do his duety to
fight with his contrie men against the Lacedaemonians, and
so went into the bandes of the tribe Oeneide, of the which he
was him selfe. But his owne contry enemies cried out against
him, and sayd, that he was come to none other ende, but to
trouble the order of their battell, of intent that he might
afterwardes bring them to the city selfe of Athens. Where-
uppon the great counsell of the five hundred men were
afrayed, and sent to the Captaines to commaunde them they
should not receive him into the battell : so that Cimon was
compelled to departe the campe. But before he went, he
prayed Euthippus Anaphlystian, and his other frendes that
were suspected as him selfe was, to favor the Lacedaemonians
doinges: that they should doe their best endevor to fight
valliantly against their enemies, to thintent their good
service at that battell might purge their innocencie towardes
their contry men : and so they did. For the Athenians
keeping the souldiers Cimon had brought with him, which
were a hundred in all, they set them aparte by them selves
in a squadron, and fought it so valliantly and desperatly,
that they were slaine every man of them in the field, leav-
ing the Athenians marvelous sory for them, and repenting
them that they had so unjustly mistrusted them as traitors
to their contrie. Wherefore they kept not their malice long
352

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

against Cimon, partely as I am perswaded, bicause they CIMON
called his former good service to minde which he had done
to their contrie aforetime, and partely also, bicause the
necessitie of the time so required it. For the Athenians
having lost a great battell before Tanagre, looked for no
other about the spring of the yeare, but that the Pelopon-
nesians would invade them with a great power : wherefore,
they revoked Cimons banishment by decree, whereof Pericles Cimon called
selfe was the only author and procurer. So civill and tern- from exile-
perate were mens enmities at that time, regarding the
common benefit of their publicke state and weale : and so
much did their ambition (being the most vehement passion
of all other, and that most troubleth mens mindes) geve
place, and yeelde to the necessities and affayres of the
common weale. Now when Cimon was againe returned to
Athens, he straight pacified the warre, and reconciled both
cities together. And when he saw that the Athenians could
not live in peace, but woulde be doing still, and enlarge their
dominions by warre, for lukers sake : to prevent them that
they should not fall out with any of the Graecians, nor by
scowring and coasting up and downe the contrie of Pelopon-
nesus, and the lies of Graece, with so great a navie, should
move occasion of civill warres amongest the Graecians, or of
complaintes unto their confederates against them : he rigged
and armed out two hundred gallies to go againe to make
warre in Cyprus, and in Egypt, bicause he would acquaint
the Athenians with the warres of the barbarous people, and
thereby make them lawfull gainers by the spoyles of those
their naturall borne enemies. But when all things were in
readines to departe, and the armie prest to shippe and sayle
away : Cimon dreaming in the night had this vision. It Cimons
seemed unto him that he saw a bitch angrie with him, and dreame.
barking earnestly at him, and that in the middest of her
barking, she spake with a mans voyce, and sayd unto him :

Come hardily, spare not : for if thou come by me,
My whelpes, and I which here do stand, will quickely welcome
thee.

This vision being verie hard to interpret, Astyphilus borne
3 : YY 353

prognosti-
cated.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

CIMON in the citie of Posidonia, a man expert in such conjectures,
and Cimons familiar frende, tolde him that this vision did
The interpre- betoken his death, expounding it in this sorte. The dogge
tation of the commonly is an enemie to him he barketh at. Againe,
nothing gladdeth our enemie more, then to heare of our
Cimons death death. Furthermore, the mingling of a mans voyce with the
barking of a bitche, signifieth nothing els, but an enemie of
the Medes : bicause the armie of the Medes is mingeled
with the barbarous people and the Graecians together.
Besides this vision, as he did sacrifice to the god Bacchus,
the Priest opening the beast after it was sacrificed, about the
blood that fell to the grounde, there assembled a swarme of
antes, which caried the congealed blood of from the grounde
by litle and litle, and layed it all about Cimons great toe, a
great while together before any man marked it : Cimon at
the last spied it by chaunce, and as he was looking of them
to marke what they did, the minister of the sacrifice brought
the beastes liver that was sacrificed, to shew him, whereof
the biggest end that they call the head was lacking, and this
they judged for a very ill token. Notwithstanding, having
all things readie for preparation of this jorney, so as he
could not well goe backe, he launched into the sea, and
hoysed sayle, and sending three score of his gallies into
Egypt, sayled with the rest upon the coast of Pamphylia.
Where he wanne a battell by sea of the king of Persia, over-
comming the gallies of the Phenicians and the Cilicians, and
conquered all the cities thereabouts, making the way very
open to enter into Egypt. For he had no small thoughtes in
his minde, but reached to high enterprises, and determined
utterly to destroy the whole Empire of the mighty kinge of
Persia, and specially for that he understoode Themistocles
was in marvelous credit and reputacion amongest the bar-
barous people, bicause he had promised the king of Persia
to lead his armie for him, and to doe him notable service
whensoever he shoulde have occasion to warre with the
The cause of Graecians. It is thought this was the chiefe cause that
Themistocles ma(}e Themistocles poison himselfe, bicause he dispaired
' ' that he could not performe that service against Graece
which he had promised : assuring him selfe that it was no
354

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

easie matter to vanquishe Cimons corage, and good fortune, CIMON

who lay at that time with his armie all alongest the He of

Cyprus, promising him selfe great matters at that instant.

But in the meane season, Cimon sent certaine of his men

unto the oracle of luppiter Ammon, to aske him some

secret question : for no man ever knew neither then nor

since, for what cause he had sent them thither, neither

did they also bring backe any aunswere. For they were

no sooner come thither, but the oracle commaundea them

straight to returne : saying unto them, that Cimon was then

comming to him. So Cimons men receiving this aunswere,

left the oracle, and tooke their jorney backe to the seawardes.

Now when they were commen againe to the Graecians campe,

which at that present lay in Egypt, they heard that Cimon

was departed this worlde : and reckoninge the dayes sence his The death

death, with the instant of their aunswere received by the of Cimon.

oracle, that Cimon was then comming unto him : they knew

straight that darkely he had signified his death unto them,

and that, at that very time he was with the goddes. He

dyed at the siege of the citie of Citium in Cyprus, as some

reporte, or else of a hurte he received at a skirmishe, as

other holde opinion. When he dyed, he commaunded them

that were under his charge, to returne into their "contry

againe, and in no case to publishe his death : which com-

maundement was so wisely and cunningly handeled, that Cimons death

they all came home safe, and not an enemie, nor any of their kePt Ver7

confederates that once understoode any thing of it. So was S(

the armie of the Graecians governed and led by Cimon,

though him selfe was dead, the space of thirtie dayes, as

Phanodemus wryteth : But after his death, there was no

Graecian Captaine that did any notable thing worthie of No famous

fame against the barbarous people, bicause the Orators and act done by

governors of the chiefest cities of Graece stirred them up any Graecians

• i 4.u j J.L ii_ i5 to the bar-

one against an other, and there was no man that would tarous people

once steppe in as a mediator to make peace betwene them, after Cimons
And thus the Grascians now did one destroy and spoyle an death,
other by civill warre amongest them selves : which happely
gave the king of Persia leasure and time to restore him selfe
againe, and contrarily was cause of such utter ruine and

355

CIMON

Cimons
monuments
at Athens.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

destruction of the whole power and force of Graece, as no
tongue can well expresse. In deede a long time after, kinge
Agesilaus came with an armie of the Graecians into Asia,
and beganne a small warre against the Lieutenauntes of the
king of Persiaes governors of the lower contries of Asia.
But before he could doe any notable exployte, he was called
home againe by occasion of newe troubles and civill warres
risinge amonge the Graecians, and compelled to returne
into his contrie, leaving the treasorers of the king of
Persia, raising of subsidies and taxes upon the cities of the
Graecians in Asia, although they were confederates of the
Lacedaemonians. Whereas in the time that Cimon governed,
they never sawe any of the kinges sergeauntes at armes, or
commissioner, that brought any letters pattentes or com-
maundement from the king, or any souldier that durst come
neere the sea, by fortie furlonges. The tombes which they
call unto this present day Cimonia, doe witnesse that his
ashes and bones were brought unto Athens. Neverthelesse,
they of the citie of Citium doe honor a certaine tombe,
which they say is Cimons tombe : bicause that in a great
dearth and barrennes of the earth, they had an oracle that
commaunded them, not to neglect Cimon, as the Orator
Nausicrates writeth it, but to honor and rever-
ence him as a god. Such was the life of this
Grsecian Captaine.

THE END OF CIMONS LIFE

356

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

THE LIFE OF
LUCIUS LUCULLUS

S for Lucullus, his grandfather was a Con- Lucullus
sull, and so was Metellus (surnamed Parents«
Numidicus, bicause of his conquest of
Numidia) his uncle by the mothers side.
His father notwithstanding was convict
of fellony, for robbing the treasure of the
state whilest he was officer: and Caecilia
his mother was reported to have led an

unchast life. But for Lucullus selfe, before he bare office, or

rule in matters of state : the first thing he towched and tooke

in hande for the cause of his contrie was, thaccusation of Lucullus

Servilius the soothsayer (who before had accused his father) accuseth Ser-

for that he also had delt falsely in his office, and deceived the X^Vf the

common wealth. And this the Romanes thought very well

handled of him, insomuch as a pretie while after there was

no other talke in Rome but of that matter, as though it had

bene a notable valliant acte done by him. For otherwise, The Romanes

though privately they had no just occasion, yet they thought thought it a

it a noble deede to accuse the wicked, and it pleased them as A?re to

, .111 accuse the

much to see the young men put lawe breakers in sute, as to wjcked.

see a notable good course of a dogge at a hare. Howebeit
there followed such sturre and bandinge uppon this sute,
that some were verie sore hurte, and other slaine in the
market place : but in fyne, Servilius was cleared and quite
dismissed. Lucullus was verie eloquent, well spoken, and Lucullus
excellently well learned in the Greeke and Latin tongue : eloquence,
insomuch as Sylla dedicated unto him the commentaries of
all his doings which himselfe had collected, as to one that
could better frame a whole historic thereof, and cowche it
more eloquently together in wryting. For he had not only
a ready tongue to utter that he would speake, and pleade

357

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LUCULLUS his matters with great eloquence, as other be seene to doe,
having matters of sute or open audience :

Like tonny fishe they be, which swiftly dive and doppe,
Into the depth of Occean sea, withouten stay or stoppe :

But afterwardes also when ye take them out of their
common practise and pleadinges :

Then are they graveld straight withouten grace or skill,

Their eloquence lyes then in dyke, and they them selves be still.

For Lucullus had studied humanitie from his youth, and
was well learned in all the liberall sciences : but when he
to elder yeares, to refreshe his witte (after great

Lucullus
studied Philo-
sophy in his
latter time.

Lucullus
booke of the
warre of the
Marsians, in
Greeke.
Lucullus love
to his brother
Marcus.

Lucius, and
M. Lucullus
both chosen
.ffidiles.

came

troubles) he fell to the studie of Philosophie, which quickened
the contemplative parte of his soule, and mortified, or at
the least betimes brideled the ambitious and active parte,
specially after the dissention betwixt him and Pompey. But
to acquaint you better with his learning yet, it is said, that
when he was a young man, he layed a great wager with
Hortensius the Orator, and Sisenna the historiographer (in
jest as it were at the first, but afterwardes it fell to good
earnest) that he would write the breviary of the warres of
Marsicum in verse or prose, in the Latin or Greeke tongue,
which soever fell to his lotte : and I thinke his happe was to
doe it in prose in the Greeke tongue, bicause we finde a litle
Greeke storie extant of the warres of the Romanes against
the Marsians. He dearely loved his brother Marcus Lucullus,
as appeared by many manifest proofes : but the chiefest and
most noted proofe among the Romanes was this. Him selfe
was elder then his brother Marcus, and yet for all that would
never sue to beare office in the common wealth, nor accept
any before his brother, but taried alwayes till he should be
chosen, and let his owne time passe over. This great curtesie
to his brother so wanne the peoples hartes, as Lucius being
absent, they chose him ^Edilis, and his brother Marcus with
him for his sake. He was in the flower of his youth in the
time of the Marsians warres, wherein he did many wise
and valliant deedes. The cause notwithstanding that moved
Sylla to make choyce of him, was rather for his constancy,
358

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

and good curteous nature, then for any other respect. For LUCULLUS
when Sylla had once wonne him, he ever after employed him
continually in his most weightie causes : as in a commission
specially, he gave him to coyne money. For in deede parte Sylla gave
of the money that Sylla spent in the warres against king Lucullus com-
Mithridates, was coyned by Lucullus commaundement within ™^° money
the contrie of Peloponnesus : whereupon they were called in pelopon-
Lucullian peeces, and were currant a longe time amongest nesus.
the souldiers, to buy such things as they stoode in nede of,
and never refused by any. Sylla being afterwards at Athens,
the stronger by land, but the weaker by sea, so as his enemies
cut of his vittells from him : sent Lucullus into Egypt and
Libya to bring him such shippes as he found in those partes.
It was in the deepe of winter, and yet he spared not to sayle
with three brigantines of Greece, and as many galliots of the
Rhodians, putting him selfe not only to the daunger of the
sea in so long a voyage, but of his enemies in like maner :
who knowing them selves to be the stronger, went sayling
every where with a great navie. But for all these daungers,
he first arrived in the He of Greta, and wanne their good-
willes. From thence went to the citie of Cyrene, where he
found the inhabitaunts turmoyled with civil warres and con-
tinuall oppressions of tyrans : from which troubles he delivered
them, and gave them lawes to establishe government amongest Lucullus
them, putting them in remembraunce of Platoes wordes gev£th lawes
spoken to their auncesters in old time, in the spirite of a <>renians
prophecie. For when they prayed Plato to write them lawes,
and to appoint them some forme of government for their
common wealth, he made them aunswere : it was a hard A notable say-
thing to geve lawes to so riche and fortunate people as they ing of Plato,
were. For to say truely, as nothing is harder to be ruled,
then a rich man : so contrarily, nothing readier to receive
counsell and government, then a man in adversity. This
lesson framed the Cyrenians at that time to be more civill
and obedient to the lawes Lucullus gave them. When he
departed thence, he coasted towardes Egypt, where he lost
the more parte of his shippes by pyrates : but for his owne
person, scaping their handes, he was very honorably received
in the citie of Alexandria. For all the kinges armie came to

359

LUCULLUS

Lucullus
jorney into
Egypt

A notable
rich emerod
geven Lucul-
lus by kinge
Ptolomye.

Lucullus
doinges under
Sylla by sea.

Lucullus

stratageame.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

meete him at sea, gallantly trimmed and appointed, as they
were wont to welcome home the kinge when he returned from
any voyage by sea : and king Ptolomye him selfe being very
young at that time, gave him as honorable entertainment as
he possible could. For amongest other honors that he did
him, he lodged him in his courte, and defrayed his ordinarie
dyet, where never straunge Captaine was lodged before : and
did not only spend the ordinary allowance in feasting of him
which he used unto others, but commaunded foure times as
much provision more to be made as he had before. Not-
withstanding, Lucullus tooke no more then reasonable was
for his person : nor yet would he receive any maner gift,
althogh the king had sent him presents to the value of foure
score talentes. And which more is, would not so much as go
see the citie of Memphis, nor any other of the famous monu-
mentes and wonderfull sightes in Egypt, saying : that it was
for a man that travelled up and downe for his pleasure, and
had leasure withall, to see such thinges, but not for him that
had left his Captaine in the field, at the siege of the walles
of his enemies. To conclude, this young king Ptolomye
would in no case fall in frendshippe with Sylla, fearing least
he should thereby put him selfe into warres : but gave him
men and shippes to bring him into Cyprus. And as he was
ready to imbarke, the king bidding him farewell, and em-
bracing him, gave him a goodly rich emerod set in gold,
which Lucullus at the first refused, untill the king shewed
him his picture graven in it: and then accepted the gift,
fearing least the utter refusall might cause the king thinke he
went away discontented, and should perhaps therefore lay an
ambushe by sea for him. Thus having gotten a certaine
number of shippes together of the porte townes thereaboutes,
over and besides such as the pyrates and sea rovers had
hidden, being parte of their spoyles, and bestowed with their
receitors : went on with them into Cyprus, where he under-
stoode that his enemies lay close in certaine creekes under the
foreland, watching to bourde him as he sayled by. Where-
uppon he unrigged and bestowed his shippes in docks, and
sent worde to all the porte townes thereabouts, that he was
determined to winter there: and therefore willed them to
360

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

provide him vittells and other necessarie munition to be in LUCULLUS
readines against the spring. But in the meane while, when
he saw time convenient, he put his whole fleete againe to the
sea with all possible speede, went him selfe away, and in the
day time caried a lowe sayle, but in the night packt on all
the cloth he could for life : so that by this craftie fetche,
he wanne Rhodes, and lost not one shippe. The Rhodians
they also furnished him with shippes : and besides them, he
so perswaded the Gnidians and the inhabitantes of the He of
Co, that they forsooke king Mithridates, and went to make
warres with him against them of the lie of Samos. But
Lucullus him selfe alone drave kinge Mithridates men out
of Chio, restored the Colophonians againe to libertie : and
tooke Epigonus the tyranne prisoner, who had kept them in
bondage. Now about that time, Mithridates was compelled
to forsake the citie of Pergamum, and to retyre to the citie
of Pitane, within the which Fimbria kept him besieged very Fimbria
straightly by lande. Wherefore Mithridates having the sea
open upon him, sent for his force and navy out of all partes, jj
not daring to hazard battell against Fimbria, who was very
valliant, of a venturous nature, and at that time moreover
was him selfe a conqueror. Fimbria perceiving what Mithri-
dates ment, and having no power by sea of his owne : sent
straight to Lucullus to request him to come with his navie
into those partes to his ayde, for thovercomming of this king,
the greatest and most cruell enemie that ever the Romane
people had. Bicause that so notable a praye, which they
followed with such daunger and trouble, should not escape
the Romanes, while they had him in their handes, and was
come him selfe within their daunger : and that therefore he
should so much the more harken unto it, bicause that if it
fortuned Mithridates to be taken, no man shoulde winne more
honor and glorie by his takinge, then he that had stopped
his passage, and layed handes on him, even as he thought
to have fled. And thereby should the praise of this noble
victorie runne in equalitie betwene them both : the one that
had driven him from lande, and the other that had stopped
his passage by sea. And furthermore, that the Romanes
would nothinge regard all the famous battells and victories
3 : ZZ 361

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LUCULLUS of Sylla in Graece, which he had wonne before the cities
of Chaeronea and Orchomene : in comparison of taking the
king. This was theffect of Fimbriaes message sent unto
Lucullus, wherein there was nothing, in the which there was
not great likelyhoode. For there is no man that can doubt
of it, but if Lucullus would have beleved him at that time
(and have gone thither with his ships to stoppe the havens
mouth of the citie, in the which Mithridates was besieged,
considering also that he was so neere at hande) this warre
had taken ende there, and the worlde besides had then bene
delivered of infinite troubles which fell out afterwardes.
But, whether Lucullus preferred the consideration and respect
he had unto Sylla, whose Lieutenaunt he was, before all other
due regarde of private or common benefit : or that he detested
and abhorred Fimbria as a cursed persone, who not long
before had through his wicked ambition imbrued his hands
in the blood of his Captaine : or else that it was through the
secret providence and permission of the goddes that he spared
Mithridates at that time, to the end he might be reserved as
a worthie enemie, against whom he might afterwardes shew
his valure : howsoever it was, it so fell out that he harkened
not unto Fimbriaes message, but gave Mithridates time and
leasure to flye, and finally to scorne all Fimbriaes force and
power. But Lucullus selfe alone afterwardes overcame the
kinges armie by sea, once neere unto the head of Lectum,
which is on the coast of Troade : and an other time neere
unto the He of Tenedos, where Neoptolemus, Mithridates
Lieutenaunt by sea, lay in wayte for him with a farre greater
number of shippes then he had. And yet so soone as
Lucullus had discried him, he sayled before all his navie
being Admirall, in a galley of the Rhodes, at five ores to
a bancke, whereof one Demagoras was master, a man well
affected to the service of the Romanes, and very skillfull in
battell by sea. And when Neoptolemus on the other side
rowed against him with great force, commaunding his pylot
that he should so order his galley, that he might stemme
him right in the prowe : Demagoras fearinge the full meet-
inge of the kinges galley which was very strong and heavie,
and furthermore well armed with poyntes and spurres of
362

Lucullus
would not
aide Fimbria
in besieging
Mithridates.

Neoptolemus
king Mithri-
dates Lieu-
tenant by sea.

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

brasse before, durst not encounter her with his prowe, but LUCULLUS
nimbly made his gallie to winde about, and turned his poupe
towardes him. Whereby the galley being low at that end,
received the blow without hurte, considering that they hit
uppon the dead workes, and those partes which are alwayes
above water. In the meane time Lucullus other shippes
were come, who commaunding his master to turne the
beakehead of his gallie forward, did many famous actes : so
that he made his enemies flye, and drave Neoptolemus away. Lucullus put
And departing from thence, went to seeke out Sylla even *9 flight
as he was readie to passe over the seas, about Cherronesus : M^rMa^es18
holpe him to waft his armie, and so passed him over with Lieutenaunt
safety. Afterwardes when peace was concluded, and that by sea.
king Mithridates was comen into his realme and contries
againe, which lye upon the sea Major : Sylla condemned
the province of Asia to pay the summe of twenty thowsand
talentes for a fyne, by reason of their rebellion. And for
leavying of this fyne, left Lucullus there with commission
to coyne money : which was a great comforte and hartes
ease unto the cities of Asia, considering the extreamitie that
Sylla had used towardes them. For in so grievous and odious
a commission unto them all, as that was : Lucullus did not
only behave him selfe uprightly and justly, but also very
favorably and curteously. For, as touching the Mitylenians
that were openly in armes against him, he was very willing
they should know their fault, and that for satisfaction of
thoffence they had committed takinge Marius parte, they
should suffer some light punishment. And seeing that they
were furiously bent to continewe in their naughtines, he went
against them, and having overcome them in battell, com-
pelled them to keepe within their walles, and layed siege
unto their citie, where he used this policy with them. At Lucullus
none dayes he launched into the sea, in the view of all the stratageame
Mitylenians, and sayled towardes the citie of Elea : howbeit a* *£e s^e
in the night time secretly returned backe, and making no ienians
noyse, layed an ambushe nere unto the citie. The Mity-
lenians mistrusting nothinge, went out the next morning
very rashly without order, and without any maner watche
or ward, to spoyle the campe of the Romanes, supposing

,363

LUCULLUS

Lucullus
honored of
Sylla.

The first
occasion of
quarrell, be-
twext Pompey
and Lucullus.

Lucullus,
M. Cotta
Consuls.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

every man had bene gone : but Lucullus comming sodainly
upon them, tooke a great number prisoners, slue about five
hundred such as resisted, and wanne sixe thowsande slaves,
with an infinite quantitie of other spoyle. Now did the
goddes happely preserve Lucullus, that he was no partaker
at that time of the wonderfull miseries and troubles, which
Sylla and Marius made poore Italie suffer, even then when
he was occupied in the warres of Asia: and yet notwith-
standing his absence, he was in as good credit and favor
with Sylla, as any of his frendes about him. For as we
have sayd before, he dedicated his commentaries unto him,
for the goodwill he bare him, and by his last will and testa-
ment appointed him Tutor unto his sonne, leaving Pompey
out : which seemeth to be the first occasion of the quarrell
and grudge that fell out afterwardes betwene them, bicause
they were both young men, and vehemently desirous of honor.
Shortly after the death of Sylla, Lucullus was chosen Consull
with Marcus Cotta, about the three score Olympiade : and
then they began to revive the matter againe, that it was very
needefull to make warres against Mithridates, and specially
Marcus Cotta, who gave out that it was not ended, but
only slept for a while. Wherefore, when the Consulls came
to draw lottes what provinces they should take charge of,
Lucullus was marvelous sorie that the province of Gaule,
lying betwene the Alpes and Italie, fell to his lotte : bicause
he thought it no contrie wherein any great exploytes were
to be done, and againe, the glorie of Pompey grieved him
greatly, whose honor dayly increased by the famous battells
he wan in Spaine. So that it was most certaine, that so
soone as Pompey had ended the warres there, they would
have chosen him generall in the warres against Mithridates.
Wherefore, when Pompey sent to Rome in earnest maner, to
require money to make pay to his souldiers, wryting to the
Senate, that if they did not send him money the sooner, he
would leave Sertorius there, Spaine behinde him, and bring
his army backe into Italie : Lucullus made all the meanes he
could to have it quickely sent him, fearing least he should
returne into Italie upon any occasion, while he was Consul.
For he thought that if he returned againe to Rome with so
364

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

great an armie, he would easily do what him list : and the LUCULLUS
rather, bicause that Cethegus and he could not agree, who
at that time bare all the sway and rule at Rome, bicause he
spake and did all that pleased the common people, being a
vitious liver, and dissolutely geven, for which cause Lucullus Cethegus a
hated him. But there was an other common Orator among V1ti°us liyer.
the people called Lucius Quintius, and he would have had all Lucius Quin-
Syllaes doinges revoked and broken : a matter to alter even *jus^ a se(*i-
the whole state of the common wealth, and to turmoyle the ,OUjS Urator
citie of Rome againe with civill dissention, which then lived
quietly and in good peace. This Lucius Quintius Lucullus
talked withall a parte to perswade him, and openly reproved
him with such words, that he was disswaded from his evell
purpose, and by reason ruled his rash ambition, handling it
both wisely and as cunningly as he could possible (for the
safety of the common wealth) bicause it was the beginning
of a disease, from whence infinite troubles were like to growe.
While these thinges were thus in hande, newes came that
Octavius the governor of Cilicia was dead. Straight where-
uppon many put forward them selves to sue for this charge,
and to courte Cethegus, as the only man who above all other
might make any man officer whom he thought good. Now
for Lucullus, he made no great reckening of the government
of Cilicia in respect of the contry, but bicause Cappadocia
was hard adjoyning to it, and perswading him selfe that if
he could obtaine the government thereof, they would geve
none other (but him selfe) the authoritie to make warres Lucullus am-
with Mithridates: he determined to procure all the meanes bitiontomake
he could, that none should have it but him selfe. And warresagainst
having proved sundry wayes, was compelled in the ende, d^g
against his owne nature, to practise a meane neither comely
nor honest, and yet the readiest way he could possibly devise
to obtaine his desire. There was a woman in Rome at that
time called Praecia, very famous for her passing beawty, and Praecia a
also for her pleasaunt grace in talke and discourse, howbeit famous curti-
otherwise unchast after curtisan manner. But bicause she san
employed the credit and favor of them that frequented her
companie, to the benefit and service of the common wealth,
and of them that loved her : she wanne the reporte (besides

365

LUCULLUS

Cethegus
ruled all
Rome.

The govern-
ment of Cilicia
and the warres
against king
Mithridates
were geven to
Lucullus.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

her other excellent commendable graces) to be a very lovinge
woman, and readie to favor and further any good enter-
prise, and it wanne her great fame and reputacion. But
after she had once wonne Cethegus, (who ruled all the
common wealth at his pleasure) and brought him to be
so farre in fancie with her, that he could not be out of
her sight : then had she all the whole power and authority
of Rome in her hands, for the people did nothing but
Cethegus preferred it, and Cethegus did what ever Praecia
would will him to. Thus Lucullus sought to come in favor
with her, sending her many presentes, and using all other
curtesies he could offer unto her : besides that it seemed a
great reward for so prowde and ambitious a woman as she,
to be sued unto by such a man as Lucullus was, who by this
meanes came to have Cethegus at his commaundement. For
Cethegus did nothing but commend Lucullus in all assemblies
of the people, to procure him the government of Cicilia :
who after it was once graunted him, had then no neede of
the helpe neither of Praecia, nor yet of Cethegus. For the
people wholly of them selves with one consent did graunt
him the charge to make warre with Mithridates, bicause he
knew better how to overcome him, then any other Captaine,
and bicause that Pompey was in the warres with Sertorius in
Spaine, and Metellus also growen too olde, both which two
were the onely men that could deservedly have contended
for this office with him. Nevertheles, Marcus Cotta his
fellow Consull, made such sute to the Senate, that they
sent him also with an armie by sea, to keepe the coastes
of Propontide, and to defende the contrie of Bithynia.
Thus, Lucullus having his commission, went into Asia
with one legyon only, the which he leavied a new at
Rome : and when he was come thither, he tooke the rest
of the strength he founde there, which were men marred and
corrupted altogether of long time, through covetousnes and
delicacie of the contrie. For amongest others, were the
bandes which they called the Fimbrian bandes, men geven
over to selfe will, and very ill to be ruled by marshall
discipline, bicause they had lived a long time at their owne
libertie, without all obedience to any man. They were
366

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

those selfe souldiers that together with Fimbria, slue their LUCULLUS
general! Flaccus, Consull of the Romane people, and that Fimbrian
afterwardes betrayed Fimbria him selfe, and forsooke him, souldiers very
leaving him unto Sylla, being mutiners, traitors, and wicked 1SSO utejani
people : howbeit otherwise very vallyant, well trayned, and
painefull souldiers. Notwithstanding, Lucullus in shorte
time brideled their boldnes meetely well, and reformed the
others also, who before had never proved (in my opinion)
what the value of a good Captaine and Generall ment, that
knew how to commaund : but were used to flattering leaders,
that commaunded the souldiers no more then they them selves
liked of. Now concerning the state of the enemies, thus it
was with them. Mithridates that in the beginning was very
brave and bolde (as these florishing Sophisters commonly
are) undertaking warre against the Romanes, with a vaine
unprofitable armie, but passing freshe and sumptuous to Mithridates
the eye : but after that he was once foyled and overcome armie against
Avith no lesse shame then losse, when he came to make this c
second warre, he cut of all superfluous pompe, and brought
his armie into a convenient furniture to serve for warres at
all assayes. For he put by the confused multitude of sundrie
nations, the fierce threatninges of the barbarous people in so
many sundrie tongues, and clearely banisht also the riche
graven armors with goldesmythes worke, and set with precious
stones, as thinges that more enriched the enemies that wanne
them, then gave strength or corage to those that ware them.
And contrariwise, caused long stiffe swords to be made after
the Romane facion, and great heavy shields, and brought to
the field a marvelous number of horse, more ready for service,
then riche in furniture. Then he joyned sixe score thowsand Mithridates
footemen together, appointed and set in order like unto the armie.
battell of the Romanes, with sixteene thowsand horse of ser-
vice, besides those that drue his armed cartes with siethes
about, which were in all to the number of a hundred. And
besides all this land preparation, he brought also a great
number of shippes and gallies together, which were not
decked with goodly pavilions as at the first, neither with
stooves nor bathes, nor with chambers and cabbons, curiously
hanged for Ladies and gentlewomen : but furnished full of

367

LUCULLUS

Asia fell
into former
miseries by
the Romaue
userers.

Cotta the Con-
sull overcome
by Mithri-
dates in
battell.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

armor, artillerie, and slinges, and with money also to pay the
souldiers. With all this armie and preparation, he went
first to invade Bithynia, where the cities received him very
gladly, and not those only, but all the other cities of Asia
wholly : the which were fallen againe into their former
miseries and diseases, by the crueltie of the Romane farmers
and userers, who raising taxes and impostes uppon them,
made them abide untollerable thinges. It is true that
Lucullus drave them away afterwardes, like the Harpyae,
which tooke the meate out of the poore mens mowthes :
howbeit at that time he did no more, but brought them to
be more reasonable by the perswasions he used unto them,
and qualified a litle the inclination of the people unto
rebellion, being every one of them in manner willing to
revolt. Now Lucullus being busie about these matters,
Marcus Cotta the other Consull (and his companion) sup-
posing that the absence of Lucullus was a fit occasion offered
him to doe notable service, prepared to fight with Mithridates.
And although he had newes brought him from sundrie places,
that Lucullus was with his armie in Phrygia, and comming
towardes him : yet notwithstanding, imagining that he had
the honor of triumphe assured alreadie in his handes, and
bicause Lucullus should be no partaker of it, he advaunced
forwardes to geve battell. But Mithridates overcame him
both by sea and by lande : so that Cotta by sea lost three
score of his shippes with all the men in them, foure thow-
sand footemen by lande, and was after with shame shut
up and besieged in the citie of Chalcedon, remaining there
hopelesse to escape, but by Lucullus onely ayde and meanes.
Howbeit there were in Lucullus campe, that were very earnest
with him to leave Cotta, and to go further, assuring him that
he should finde the realme of Mithridates both without men
of warre, or any defence at all : so that he might easily be
Lord of the whole. And these were the wordes of the
souldiers that spyted Cotta, bicause his foolishe rashnes
and fonde imagination had not only brought those men to
the shambles to be slaine and cast away, whom he had the
leading of: but had let them also, that they could not over-
come him, and ende this warre without blowes, for that they
368

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

were driven to go to his helpe. Howbeit Lucullus making an LUCULLUS
Oration unto them, aunswered, that he had rather save the The godly
life of one Romane citizen, then winne all that his enemies saying of

had in their power. And when Archelaus, (who had bene .iUC orc

n/r-ii -j i r • j. TJ a.- • IT: n the saving of

Mithridates JLieutenaunt in Breotia in the first warres a citizen.

against Sylla, and now in this seconde warre tooke parte
with the Romanes) assured him that so soone as they sawe
him in the realme of Pontus, they would all rise against
Mithridates, and yeelde them selves unto him : Lucullus
aunswered him thus, that he would not shewe him selfe
more fearefull, then the good hunters which never suffer
the beast to recover his denne. And when he had so sayd, Lucullus
he marched with his armie towardes Mithridates, having army,
in all his campe thirtie thowsand footemen, and two thow-
sande five hundred horse. When he came so neere unto
his enemies, that he might easily at eye discerne all their
hoast, he wondered at the great multitude of souldiers that
were in their campe, and was in minde to geve battell,
supposing yet that the better way was to prolong time,
and drawe these warres out in length. But one Marius a
Romane Captaine, whom Sertorius had sent out of Spayne
unto Mithridates with a certaine number of souldiers : came
forwardes, and provoked him to battell. Lucullus for his
parte did put his men also in a readinesse to fight. But
even as both battells were prepared to joyne, the element
opened upon the sodaine, without any shewe of chaunge of
weather decerned before, and they plainly saw a great flake A flame of fire
of fire fall betwene both armies, in forme and shape much ^e^ betwene
like to a tonne, and of the colour of molten silver. This ^f^™^8'
celestiall signe put both tharmies in such a feare, as they eiement.
both retyred, and fought not a stroke : and this wonderfull
sight fortuned (as it appeared) in a place of Phrygia, called
Otryes. Nowe Lucullus afterwards considering with him-
selfe, that there was no riches nor provision so great in the
world, that could suffice to vittell so many thowsandes of Lucullus
people as Mithridates had in his campe any long time politicke con-
together, having his enemies campe so lying before them : ^issiphei^the
willed that one of the prisoners should be brought into his enemy,
tent, and first of all he enquired of him, how many of them
3 : AAA 369

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LUCULLUS lay together in a cabin, then what corne he had left in their
cabbin. And when the prisoner had aunswered to all his
demaundes, he returned him to prison, and sent for an
other : then for a third, and questioned with them all as
he had done with the first. Then comparing the store of
their corne, and other proportion of vittells they had, with
the number of men the same should maintaine : he founde
that all would be spent in three or foure dayes at thutmost.
Whereupon he relied on his first determination, to delay
time without hazard of battell. So he caused a marvelous
deale of wheate to be brought into his campe out of everie
quarter, that the same being throughly vittelled, he might
easily tary the occasion which his enemies necessitie should
offer him. Mithridates in the meane time, sought which
way he might take the citie of the Cyzicenians, who had
bene overthrowen before with Cotta at the battell of
Chalcedon, where they had lost three thowsande men, and
tenne of their shippes. And bicause that Lucullus should
not understand of his enterprise, Mithridates stale away by
night after supper, taking the oportunity of a darke rainy
night, and marched thitherwardes with such speede, that
Mithridates he was before the city of Cyzicus by breake of day, and
besiegeth pitched his campe, where the temple of the goddesse Adrastia
Cyzicus. standeth, which is the goddesse of fatall destinie. Lucullus

receiving intelligence of Mithridates departure from his
campe, followed him straight wayes steppe by steppe, and
being glad that he was not met withall of his enemies in
disorder, lodged his armie in a village called Thracia, in a
place of great advantage for him, and commodiously seated
also uppon the high wayes, and through fare of the neighbors
therabouts, by the which they must come of necessity to
vittel Mithridates campe. Wherefore Lucullus wisely fore-
seing what would follow : would not keepe his purpose secret
from his souldiers, but after he had well trenched and forti-
fied his campe, called them to counsell, and there making an
oration unto them, tolde them openly by manifest demonstra-
tion of assured hope, that ere many dayes passed, he would
geve victorie into their handes, and that without losse of
one droppe of blood. In the meane season, Mithridates
370

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

environned the Grecians round about by lande, having LUCULLUS
devided his armie into tenne campes, and stopped up the
mouth of the arme of the sea, which devideth the citie from
firme lande, with his shippes from one side to an other.
Now the Cyzicenians were valliant men, and determined
to abide all extreamity for the Romanes sakes : but one
thing only troubled them much, that they knew not what
was become of Lucullus, neither could they heare any newes
of him, though his campe stoode in such a place, where they
might easily decerne it from the citie. But Mithridates
souldiers deceived them, for shewing them the Romanes
campe that lay above hard by them, sayd unto them : Doe
ye see yonder campe there ? They are the Medes, and the
Armenians, whom Tigranes hath sent to the ayde of Mithri-
dates. These wordes put the Cyzicenians in a marvelous The strata-
feare, seeing such a multitude of enemies dispersed round ??.ai^e.
about them : that when Lucullus should come to their aide,
he could not well tell which way to passe. Yet at the
length they heard of Lucullus approach, by one called
Demonax, whom Archelaus sent unto them, but they would
not beleve him at the first, taking it for a tale, only to make
them be of good corage, and valliantly abide the furie of the
siege : untill such time as a litle boy of theirs, escaped from
the enemies that before had taken him prisoner, was come
againe unto them. Of whome they inquired where Lucullus
was: the boy laughed at them, thinking they jeasted to
aske that question of him. But when he saw they were in
good earnest, he shewed them the Romanes campe with his
finger: then they beleved it in deede, and were coragious
againe. There is a lake neere unto the citie of Cyzicus
called Dascylitide, and it is navigable with convenient bigge
boates. Lucullus tooke one of the greatest of them, put it
in a carte, and so caried it to the sea, and there put as
many souldiers in her as she could well cary, who by night
entred into the citie, the skowte of the enemies never dis-
coying them. This small supply did marvelously comforte
the besieged Cyzicenians: and it seemeth that the goddes,
deliting to see their noble corage, would further increase
and assure the same, by many manifest tokens which they

371 "

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LUCULLUS sent from heaven, and specially by one which was this. The
day of the feast of Proserpina was at hand, and the citizens
had never a blacke cowe to offer in solemne sacrifice, as their
auncient ceremonies required : so they made one of paste,

A wonderfull and brought it hard unto the aulter. Now, the cowe that

. 1 £ O '

\ a was vowed to this sacrifice, and which they reered up of
cow that came /> j /» j. * r,,

to offer her purpose to serve lor that day, was feeding amongest the

selfe to the heard of the citie in the fieldes, on thother side of the arme
Cizicenians to of the sea. But that day she kept alone from all the rest of
be sacrificed, ^he heard, and swamme over the arme of the sea, and came
into the citie : where she went of her selfe unto the place
of the sacrifice. Furthermore, the goddesse Proserpina her
Aristagoras selfe appeared unto Aristagoras in his dreame, secretary of
on> the state and common wealth of the Cyzicenians, and sayd

unto him : I am come hither to bring the flute of Libia,
against the trompet of Pont, and therefore tell the citizens
from me, that I will them to be of good corage. The next
morning when the secretarie had tolde them his vision, the
Cizicenians marvelled much at the goddesses wordes, and
could not imagine what they ment. Howbeit at the breake
of day there rose a great whistling winde, that made the sea
billowes rise very high : and the kings engines of batterie
which were brought to the walles of the citie to plucke
them downe (being wonderfull workes that one Niconides a
Thessalian enginer had made and devised) began to make
such a noyse, and to breake in peeces by the roughnes of the
winde, that a man might easily judge what would follow
upon it. Then all at one instant, the southwinde was
become so vehement bigge, that in a moment it burst all
these engines a sunder, and specially a tower of wodde of the
height of a hundred cubittes, which the winde shooke so
vehemently, that it overthrewe it to the ground. And it is
sayd furthermore, that in the citie of Ilium the goddesse
Minerva appeared unto diverse in their sleepe, all in a sweat,
and showing parte of her vaile torne, as if she had bene
newly retorned from geving ayde unto the Cyzicenians : in
confirmacion whereof, the inhabitantes of Ilium have a piller
yet unto this day, whereupon this matter is written for a
perpetuall memorie. Now was Mithridates marvelous sory
372

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

for the breaking and losse of his engines, by meanes wherof, LUCULLUS
the Cizicenians had escaped the daunger of assaulte, and
of the siege in like maner, untill he truly understood of the
great famine that was in his campe, and the extreame dearth Extreame
to be such, as the souldiers were compelled to eate mans famine in
fleshe, which (his Captaines abusing him) had for a time Mithndates
kept secret from his knowledge. But when he was enformed
of the troth in dede, he left of his vaine ambition obstinately
to continewe siege : knowing well that Lucullus made not
warres with threats and bravery, but (as the common pro- Proverbe: He
verbe sayth) lept on his belly with both his feete, that is to lePt on his
say, he did what he could possible to cut of all the vittells uel/vlth
from him. And therefore one day when Lucullus was gone feete.
to assault a castell that troubled him very neere unto his
campe: Mithridates bicause he would not lose that oportunity,
sent the most parte of his horsemen to get vittels in Bithynia,
with all his cartes, and beastes of cariage, and his most
unprofitable footemen. Lucullus hearing thereof, returned
againe the selfe same night unto his campe, and the next
morninge betimes being in the winter season, followed them
by the tracke with ten ensignes of footemen only and all his
horsemen. But the snow was so deepe, the cold so terrible
sharp, and the weather so rough, that many of his souldiers
not being able to abide it, dyed by the way. For all that he
marched on still, till he overtooke his enemies about the river
of Rindacus, where he gave them such an overthrowe, that the Rindacus fl.
very women came out of the citie of Apollonia, and went to
steale the vittells they had loden, and strippe the dead, which
were a marvelous great number, as a man may judge in such
a case: and neverthelesse there were taken sixe thowsande
horse of service, an infinite number of beastes of cariage, and Lucullus
fifteene thowsande men besides, all which spoyle he brought overthrew
to his campe, and passed hard by the campe of his enemies. Mithndates
But I wonder much at the historiographer Salust, who
wryting of this matter sayth, that here was the first time
that ever the Romanes saw any camells. Me thinkes it
straunge how he should thinke so, that they who long before
had overcomen Antiochus the great under Scipio, and
thothers that a litle before had fought against Archelaus,

373

LUCULLUS

Mithridates
fled by sea.

Granicus fl.

Lucullus

overthroweth

Mithridates

footemen by

the river of

Granicus.

Lucullus
dreame.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

neere unto the cities of Orchomene and Chaeronea, should
not have seene camells. But to returne againe to our matter.
Mithridates being feared with this overthrow, resolved with
him selfe immediatly to flie, with all the speede he could
possibly make: and to entertaine and stay Lucullus for a
time behinde him, determined to sende Aristonicus his
Admirall with his army by sea, into the sea of Graece.
But as Aristonicus was ready to hoyse sayle, his owne men
betraied him, and delivered him into the handes of Lucullus,
with tenne thowsand crownes which he caried with him,
to corrupt if he could parte of the Romanes army. Mithri-
dates hearing of this, fled by sea, leaving the rest of his
armie by lande in the handes of his Captaines, to be brought
away by them as well as they could. Lucullus followed
unto the river of Granicus, where he set apon them, and after
he had slaine twenty thowsande of them, tooke an infinite
number prisoners. And they say there dyed in that warre,
what souldiers, what slaves, what lackeis, and other stragglers
that followed the campe, about the number of three hundred
thowsand people. This done, Lucullus returned to the citie
of Cyzicus, where after he had spent some dayes, enjoying
the glorie due unto him, and received the honorable enter-
tainment of the Cyzicenians : he went to visite the coast of
Hellespont, to get shippes together, and to prepare an armie
by sea. And passing by Troade, they prepared his lodging
within the temple of Venus : where, as he slept in the night,
it seemed to him he saw the goddesse appeare before him,
which sayd these verses unto him :

O Lyon fierce, and stowte : why sleepest thou so sounde ?
Since at thy hande so fayre a praye, is ready to be founde.

Herewith he rose incontinently out of his bed, being yet
darke night, and calling his frends to him, tolde them the
vision he had in his dreame : and about that very time also
there came some unto him from the citie of Ilium, that
brought him newes of fifteene gallies of kinge Mithridates,
having five ores to every bancke, that were seene in the haven
of the Achaians, and that sayled towards the He of Lemnos.
Whereupon Lucullus tooke shippe straight, went and tooke

374

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

them every one : for at his first comming he slue the Captaine LUCULLUS
called Isidorus, and went afterwardes to the other mariners
that lay at ancker on the coast side, who seeinge him come,
drew towardes land with their shippes, in purpose to runne
them all a shore, and fighting above hatches, hurt many of
Lucullus souldiers, bicause they could not compasse them in
behinde, and for that also the place where they had layed
their shippes was such, as there was no way to force them
before, their gallies floting in the sea as they did, and
the others being fastned to the land as they were. Lucullus
with much a do all this notwithstanding, found meanes in
the end to put a shore certaine of the best souldiers he had
about him, in a place of the He where they might easily
lande. These souldiers went straight and set upon the
enemies behinde, slue some of them even at their first
comming, and compelled the rest to cut a sunder the
cables that fastned the gallies to the banckes. But when Lucullus
they thought to flie from lande, the gallies brused and overcame
brake one an other : and that worst of all was, ranne upon Mithridates
the poyntes and spurres of Lucullus gallies. And so many ^

of them that stoode above hatches were slaine, the rest taken
prisoners : amongest whom, Marius the Romane Captaine
was brought unto Lucullus, whom Sertorius had sent out
of Spaine unto Mithridates. He had but one eye, and
Lucullus had commaunded his men before they fought, not
to kill any of his enemies that had but one eye : bicause
Marius should not dye so happy a death, as to be slaine, but
that he should dye some shamefull death, and be condemned
by order of lawe. That done, Lucullus went in persone
with all the speede he could possible to follow Mithridates,
hoping to finde him yet upon the coast of Bithynia, where
Voconius should have stayed him : for he had sent this
Voconius before with a certaine number of shippes unto the
citie of Nicomedia, to stop him from flying. But he taried
so long in the He of Samothracia sacrificing to the goddes
of the same, and to be received into the fraternitie of their
religion, that he could never after come neere Mithridates to
stoppe him from flying : having alreadie made sayle with all
the whole fleete, and hasting with all possible speede to

375

LUCULLUS

Mithridates
in great
daunger apon
the sea by
tempest.

Lucullus
ambition com-
mendable.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

recover the realme of Pontus, before Lucullus could returne
from whence he went. But in sayling thitherward es, he met
with such a terrible storme, that caried parte of his shippes
so away, that they ranne stragling to seeke their fortune,
and parte of them splitted and drowned outright : so that
all the coastes and rivers thereabouts, for many dayes after,
were full of dead bodies and shippewrackes cast a shore by
waves of the sea. No we for Mithri dates owne persone, he
was in a shippe of great burden, the which for her greatnes
could not sayle neere the shore, nor recover land, she was
also very evill to be guided by the pylots in so boysterous a
storme : the mariners besides were put out of all their skill
and knowledge, and the shippe her selfe moreover tooke in
such store of water, and was so heavely charged withall, that
they durst no more put her out to the sea. By reason
whereof Mithridates was compelled to goe abord a litle
pinase of pyrates, and to put him selfe and his life into their
handes, by whose helpe in the ende, (beyond all expecta-
tion, but not without great daunger) he got to lande, and
recovered the citie of Heraclea in the realme of Pontus.
Now here is to be noted, that the great braverie Lucullus
shewed unto the Senate of Rome, fell out according to his
imagination by the favor of the goddes. For when the
Senate had appointed for ending of these warres to prepare
a great navie of shippes, and therewithall had geven order
for three thowsande talentes : Lucullus stayed them by
letters that they should not doe it, wryting bravely unto
them, that without all this charge and great preparation he
would be strong enough to drive Mithridates from the sea,
with the onely shippes he would borrowe of their frendes
and confederates. And in deede, through the speciall favor
of the goddes, he brought it so to passe : for they say, that
this terrible storme that destroyed the armie of Mithri-
dates, was raised up by Diana, being offended with the men
of the realme of Pontus, bicause they had destroyed her
temple in the citie of Priapos, and had caried away her
image. Now there were divers that counselled Lucullus to
deferre the rest of this warre, untill an other season : but
notwithstanding all their perswasions, he went through the
376

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

contrie of Galatia and Bithynia to invade the realme of LUCULLUS

Mithridates. In the which voyage, at the first beginning he Lucullus

lacked vittells, so that there were thirty thowsand men of jorney into

Galatia following his campe, that caried every one of them a Pontus-

bushell of wheate on their shoulders : howbeit entring further

into the contrie, and conquering the whole, there was such

exceeding plenty of all thinges, that an oxe was sold in his An oxe

campe but for a Drachma, and a slave at foure times as bought for a

much. And of all other spoyle there was such great store, Drachma.

that either they made no reckening of it, or else they made

havoke of it, bicause there was no man to sell it unto, every

man having so much of his owne. For they ranne over all

the contrie unto the citie of Themiscyra, and to the vallies

that lay apon the river of Thermodon, and stayed no where

lenger then they were a spoyling. Thereupon the souldiers

beganne to mura?ure at Lucullus, bicause he assured all the The mutiny

cities upon composition, and never tooke any of them by of Lucullus

force, nor gave them any meanes to enrich them selves by souldiers.

spoyle : and yet sayd they, he would make us now go further,

and leave Amisus, a great rich citie which we might easily

take by force, if it were but a litle straightly besieged, and

lead us into the desertes of the Tibarenians and the Chal-

daeians to fight against Mithridates. Lucullus passed over

all these complaints, and made no reckening of them, bicause

he would never have thought that they would have fallen

into such mutinie and furie, as afterwards they did : and

contrarily excused him selfe the more carefully to them that

blamed and reproved him, for his long tarying upon townes

and villages that were not worth the reckening, and suffering

Mithridates in the meane time to gather a new force and

armie together at his pleasure. * For, said he, that is the Lucullus

' marke I shotte at, and that maketh me linger time up and oration and

downe as I doe, wishing; nothing; more, then that he might excus.e to his

,„ & j i • & j souldiers.

once agame make him selfe strong, and bring a second

armie to the field, that might embolden him to come
eftsoones to the fight with us, and runne away no more.
Doe you not see, sayd he, that at his backe he hath an
infinite number of desert contries, where it is unpossible
ever to follow him by the tracke : and hard by him also
3 : BBB 377

Tigranes,

king of

Armenia,

maried

Mithridates

daughter.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LUCULLUS ' the mounte Caucasus, and many other unpassable places,
4 which are sufficient not only to hide him alone, but infinite
4 number of other princes and kings besides that would flie
' battell, and not come to fight ? Furthermore, it is but a
' litle way from the contrie of the Cabirenians unto the
4 realme of Armenia, where Tigranes the king of kinges
' inhabiteth, whose power is so great, that he driveth the
' Parthians out of Asia, and carieth whole townes and cities
' of Greece unto the realme of Media, who hath all Syria and
' Palaestine in his handes, and hath slaine and rooted out the
' kinges and successors of the great Seleucus, and hath caried
' away their wives and daughters prisoners by force. This
' great and mightie kinge is allyed unto Mithridates, for
' he maried Mithridates daughter : and it is not likely that
' when Mithridates shall come and intreate him to helpe him
' in his distresse, that Tigranes will refuse him, but rather
4 we must thinke certainly that he will make warres upon us
4 in his defence. And thus, in making hast to drive out
' Mithridates, we shall bring our selves into great daunger,
' to provoke a new enemie, even Tigranes against us, who of
4 long time hath lurked for a just occasion to make warres
4 with us : and he can have no honester cause to take armes,
' then to defend and kepe a king his neighbour, and so neere
' a kinseman, from utter destruction, and one that is com-
' pelled to seeke upon him for succor. What neede we then
4 to provoke him to procure it, and teache Mithridates
4 (which he purposeth not) to whom he should repayre for
4 aide, to make warres against our selves, and pricke him for-
' ward, or to say better, put him with our owne handes into
' the way to go seeke aide of Tigranes : which of him selfe
' he will never doe, (thinking it a dishonor unto him) onlesse
4 we drive him to it for very necessitie. Is it not better for
4 us to geve him leasure and time, to gather a second force
' againe of him selfe, and his owne people, that we might
4 rather fight with the Colchians, Tibarenians, Cappadocians,
4 and with such other people whome we have so many times
4 overcome : then with the Medes and Armenians ? ' With
this determination Lucullus taried a great while before the
citie of Amisus, continuing this siege of purpose, without
378

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

distressing them at all. Afterwardes when winter was past, LUCULLUS

he left Murena there to continue the siege, and him selfe with Mithridates

the rest of his armie went to meete Mithridates : who had camped at

planted his campe neere unto the citie of Cabira, determining

to tarie the Romanes comming, having gathered together

againe a new armie of fortie thowsand footemen, and foure Mithridates

thowsand horsemen, in the which he put his most confidence army.

and trust, so that he passed over the river of Lycus, and went Lycus fl.

and presented battell to the Romanes in the plaine field.

There the horsemen skirmished, and the Romanes had the

worse : for there was one Pomponius a Romane taken, of

great estimacion, who was brought unto king Mithridates

hurt as he was. Mithridates asked him, if in saving his life,

and healing his woundes, he would become his servaunt and

frend. Straight replyed Pomponius, With all my hart quod The constancy

he, so that thou make peace with the Romanes : if not, I of a Romane

will ever be thine enemie. The king esteemed his corage souldier.

much, and would doe him no hurt. And as for Lucullus, he Lucullus

was affrayed to come into the plaine, bicause his enemie was ^eth Mithri-

the stronger of horsemen : and he doubted also on thother

side to take his way by the mountaine, bicause it was very

high, uneasie to clime, and full of woddes and forrestes. But

as he stoode thus doubtfull, they tooke certaine Graecians

by chaunce that were fled, and hidden in a cave hard by,

among the which there was an old man called Artemidorus,

who promised Lucullus if he would beleve and follow him,

he would bring him into a sure strong place to lodge

his campe, where was a castell above the citie of Cabira.

Lucullus beleved the olde mans wordes, wherefore so soone

as night came, he raised great fires in his campe, and went his

way : and after they had passed certaine straight and daun-

gerous wayes of the mountaines, he came in the morning

unto the place which Artemidorus had promised to bring

him. Now the enemies were marvelously amazed when day

light came, to see him there over them, in a place where if he

list to fight, he might come apon them with advantage : and

if he liked not to sturre, it was unpossible to compell him.

For he stoode indifferent then to hazard battell or not. But

in the meane season, they say certaine of the kinges campe

LUCULLUS

The sight of
a Generall in
a battell is of
marvelous
force.

A politicke
devise of the
Romanes to
punishe
cowardly
souldiers.

The Darda-
rians what
people they
be.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

by chaunce were a hunting the harte. The Romanes per-
ceiving that, fell upon them to cut them of by the way : and
they began by this meanes one to charge an other in such
sorte, reliefe growing still from either side, as Mithridates
men grew the stronger. But the Romanes seeing their men
flie from the trenches of their campe above, were in such
a rage, that they all ranne in a choller to Lucullus to pray
him he would leade them to battell, and geve them a signall
to fight. Lucullus, bicause he would shew them by experi-
ence how much the presence and eye of a good wise Captaine
in time of neede was worth : commaunded them they should
not once sturre, and he him selfe in persone went downe into
the valley, where he commaunded the first of his men he met
withall flying, to stay, and returne to the fight againe with
him. Which they presently did, and all the other in like
case : and thus gathering them together againe, did easily
make their enemies returne, that before had them in chase,
and drave them backe, fighting with them even hard to their
owne forte. Afterwardes uppon his returne againe to his
campe, he sette his souldiers that fled, unto a certaine peece
of worke to shame them withall, which the Romanes are
wont to use in such a case : and that is, that he made them
digge a ditch of twelve foote longe, being in their shirtes, all
untrussed, and their other companions present seeinge them
doe it. Now there was in king Mithridates campe, one
Olthacus, prince of the Dardarians (which are certaine bar-
barous people dwelling upon the marishes of Maeotin) a noble
gentleman of his persone, vallyant, and skilfull in warres, and
a man of very good judgement to doe any great enterprise
as any that was in all the armie, and furthermore a prince of
great good grace and entertainment in companie, knowing
how to facion him selfe with all men. This prince, being
alwayes at strife with other Lordes of his contrie, and con-
tending who should have the first place of honor and favor
about the king : went unto Mithridates, and promised him
that he would do him notable service, and that was, that he
would kill Lucullus. The king was very glad of this promise,
and praised him marvelously in secret : howbeit openly of
purpose he did him many injuries, bicause he might have
380

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

some colour to counterfeate anger and displeasure, and to LUCULLUS

feve way for him to goe yelde him selfe unto Lucullus as he
id. Lucullus was marvelous glad of him, bicause he was Lucullus
one of the chiefest men of name in all his campe, and to prove ^u£ger by
him withall, gave him charge immediatly : in the which he g^^L.
behaved him selfe so well, that Lucullus greatly esteemed
his wisedome, and commended his diligence, in such sorte
that he did him this honor, to call him somtimes unto the
counsell, and make him sit at his borde. One day when this
Dardarian prince Olthacus thought to have found fit occasion Olthacus
to execute his enterprise, he commaunded his footemen to be prince of the
ready with his horse out of the trenches of the campe : and Dardarians.
at none dayes when the souldiers tooke rest, and slept here
and there in the campe, he went unto Lucullus tent, thinking
to have found no body there to kepe him from comming in,
considering the familiaritie Lucullus shewed him, saying also
he had matters of great importance to talke with him of:
and sure he had gone in immediatly unto him, if sleepe that
casteth away so many other Captaines, had not at that time
preserved and saved Lucullus that slept. For one of the Lucullus
groomes of his chamber called Menedemus, who by good h'fe saved
fortune kept the dore of the tent, told him that he came in y sleePe-
very ill time, bicause Lucullus being wearied with travell and
lacke of sleepe, was but then newly layed downe to rest.
Olthacus whatsoever the other sayd to him, would not be so
aunswered, but tolde him he would come in whether he
would or not, for he must nedes speake with him in a matter
of great importaunce. Menedemus aunswered him againe,
that nothing could be of greater importance, nor more
necessarie, then the preservation of his masters life and
health, who had neede to take rest : and with these words,
he thrust him backe with both his hands. Olthacus was
affrayed then, and withdrew him selfe secretly out of the
trenches of the campe, tooke his horse back, and rode
straight to Mithridates campe without his purpose he came
for, which was to kill Lucullus. And thus it plainly ap-
peareth, that occasion, and oportunity of time, even in great
matters delivereth meanes, to save or destroy the life of man,
like as drugges and medicines geven unto the sicke and

381

LUCULLUS

Lucullus
victory of
certaine of
Mithridates
Captaines.

Mithridates
noble men
and familiars,
cause of
mutiny and
overthrowe
of his whole
army.

Mithridates
flieth.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

diseased persones. Shortly after, Lucullus sent one of his
Captaines called Sornatius to get vittells, with tenne ensignes
of footemen. Whereof Mithridates being advertised, sent
presently at his tayle one of his Captaines also, called
Menander, unto whom Sornatius gave battell, and slue him
with great slaughter of his men beside. And afterwardes
Lucullus sent an other of his Lieutenauntes called Adrianus
with a great companie of souldiers, to get vittells into his
campe more then he should neede. Mithridates did not let
slippe this occasion, but sent after him two of his Captaines
also called Menemachus and Myron, with a great number of
men, as well footemen as horsemen : all which were slaine,
two only excepted, that brought newes backe to Mithridates
campe : the which he sought to salve as well as he could,
saying that the losse was much lesse then it was thought for,
and that it fortuned through the ignoraunce and rashnes of
his Lieutenauntes. But Adrianus at his returne, passed by
Mithridates campe with great pompe and majestic, carying a
huge number of carts loden with come and spoyles he had
wonne : which drave Mithridates selfe into so great a dis-
paire, and all his people into such a feare and trouble, that
he presently determined to remove thence. Whereupon, the
nobility and such as had place of credit about him, beganne
to send before, and secretly to convey their stuffe out of the
campe, but utterly prohibiting others to doe the same. The
rest of the souldiers seing the stowtnes of the kinges minions,
beganne to set upon them with open force, not suffering them
on the other side once to issue out of the campe. This
mutinie grewe to such a fury, that they overthrewe their
cariages and sumpter moyles, and slue them presently downe.
Amongest others there was slaine Dorylaus, one of the
chiefest Captaines of all their campe, who had nothing
about him but a purple gowne, for the which they killed
him : and Hermaeus the Priest of the sacrifices was troden
under foote, and smoothered at the campe gate, by reason of
the multitude of those that fled in so great disorder. The
king him selfe amongest others fled, but having never a one
of his garde about him, nor any of thequiries of his stable
to bring him a horse : Ptolomy, one of the groomes of his
382

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

chamber, perceiving him in the company of them that fled, LUCULLUS
lighted of his owne horse, and gave him the king, but even in
manner too late. For the Romanes that followed him were
then even hard at his tayle : and it was not for lacke of
speede they missed the taking of him, for they were very
neere him : but the covetousnes of the souldiers was the losse Covetousnes,
of the praye they had so long sought for, with so great paine ^e overthrow
and hazard of battells, and deprived Lucullus of the honor of sould:
and reward of all his victories. For they were so neere unto
him, that if they had but followed Mithridates never so litle
further, they had out of doubt overtaken him, and his horse
that caried him away. But one of the moyles that caried
his gold and silver (whether by chaunce, or of pretended A strata-
policie of Mithridates, as a matter purposely habandoned geame of
to them that pursued him) was found in the middest of the Mithridates.
high way betwixt him that fled, and the Romanes that
followed : who stayed there to robbe the gold and silver,
fighting about it, that Mithridates by that meanes wanne
ground so farre before them, as they could never after come
neere him againe. And this losse was not all which the
covetousnes of the souldiers made Lucullus to lose. For,
one of the chiefest secretaries of the king being taken, called
Callistratus, whom Lucullus commaunded to be brought
unto him to his campe : they that had the charge of him,
hearing tell that he had five hundred crownes in a girdle
about him, for greedines of them, slue him by the way, and
yet notwithstanding Lucullus suffered them to spoyle and
destroy the whole campe of their enemies. After Mithri-
dates flight, Lucullus tooke the citie of Cabira, and many
other castells and strong places, where he founde great
treasure, and the prisons full of poore prisoners of the
Grascians, and many Princes a kinne unto the king him
selfe, which were thought to be dead long before : and
then seeing them selves delivered from this miserable
bondage, by the grace and benefit of Lucullus, thought
with them selves they were not only taken out of prison,
but revived and turned againe unto a second life. There
was also taken one of king Mithridates sisters called
Nissa, whose taking fell out profitable for her : bicause all

383

LUCULLUS

Mithridates
slue his sisters
and wives.

The corage
of Monime
Mithridates
wife.

Monime her
throte was
cut

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

Mithridates other wives and sisters whome they placed
furthest of, as out of all daunger (and sent into a contrie
of greatest safety, neere unto the citie of Pharnacia) dyed
pitiefully, and were miserably slaine. For Mithridates sent
one of the groomes of his privie chamber unto them
called Bacchides, to bring them word that they must all
dye. Amongest many other noble Ladies, there were two
of the kinges sisters, called Roxane and Statira, which were
forty yeres old a peece, and yet had never bene maried : and
two of his wives also whom he had maried, both of the contrie
of Ionia, the one called Berenice, borne in the lie of Chio,
and the other Monime, in the citie of Miletum. Monime, she
was very famous amongest the Graecians : for notwithstand-
ing king Mithridates importunate dealing, being farre in love
with her, insomuch as he sent her fifteene thowsand crownes
at one time, yet she would never geve eare unto his sute,
untill such time as the mariage was agreed upon betwene
them, and that he had sent her his Diadeame or royall
bande, and called her by the name and title of Queene.
This poore Ladie after the mariage of this barbarous king,
had long lived a woefull life, bewailing continually her ac-
cursed beauty, that in steade of a husband, had procured her
a master : and in steade of the matrimoniall companie which
a noble woman should enjoy, had gotten her a gard and
garrison of barbarous men, that kept her as a prisoner, farre
from the sweete contrie of Greece : in chaunge whereof, she
had but a dreame and shadow of the hoped goods she looked
for, having unfortunately left them within her owne contry
she happely enjoyed before. Now when this Bacchides was
come unto them, and had commaunded them from the king
to choose what maner of death they would, and which every
one of them thought most easiest, and least painefull :
Monime pluckt of the royall bande from her head, and tying
it on a knot above her necke, hung her selfe, but the band
not being strong enough, brake incontinently. Whereupon
she cried out : O cursed and wicked tissue, wilt thou not yet
serve me to end my sorowfull dayes ? And speaking these
wordes, cast it on the grounde and spit apon it, and held
out her throte to Bacchides to be cut a sunder. The other,
384

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

Berenice : she tooke a cuppe full of poyson her mother being LUCULLUS
present, who prayed her to let her have halfe, the which she
did, and they dranke it of betwene them. The force of the
poyson was stronge enough to kill the old mother weake
with age, but not so quickely to destroy the daughter :
bicause she had not taken that proportion which would have
served her turne, but drue out the paines of her death in
length, untill such time as Bacchides hasting to dispatch
her, she in the end did strangle her self. As for the kings Berenice
two sisters, Roxane and Statyra, which were virgines yet strangled
unmaried, they say, that one of them also dranke poison, seire.
cursing and detesting the cruelty of her brother: howbeit
Statira gave never an evill word, nor was fainte harted or The corage
sorowfull to dye, but contrarily did commend and thanke of Statira
her brother highly, that seeing him selfe in daunger, had Mithridates
not yet forgotten them, but was carefull to cause them dye,
before they shoulde fall as slaves into the handes of their
enemies, and before they could come to dishonor them, or do
them villany. These pitiefull misfortunes went to Lucullus
hart, who was curteous and gentle of nature : neverthelesse
he went on further, still following Mithridates at the heeles,
unto the city of Talaura. And there understanding that he
was fled foure dayes before unto Tigranes in Armenia, re-
turned backe againe, having first subdued the Chaldeans,
and the Tibarenians, taken Armenia the lesse, and brought
the cities, castells, and strong places unto his obedience.
That done, he sent Appius Clodius unto king Tigranes, to Appius Clo-
summone him to deliver Mithridates unto him : and him dius sent unto
selfe tooke his jorney towards the citie of Amisus, which
was yet besieged. The cause why this siege continued long,
was the sufficiencie and great experience of the Captaine that
kept it for the king, called Callimachus : who understoode Callimachus
so well howe all sortes of engines of batterie were to be used, governor of
and was so subtill besides in all inventions that might serve Anusus.
to defende a place besieged, as he troubled the Romanes
much in this attempt : but afterwardes he was not only met
withall, and payed home for all his labor, but also outreached
by Lucullus for all his finenesse. For where before he had
alwayes used to sound the retreate at a certaine hower, and
3 : CCC 385

LUCULLUS

Lucullus wan
Amisus.

Callimachus
setteth fire of
Amisus and
flieth.

Lucullus cur-
tesie towardes
the citie of
Amisus.

Lucullus
gentle saying.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

to call his men backe from the assaulte, to rest them : one
day he brake that order on the sodaine, and comminge to
assaulte the walle, at the first charge wanne a peece of it,
before those within could come in time to resist them.
Callimachus seeing that, and knowing it was now impos-
sible to keepe the city any lenger, forsooke it. But before
his departing he set the citie a fire, either for the malice to
the Romanes, bicause he would not they should enriche
them selves with the sacke of so great a citie : or else for
a policy of warre to have the more leasure to save him selfe,
and flie. For no man gave eye to them that fled by sea,
bicause the flame was so great, that it dispersed it selfe even
to the very walles, and the Romane souldiers, they only
prepared to spoyle. Lucullus seeing the fire without, had
compassion of the citie within, and would gladly have holpen
it, and for the purpose prayed the souldiers quickely to
quench it : but not a man would harken to him, every one
gaping after the spoyle, making great noyse with classhing
of harnesse, and being very lowde besides otherwise, till at
the length enforced thereunto, he gave the city wholly to
spoyle, hoping thereby to save the houses from fire, but it
fell out cleane contrary. For the soldiers them selves in
seeking all about with torches and linckes lighted, to see if
any thing were hidden : they set a number of houses a fire.
So as Lucullus comming into the citie the next morning, and
seeing the great desolacion the fire had made, fell of weep-
ing, saying unto his familiar frends about him : he had
oftentimes before thought Sylla happy, howbeit he never
wondred more at his good fortune, then that day he did.
For, Sylla sayd he, desiring to save the citie of Athens, the
goddes graunted him that favor that he might do it : but
I that would faine follow him therein, and save this citie,
fortune thwarting my desire, hath brought me to the re-
putacion of Mummius, that caused Corinthe to be burnt.
Neverthelesse he did his best endevor at that time to helpe
the poore citie againe. For touching the fire, even imme-
diatly after it was taken, by Gods providence there fell a
shower of raine as it was newly kindled, that quenched it :
and Lucullus selfe before he left the citie, made a great
386

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

number of the houses which were spoyled by fire, to be LUCULLUS
built up againe, and curteously received all the inhabitauntes
that were fled, besides them he placed other Graecians there
also, that were willing to dwell amongest them, and increased
the boundes and confines of the citie which he gave them,
one hundred and twenty furlonges into the contrie. This
citie was a colony of the Athenians, who had built and
founded it, in the time that their Empire florished, and that
they ruled the seas: by reason whereof, many flying the
tyranny of Aristion, went to dwell there, and were made
free of the city, as the naturall inhabitants of the same.
This good happe fell upon them, that forsaking their owne
goodes, they went to possesse and enjoy the goodes of other
men : but the very citizens of Athens it selfe that had
escaped from this great desolation, Lucullus clothed them
well, and gave them two hundred Drachmas a peece, and sent
them againe into their contrie. Tyrannion the grammarian Tyrannionthe
was taken at that time, whom Muraena begged of Lucullus : grammarian
and Lucullus having graunted him unto him, he made him taken>
free, wherein he delt very discourteously, and did much abuse
Lucullus liberality and gift unto him. For in bestowing this
prisoner uppon him, who was a famous learned man, he did
not meane Muraena should take him for a bondeman, whereby
he should neede afterwardes to make him free. For seeming
to make him free, and restore him to libertie : was no more
but to take that freedome and liberty from him, which he
had from his birth. But in many other thinges, and not in
that only, Muraena layed him selfe open to the world, that
he had not all the partes a worthy Captaine should have in
him. When Lucullus departed from Amisus, he went to
visite the cities of Asia, to thend that whilest he was not
now occupied with warres, they might have some refreshing
of lawes and justice. For, by reason that law was not
executed of long time in Asia, the poore contry was so
afflicted, and oppressed with so many evills and miseries :
as no man living would scant beleve, nor any tongue can
well declare. For, the extreame and horrible covetousnes
of the farmers, customers, and Romane userers did not only
devoure it, but also kept it in such bondage and thraldome,

387

LUCULLUS

Lucullus re-
lieveth Asia
from extreame
usery.

That is after
the rate of 12
in the hun-
dred for the
yeare.

Lawes set
downe for
userers.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

that particularly the poore fathers were driven to sell their
goodly young sonnes and daughters in mariage, to pay the
interest and usery of the money which they had borowed
to discharge their fines withall : and publilcely the tables
dedicated unto the temples, the statues of their goddes, and
other church juells : and yet in the end, they them selves were
also judged to be bondmen and slaves to their cruell creditors,
to weare out their dayes in miserable servitude. And yet
the worst of all was, the payne they put them to before they
were so condemned : for they imprisoned them, set them
on the racke, tormented them uppon a litle brasen horse,
sette them in the stockes, made them stande naked in the
greatest heate of sommer, and on the ise in the deepest of
winter, so as that bondage seemed unto them a reliefe of
their miseries, and a rest of their tormentes. Lucullus found
the cities of Asia full of such oppressions, but in a shorte
time after he delivered them all that were wrongfully tor-
mented. For first he tooke order, they should accompt for
the usery that was payed monethly, the hundred parte of
the principall det onely, and no more. Secondly he cut of
all useries that passed the principall. Thirdly, which was
the greatest matter of all, he ordained that the creditor and
userer should enjoy the fourth parte of the profites and
revenues of his detter. And he that joyned usery with the
principall, that is to say, tooke usery upon usery: should
lose the whole. So that by this order, all dettes were payed
in lesse then foure yeares, and the owners landes and revenues
set clere of all maner payments. This surcharge of useries,
came of the twenty thowsande talentes, wherein Sylla had
condemned the contrie of Asia : the which summe they had
payed twise before unto the farmers and collectors of the
Romanes, who had raised it, still heaping usery upon usery,
to the summe of sixe score thowsand talents. Wherefore
these collectors and farmers ranne to Rome, and cried out
upon Lucullus, saying, that he did them the greatest wrong
that could be, and by meanes of money, they procured certaine
of the common counsellers to speake against him : which they
might easily doe, bicause they had diverse of their names in
their bookes that delt in thaffaires of the common wealth at
388

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

Rome. But Lucullus was not only beloved of those contries LUCULLUS
whom he did good unto, but was wished for and desired also of
others, who thought the contries happy that might have such a
governor. Now for Appius Clodius, whom Lucullus had sent Appius Clo-
before from Talaura unto king Tigranes in Armenia,and whose di.us> Lucullus
sister at that time was Lucullus wife : he first tooke certaine wlves
of the kings men for guides, who of very malice guided him
through the high contry, making him fetch a great compasse
about, by many dayes jorneys spent in vaine : untill such time
as one of his infranchesed bondmen that was borne in Syria,
taught him the right way. Whereupon he discharged these
barbarous guides, and leaving the wrong wayes they had led
him, within fewe dayes past over the river of Euphrates, and Euphrates fl.
arrived in the citie of Antioch, surnamed Epidaphne. Where
he had commaundement to abide Tigranes returne, who was
then in the contry of Phenicia, where he subdued certaine cities,
and had some other yet to conquer. Appius in the meane time
wanne secretly divers of the princes and noble men, that obeyed
this Armenian king but for feare, by force, and against their
willes, amongest whom was Zarbienus, king of the province Zarbienus
of Gordiaena: and promised the aide of Lucullus also to pn£0^
many the cities that sent unto him, (which had not long
before bene subdued and brought into bondage) to whom
nevertheles he gave in expresse charge, that for the time
they should not once sturre, nor alter any thing. For, the
rule of these Armenians was intolerable to the Graecians,
and specially the pride and arrogancie of the king. Who, Tigranes
by reason of his great prosperitie, was growen to such pride Pnde an(J
and presumption, that whatsoever men did commonly esteeme P0^
best, and make most reckoning of, he would not only have it,
and use it as his owne, but also tooke it that all was made
for him selfe whatsoever : and this great overwening grew,
by reason of fortunes speciall grace and favor towardes him.
For at the beginning he had but very litle, and yet with
this litle (which few made reckoning of) he conquered many
great nations, and plucked downe the power of the Parthians
as much as any man that ever was before him. He re-
plenished the contry of Mesopotamia with Graecian in-
habitauntes, which he brought by force out of Cilicia and

389

LUCULLUS

The boldnes
of Appius
Clodius,
Lucullus
Ambassador
unto Tigranes,

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

Cappadocia, compelling them to inhabite there. He made
the Arabians chaunge their maner of living, who are other-
wise called the Scenites, as much to say, as tent dwellers,
bicause they are vagarant people that dwell in no other
houses but tentes, which they ever use to carie with them,
and brought them out of their naturall contrie, and made
them followe him, using them for his commodity in trade
of marchaundise. There were ever many kings in his courte
that waited on him : but amongest others, he had foure
kinges that waited continually on his person, as his foote-
men : for when he rode abroade any whether, they ranne by
his stirroppe in their shirtes. And when he was set in his
chaire of state to geve audience, they stoode on their feete
about his chaire holding .their handes together, which coun-
tenaunce shewed the most manifest confession and tokens of
bondage that they could do unto him : as if they had shewed
thereby that they resigned all their libertie, and offered their
bodies unto their Lord and master, more ready to suffer, then
any thing to doe. Notwithstanding, Appius Clodius being
nothing abashed nor feared with all this tragicall pompe,
when audience was geven him : tolde king Tigranes boldly
to his face, that he was come to carie king Mithridates away
with him, who was due to the triumphe of Lucullus : and
therefore did summone him to deliver that king into his
handes, or else that he proclaimed warres upon him selfe.
They that were present at this summons, knew well enough
that Tigranes (although he set a good countenaunce of the
matter openly with a fainte counterfeate laughing) yet
hearing these wordes so boldly and gallantly spoken out of
this young mans mowth, was galled to the quicke, and
hitte at the harte. For Tigranes having reigned, (or to
say better tyrannically governed) five and twenty yeares
space, had never heard any bold or francke speache but
that. Notwithstanding, he aunswered Appius, that he
would not deliver Mithridates : and if the Romanes made
warres with him, that he would defende him selfe. And
being greatly offended that Lucullus in his letters gave him
not the title, king of kinges, but only king simply : in the
letters he wrote backe to Lucullus againe, he did not so much
390

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

as vowchesave to call him Captaine onely. But when Appius LUCULLUS
tooke his leave, he sent him goodly riche presentes which he
refused. Whereupon the king sent others againe unto him, Appius abstin-
of the which Appius tooke a cuppe only, bicause the king ence from
should not thinke he refused ought of anger, or ill will: and so t^m^
sending all the rest againe unto him, made great hast to re- ®
turne to his Captaine Lucullus. Nowe Tigranes before that
time would not once see king Mithridates his so neere kinse-
man, who by fortune of warres had lost so puisant and great
a kingdome, but prowdly kept him under in fennie, marrishe,
and unholsome grounds, without any honor geven unto him,
as if he had bene a very prisoner in deede : howbeit then he
sent for him honorably, and received him with great curtesie.
When they were neere together in the kinges palace, they
talked secretly one with an other, and excusing them selves, Tigranes and
clearing all suspicions conceived betwene them, to the great Mithridates
hurt of their servauntes and frendes, whom they burdened meetm£-
with all thoccasion of unkindnes betwene them : amongst
which number Metrodorus Scepsian was one, a man excel-
lently well learned, eloquent in speache, and one whome Metrodorus
Mithridates so much loved and esteemed, that they called praise, and
him the kinges father. Mithridates at the beginning of his deatn>
warres had sent him Ambassador unto Tigranes, to pray
ayde of him against the Romanes. At which time Tigranes
sayd unto him : But what sayest thou to it Metrodorus :
what advise wilt thou geve me ? Metrodorus either bicause
he had regard unto Tigranes profit, or else bicause he was
loth Mithridates should escape, answered him againe : As
Ambassador, O king, I would wish you should do it : but as
a counsellor, that you should not do it. Tigranes now
reported this speache unto Mithridates, not thinking he
would have hurt Metrodorus for it, though in deede he
presently put him to death upon it. Whereat Tigranes was
hartely sorie, and repented him greatly to have tolde him
so much, although he was not altogether the occasion of his
casting away, having but only revived Mithridates evill will
before conceived against him. For he had borne him dis-
pleasure of a long time, as appeared amongst his secret
papers and writings that were taken from him, where he

391

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LUCULLUS had ordained that Metrodorus should be put to death : but

in recompence thereof Tigranes buried his body honorably,

sparing no cost at all unto the dead body of him, whom

Amphicrates living he had betrayed. There dyed in king Tigranes courte

an Orator of also, an Orator called Amphicrates, if he deserve that men-

inkin^V^ra ^on snou^ be made of him, for the citie of Athens sake

nes courte. ' whereof he was borne : for it is sayd, that when he was

banished out of his contrie, he fled into the city of Seleucia,

Seleucia a which standeth upon the river of Tigris. When the inhabi-

;ity standing ^ants of the same praied him to teache them the arte of

' eloquence in their contrie, he would not vowchesave it, but

A platter too aunswered them prowdly : that a platter was too litle to

litle to holde a nolcle a Dolphine in, meaning that their citie was too small

° V l in' a thing to containe it. From thence he went unto Cleopatra,

Mithridates daughter, and king Tigranes wife, where he was

quickely suspected and accused : so that he was forbidden to

frequent the Graecians company any more, which grieved him

so much, that he famished him selfe to death, and would eate

no meate. And that man was also very honorably buried

by the Queene Cleopatra, nere unto a place called Sapha,

as they call it in that contry. Now when Lucullus had

quieted all thinges in Asia, and had established good lavves

among them, he was not carelesse also of games and pleasaunt

pastimes, but while he was at leasure in the city of Ephesus,

he made many games, feastes, wrestlinges and fence playes at

the sharpe for joy of his victory, delighting all the cities of

Asia with them, the which in recompence therof did institute

a solemne feast also in the honor of him, which they called

Lucullea, and did celebrate it with great joy, shewing a true

and no fained frendshippe and good will towardes him, which

pleased him better, and was more to his contentation, then

all the honor they could devise to geve him. But after that

Appius Clodius was returned from his Ambassade, and had

tolde Lucullus that he must make warres with Tigranes :

Lucullus went backe againe unto the realme of Pontus,

where he tooke his armie which he had left in garrison, and

brought it before the city of Sinope to lay siege unto it, or

rather to besiege certaine Cilicians that were gotten into the

city in the behalfe of Mithridates. But when they sawe

392

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

Lucullus come against them, they slue a great number of the LUCULLUS
citizens, and setting fire on the city, fled their way by night. Lucullus tak-
Lucullus being advertised of it, entred the citie, put eight ?th Sinope
thowsande of the Cilicians to the sword which he found in Pontus-
there, and restored the naturall citizens and inhabitantes
thereof to all that was theirs. But the originall cause that
made him to be carefull to preserve the city, was this vision
he had. He thought in his nightes dreame that one came to Lucullus
him, and sayd : Goe a litle further Lucullus, for Autolycus dreame.
commeth, who is desirous to speake with thee. This dreame
awaked him, but being awake could not imagine what the
vision ment. It was the selfe same day on the which he
tooke the city of Sinope, where following the Cilicians that
escaped by flying, he found an image lying on the ground
upon the sea side, which the Cilicians would have caried
away : but they were taken and followed so neere, that they
had no leasure to shippe it. This statue (as it is reported) A statue made
was one of the goodliest and notablest workes of Sthenis the by Sthenis.
Image graver. And some say that it was the image of
Autolycus who founded the city of Sinope. For Autolycus Autolycus
was one of the princes that went out of Thessalie with founder of the
Hercules to go against the Amazones, and he was the sonne city of Sinope.
of Deimachus. And they reporte that at the returne from
this voyage, the shippe in the which Autolycus was imbarked,
with Demoleon and Phlogius, made shippewracke upon a
rocke on the coast of Cherronesus, where she was cast away :
howbeit that he and his men scaping with all their furniture,
came to the city of Sinope, which he tooke from certaine
Syrians, who came (as they say) of one Syrus the sonne The Syrians
of Apollo, and of the nimphe Sinope Asopus daughter. why so called.
Lucullus understanding this matter, called a saying of Sylla
to minde, which he wrote in his commentaries : that nothing
is more certaine, nor that we may geve more credit unto, Syllaes note
then that which is signified to us by dreames. In the meane *°r dreames.
season he was advertised, that Tigranes and Mithridates
were ready to come downe into Lycaonia, and Cilicia, bicause
they might first enter Asia. Lucullus marveled much at
Tigranes counsell, that sithence he was minded to warre with
the Romanes, he did not use Mithridates ayde in his warres
3 : DDD 393 ^

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LUCULLUS at such time, as when he was in his best strength and force :

and that he did not then joyne his power with Mithridates,

rather then suffer him to be destroyed and overthrowen, and

afterwards with a cold hope go now to begin a new warre,

hazarding him selfe with those, that could not helpe them

selves. While these thinges passed in this sorte, Machares

king Mithridates sonne, that kept the realme of Bosphorus,

Machares sent a crowne of golde unto Lucullus, of the waight of a

Mithridates thowsande crownes, praying him that he would name him

£3r e a frende and confederate of the Romanes. Whereupon

of Lucullus Lucullus thought he was then at the very last ende of

his first warre, and leaving Sornatius with sixe thowsand

men to keepe the realme of Pontus, he departed with twelve

thowsand footemen, and lesse then three thowsand horsemen

to go to the second warres. And herein all the world con-

Lucullus demned him, and thought it too rash and light a parte of him

goeth against to goe with so small a company to fight with so many warlike

Tigranes with nations, and to put him selfe unto the hazard of so many

pany8 thowsandes of horsemen, in a marvelous large contry, and of

a wonderfull length, environned round about with deepe

rivers, and mountaines, covered with snowe all the yeare

through : so that his souldiers, which otherwise were no

speciall well trained men, nor obedient to their Captaine,

followed with an evill will, and did stubbornly disobey him.

The quarrel- And on thother side, the common counsellers at Rome cried

linge counsel- out on him continually, and openly protested before all the

nv "£ R°V]e' people, that out of one warre he sowed an other, which the

prosperity US common wealth had nothing to doe withall, and that he looked

after none other thinge but still to raise newe occasions of

warres, to the ende he might alwayes have armies at his

commaundement, and never leave the warres, bicause he

would make him selfe great with the cost and perill of

the common wealth. These crying counsellers in the end

Lucullus obtained their purpose, which was : to call home Lucullus

came to the againe, and to substitute Pompey in his place. But Lucullus

for all that, marched on with his army with all the possible

and found'it sPeede he coulde, so that he came in few dayes unto the

very high, and river of Euphrates, the which he found very high and rough

rough. by reason of the winter season : which troubled him marvel -

394

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

ously at that present, doubting least it would hold him there LUCULLUS
a long time in finding out of boates, and making of postes
and planckes to build a bridge to passe over his army. But
towardes night the water beganne to fall a litle, and in the The straunge
night fell so much, that the next morning the river was *ln<* s°dame
comen to her ordinary streame : and moreover, the contrie rjve^0f e
men them selves decerning certaine litle Ilandes that appeared Euphrates,
unto them in the middest of the water course, and the river from her great
very calme as a marrishe rounde about them, did honor swelling.
Lucullus as a god, bicause it was a thing they had never
scene chaunce before, as though at his comming the river had
sodainly yeelded unto him, and was become gentle to geve
him safe and easie passage. And bicause he would not loose
that oportunitie, he passed over his army immediatly : and
was. no sooner on thother side, but he met with a happie
token of good lucke, which was this. On thother side of the
river, there was a certaine number of kyne consecrated to
Diana Persica, whom the barbarous people inhabiting be- Diana
yonde the river of Euphrates, do reverence and honor above Persica.
all the other goddes : and these kyne they employ to none
other use, but only to sacrifice them unto this goddesse.
They wander all about the contry where they will, without
any maner of tying, or shackling otherwise, having only the
marke of the goddesse, which is a lampe printed upon their Kyne conse-
bodies, and they are not easie to be taken when one would crated to
have them, but with great a doe. One of these consecrated
kyne, after that Lucullus army was passed over Euphrates,
came to offer her selfe upon a rock which they suppose is
hallowed or dedicate unto this goddesse, bowing downe her
head, and stretching out her necke, like those that are tyed A straunge
shorte, as if she had comen even of purpose to present her thing of a cow
selfe to Lucullus, to be sacrificed as she was. And besides Offer^^eseffe
her, he sacrificed a bull also unto the river Euphrates, in to Lucullus to
token of thankes for his safe passage over. Lucullus the be sacrificed,
first day did nothing but encampe him selfe only, on the
other side of the river : but the next morning, and the other
dayes following, he went further into the contry by the way
of Sophene, hurting none that came and yeelded unto him, or The contry of
that willingly received his army. For when his men would Sophene.

395

LUCULLUS

Tigris fl.

Tigranes slue
the first mes-
senger that
brought the
newes of
Lucullus
approach.

Tigranes
sendeth Mith
robarzanes
against
Lucullus.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

have had him to have taken a castell by force, where they
said was great store of gold and silver : he shewed them
mownte Taurus a farre of, and told them it is that which we
must rather go to take. As for the thinges which be in
this castell, they be kept for them that vanquishe : and
going on still with great jorneys, passed over the river of
Tigris, and so entred the realme of Armenia with a maine
armie. Now for Tigranes, the first man that ventured to
bring him newes of Lucullus comming, had no joy of it : for
he cut of his head for his labor. And therefore from thence-
forth there durst no man say any thing unto him, untill such
time as he was at the last environned rounde with fire, which
Lucullus army had raised about him, before he could heare
any thing thereof. For he was sporting and gauding with
his familiars, hearing their flattering tales, that Lucujlus
in deede were a noble Captaine, if he durst but tary
Tigranes comming downe in the citie of Ephesus only, and
howe he would straight flie out of all Asia, so soone as he
might but heare tell of his comming against him with so
triumphing an army of so many thowsand men. And thus
may we see, that like as all bodies and braines, are not a like
strong nor able to cary much wine : so in like case all wittes
be not resolute and constant, never to doe amisse, nor to
swarve from reasons bandes in great prosperity. Howbeit in
the end, Mithrobarzanes, one of Tigranes familiars, was the
next man that enterprised to tell him the troth : whose bold-
nes had litle better reward for his newes, then the first that
was beheaded. For Tigranes sent him immediatly with three
thowsand horse, and a good number of footemen, commaund-
ing him that he should bring Lucullus alive unto him, and
that furthermore, he should marche upon the bellies of his men.
Now was Lucullus alreadie camped with parte of his army,
and the other parte comming after, when his skowtes brought
him newes of the barbarous Captaines approache : which at
the first put him in feare, that if the enemy should come and
assaile them thus scattered in companies, and not raunged in
battell, and ready to fight, he might overthrow them whiles
they were in disorder. And therefore he remained within
his campe to fortifie the same, and sent Sextilius one of his
396

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

Lieutenaunts, with a thowsand sixe hundred horse, and as LUCULLUS
many footemen (or a few more) as well naked as armed : Lucullus
commaunding him to approach as neere to his enemy as he sendeth Sex-
could without fighting, only to stay him there, untill such j^rE-^
time as he heard newes that all his army was comen together zanes
into his campe. Sextilius went to doe his commaundement,
but he was compelled to fight, (though against his will)
Mithrobarzanes came so bravely and lustely to assayle him.
So was the battell striken betwene them, in the which Sextilius slue
Mithrobarzanes was slaine valliantly fighting, and all his Mithrobar-
men either broken or killed, fewe excepted, that onely by zanes and
flying saved them selves. After this overthrow, Tigranes ^ force
forsooke his great royall citie of Tigranocerta that he built
him selfe, and went to mownt Taurus, where he assembled a The city of
great number of men out of all partes. But Lucullus would Tigranocerta,
geve him no leasure to prepare him selfe, but sent Muraena ~. ^
on the one side to cut them of by the way, and to over-
throwe those that were assembled about him : and on the
other side Sextilius to stoppe a great company of the
Arabians that were comming to Tigranes, whom Sextilius
set apon as they were ready to lodge, and overthrew them
in maner every man. And Muraena following king Tigranes
at the heeles, spyed an occasion to geve the charge as he
passed a long and narrow valley, in the bottome wherof the
way was very ill, and specially for an armie of such a length :
and taking the oportunity, set apon the rereward, which
Tigranes perceiving, fled straight upon it, making all his
cariage to be throwen downe in the way before the enemies
to stay them. There were a great number of the Armenians
slayne in this overthrow, and moe taken. Those thinges
having this successe, Lucullus went to the city of Tigrano-
certa, the which he besiegeth round. In that citie were a Lucullus
marvelous number of Graecians that had bene brought besiegeth
thither by force out of Cilicia, and many of the barbarous Tlgrano
people also whom they had used in the like forcible maner,
as they had done the Adiabenians, the Assyrians, the Gor-
diaenians, and the Cappadocians, whose townes and cities
Tigranes had destroyed, and compelled them to come and
inhabite there. By reason whereof, this city of Tigranocerta

397

Taxiles per-
swadeth
Tigranes not
to fight with
the Romanes

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LUCULLUS was full of golde and silver, of mettells, statues, tables and
pictures, bicause every man (as well private, as Princes and
Lords) studied to please the king, to enrich and beawtifie
this city, with all kindes of furniture and ornamentes fit for
the same. And hereuppon Lucullus straighted the siege as
much as he could, perswading him selfe that Tigranes would
never suffer, that it should be taken, but (though he had
otherwise determined) yet for very anger would present him
battell, thereby to enforce him to raise his siege. And
surely he gessed right, had it not bene that Mithridates had
disswaded him by expresse letters and messengers that he
should in no case hazard battell, and perswaded him rather
to cut of the vittells on all sides from the Romanes with his
horsemen. The selfe same counsell and advise did Taxiles
(the Captaine whom Mithridates sent) geve him in his
campe, and prayed him very earnestly, that he would not
prove the invincible force of the Romanes. Tigranes
pacientlie harkened to their reasons at the first. But
when the Armenians were come, and all the force of the
contry besides, and the Gordiaenians, and that the kinges of
the Medes and of the Adiabenians were commen also with
all their power, and that on thother side there came a mar-
velous great host of the Arabians that dwell apon the sea of
Babylon, and a multitude of the Albanians from the Caspian
sea, and of the Iberians their neighbors, besides a great com-
pany of free people living without a king, that dwell by the
river of Araxes, some comming freely to doe him pleasure,
other for their pensions and pay which he gave them : then
was there none other talke neither at his table nor in coun-
sell, but of assured hope of victorie, and of great bragges and
barbarous threatninges, so that Taxiles was in great daunger
of him selfe, bicause he was against the determination taken
in counsell for geving of the battell. Now was it thought
that Mithridates did envy the glory of king Tigranes, and
therefore did thus disswade him from battell. For which
respect Tigranes would not so much as tary for him, and
bicause also Mithridates should have no parte of the honor
of his victory : but went into the fielde with all this great
army, vaunting amongest his familiars as they reporte, that
398

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

nothing grieved him but one, that he should fight with LUCULLUS
Lucullus alone, and not with all the other Romane Cap- The prowde
taines. Now this bravery was not so fond, nor so farre out saying of
of square, but that there was great likelyhoode of it when he Tl£ranes-
saw so many sundrie nations about him, so many kinges that
followed him, so many battells of armed footemen, and so
many thowsande of horsemen. For he had in his army of Tigranes
bowmen and slinges onely, twenty thowsand : five and fifty whole armie :
thowsand horsemen, whereof seventeene thowsande men of *7° hundred
armes, armed from toppe to toe, as Lucullus him selfe wrote thowsand
unto the Senate : and a hundred and fifty thowsand armed men.
footemen, devided by ensignes and squadrons : of pyoners,
carpinters, masons, and such other kinde of handy craftes
men, to plaine wayes, to make bridges to passe over rivers, to
stoppe streames, to cut wodde, and to make such kinde of
workes, of this sorte of people, the number of five and thirty
thowsand, who followed in battell ray in the rereward of the
army, making their campe seme farre greater, and by so
much the more stronger. When Tigranes shewed on the
toppe of mownt Taurus, and that they might plainly see his
whole army from the city, and that him selfe also might
easily decerne Lucullus armie that besieged Tigranocerta :
the barbarous people that were within the citie were so glad
of this sight, that they made wonderfull showtes of joy,
and great clapping of handes, threatning the Romanes from
their walles, and shewing them the army of the Armenians.
Lucullus in the meane time sate in counsell to consider what
was to be done : wherein some were of opinion that he should
raise his siege, and goe with his whole armie undevided
against Tigranes. But others liked not that he should leave
so great a number of enemies at his backe, neither that he
should raise his siege. Lucullus made them aunswere, that
neither of them both did counsell him well, but both to-
gether did counsell him right. Whereuppon he devided his
armie, and left Murana at the siege of Tigranocerta with
sixe thowsand men : and he with foure and twenty cohortes
(in the which were not above tenne thowsand armed foote- Lucullus
men) and all his horsemen, with a thowsand bow men and ai;my against
slinges or thereabouts, went towardes Tigranes, and camped 1£ranes-

399

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LUCULLUS in a goodly broade fielde by the rivers side. The Romanes
seemed but a handfull to Tigranes campe, so that for a while
Tigranes parasyts made but a May game of them to sporte
withall. For some mocked them to scorne, other drewe
lottes, and played away their parte of the spoyles, as if they
had already wonne the fielde : and every one of the kinges
and Captaines came and offered them selves to Tigranes, and
besought him everie man for him selfe, that he would geve
him the honor alone to leade this battell, and that it would
please him to sit by in some place to see the sporte. Tigranes
then, bicause he would shewe that he could be as pleasaunt as
the rest, spake a thing knowen to every man. If they come
as Ambassadors, quod he, they are very many : but if they
come as enemies, they be but fewe. And thus they played
upon the Romanes, and tooke their pleasure of them at that
time: but the next morning by breake of day, Lucullus
brought all his men armed into the fielde, and put them in
order of battel. Now the campe of the barbarous people
lay on thother side of the river towards the East, and by
chaunce the streame of the river turned sodainly towardes
the West, where there was a better ford to passe over. Wher-
fore Lucullus marching with his army by the rivers side,
following the streame to meete with some forde, hasting to
get over, Tigranes thought he had marched away, and called
for Taxiles, and sayd unto him, laughing : Doest thou see
Taxiles, those goodly Romane legyons, whom thou praisest
to be men so invincible : howe they flie away now ? Taxiles
aunswered the king againe : I would your good fortune (O
king) might worke some miracle this day : for doutlesse it
were a straunge thing that the Romanes should flie. They
are not wont to weare their brave cotes and furniture uppon
their armor, when they meane onely but to marche in the
fieldes : neither doe they carie their shieldes and targets un-
cased, nor their burganets bare on their heades, as they doe
at this present, having throwen away their leather cases and
coveringes. But out of doubt, this goodly furniture we see
so bright and glistering in our faces, is a manifest signe that
they intend to fight, and that they marche towardes us.
Taxiles had no sooner spoken these wordes, but Lucullus in
400

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

the view of his enemies, made his ensigne bearer turne LUCULLUS
sodainly that caried the first Eagle, and the bands tooke their
places to passe the river in order of battell. Then Tigranes
secretly comen to him selfe, as out of dronkennes : cried out
alowde twise, or thrise, Come they then to us ? But then
was there no small sturre and tumult, to put such a world
of people into battell. The king Tigranes him selfe under-
tooke to leade the midle battell, gave the left wing unto the
king of the Adiabenians, and the right unto the king of the
Medes : in the which were the most parte of the complete The ordering
armed men, who made the first front of all the battell. of Tigranes
But as Lucullus was ready to passe the river, there were batte"-
certaine of his Captaines that came unto him, to wish him to
take heede that he fought not that day, bicause it was one
of those which the Romanes thought unfortunate, and call
them Atri, to saye, blacke : for upon one of those dayes, one Atri blacke or
Caepio was overthrowen in a set battell with all his army by unfortunate
the Cimbres. But Lucullus gave them a prety aunswere dayes>
againe, which is not forgotten to this day : I will make this
a happy day (sayd he) for the Romanes. It was the six-
teenth day of the moneth of October. And so with those
wordes encoraging his men, passed over the river, and went
him selfe the foremost man, and marched directly towardes Lucullus
his enemy, armed with an anima of steele, made with scalloppe battell with
shelles, shining like the sunne, and upon that an arming il&ranes-
coate fringed round about, holding his sword drawen in his Lucullus
hand : to let his men understand, that they must sodainly armor,
joyne with their enemies, and fight at the swordes pointe,
that were not acquainted to fight but a farre of with shotte
and slinges, and that he would so quickely winne the dis-
taunce of grounde they had to marche ere they could joyne,
that they should have no leasure to shoote. And further-
more, perceiving that the strength of their men of armes
(wherof they made so great accompt) was ranged in battell
under a hill, the toppe whereof was very plaine and even, and
the way up the hill not passing foure furlonges travaill, and
not very hard nor steepe to clime : he sent thither certaine
horsemen of the Thracians and Gaules which he had in pay,
and commaunded them to geve a charge on the flancke to
3 : EEE 401

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LUCULLUS disorder them, and assay to cut their launces, with their
swordes. For all the strength of these men of armes con-
sisteth in their launces, and they can do nothing for them
selves, nor against their enemies, they are so heavely armed
and loden : so as it seemeth they are locked up in their
armor, as in an iron prison. And he him selfe therewithall
taking two ensignes of footemen, strove also to gaine the
toppe of the hill, his souldiers following him hard at the
heeles with a notable corage, bicause they saw him the for-
most man travailing a foote, and digging against the height
of the hill. When he had gotten up to the toppe, he stayed
a litle in the highest place he could finde, and then cried
out with a lowd voyce : Oh companions, the victory is ours.
And as he spake those wordes, he ledde them against these
men of armes, commaunding them they should not medle
with throwing of their dartes, but taking their swordes in
their handes they should strike at their thighes and legges,
bicause they have no other partes of their bodies naked.
Howbeit there was no neede of such fight, for they taried
not the Romanes, but with great crying out turned their
horse heades immediatly, and ranne cowardly (them selves
and their horses, heavie armed as they were) through the
middest of the bandes of their footemen, before they had
striken a stroke. And thus were so many thowsandes of men
broken without any stroke striken, or any man hurt, or one
droppe of blood seene to be spilt. But the great slaughter
was, when they beganne to flie, or (to say better) when they
thought to flie : for they could not flie, they ranne so one
apon an others necke by reason of the ^marvelous length and
bredth of their battells. Tigranes amongest the rest was one
of the first that dislodged with a small company, and seeing
his sonne running the same fortune, flying as him selfe did,
tooke of his diadeame or royall bande from his head, and
gave it him weeping, commaunding him to save him selfe as
well as he could by some other way. But the young prince
durst not put it on his head, but gave it to one of his
trusty servauntes to keepe, who by chaunce was taken and
brought unto Lucullus : so that amongest the other spoyle
and prisoners, there was taken Tigranes diadeame. It is
402

Lucullus
famous vic-
torie of
Tigranes.

Tigranes
flight.

Tigranes dia-
deame taken
by Lucullus.

GRECIANS AND ROMANES (

thought that there were slaine at this overthrow, above a LUCULLUS
hundred thowsand footemen, and very few of all the horse-
men saved. On the Romanes side, there were about a
hundred hurt, and five slaine. Antiochus the Philosopher
speaking of this battell in a treatise he made of the gods,
wryteth that the sunne never saw the like overthrowe. And
Strabo an other Philosopher in a certaine abridgement he
made of stories sayd, that the Romanes were ashamed, and
laughed at them selves that they had drawen their swordes
against such dastardly slaves. And Titus Livius declareth
also, that the Romanes were never in any battell with so
small a number of fighting men, against so great a multitude
of enemies : for the conquerers were not in all the world the
twentith parte (nothing like) of those that were overcome.
Wherefore the oldest and best experienced Captaines of the Lucullus
Romanes did highly commende Lucullus, bicause he had praise,
overcome two of the greatest and most mighty Princes of Two puysant
the world, by two sundry contrary meanes : the one by tract Binges over-
and delay, and the other by spede and swiftnes. For he ™™
undermyned and consumed Mithridates, by holding backe,
and delaying, at that time when all his strength was whole :
and to the contrary he destroyed Tigranes with great speede
and haste. And thus did he that, which few Captaines could
ever do : that is, used delay of time to execute, and valliant
expedition to winne the victory. This was the cause why
Mithridates made no hast to come to the battel, thinking
still that Lucullus had used his wonted policy, to delay and
geve backe alwaies : and therefore he came by small jorneys
unto Tigranes campe. But meeting at the first with a fewe
of the Armenians that fled as he came on his way, like men
that had bene frayed, he straight mistrusted the overthrow :
but afterwards meeting greater troupes of them naked, and
sore wounded, then he knew how the matter went. So he
went to seeke out Tigranes, whom he found alone, forsaken
of his men, and in very poore estate, yet did not he requite
Tigranes in adversity with that pride and disdaine he had
used him before in his miserie : but lighted of his horse, to
bewaile with him their common misfortune, and gave him all
his officers, and traine of a kings court that followed him to

403

Lucullus
tooke Tig-
ranocerta.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LUCULLUS serve him, comforting him, and exhorting him to plucke up
his hart againe, and to be coragious thenceforth. Hereupon
they both leavied a freshe the whole force and power they
could from all the partes of their dominions. In the meane
season, there fell out great sedition in the city of Tigrano-
certa, betwene the Graecians and the barbarous people : for
the Graecians, they would have yeelded up the towne into
Lucullus hands. Whereupon, Lucullus geving an assault to
the city at that very instant, wanne it, and seased upon the
kings treasure there, leaving all the rest to the spoile of the
souldiers : in the which, besides all other riches, there was
eight thowsand talents in ready money. And yet besides all
that, he gave of the spoile that was won apon the enemies,
eight hundred Drachmas unto every souldier. And under-
standing that there were divers musitians, common players,
minstrels, and such kinde of people meete for feastes and
sporte, whom Tigranes had sent for thither from all partes,
to dedicate the Theater he had made in his city : he caused
all them to serve at the sportes and feastes of this victory.
After the solempnization whereof, he sent the Graecians
home againe unto their contry, and gave them money to
defraye their charges by the way, and the barbarous people
also that were brought thither by force from their native
contries. And so it fortuned, that by the desolation and
destruction of a city forsaken, many others were built againe,
and stored with people: bicause those cities had thereby
recovered their naturall inhabitants againe, who ever after
did love and honor Lucullus, as their benefactor and founder.
All other things prospered also, according to his vertue and
merites. For Lucullus liked better the praise that came of
bounty, of justice, and of clemencie : then that that came by
force of marshall prowes and chevalry. For in deedes of
armes, he sayd his army partly deserved praise, and fortune
also caried the best parte away : but the praise of the other,
were onely due unto him selfe. Whereby he shewed the
valor of an excellent good man, well taught and trained up
in vertue : and so reaped the frute of his worthy deserts.
For by those good partes, he wanne the hartes of the barbar-
ous people in such sorte, that the kinges of the Arabians
404

Lucullus
justice and
clemency.

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

came of good will to put them selves and their goods into his LUCULLUS
hands. So did the nation of the Sophenians also yeld them
selves unto him. The Gordiaenians in like maner, they liked
Lucullus so well, that they would willingly have forsaken
their cities, houses and contry, to follow him with their wives
and children upon this occasion. Zarbienus king of these
Gordiaenians, as we have recited before, had privily entred
amity with Lucullus, by meanes of Appius Clodius, who could
no lenger away with the tyranny of Tigranes. This practise
was bewrayed unto Tigranes, who put Zarbienus, his wife, Zarbienus
and children to death, before the Romanes maine army king of the
came into the contry of Armenia. Howbeit Lucullus did si^n^ty*0
not forget it, but passing through his realme, gave him Tigranes.
very royall funeralles. For having heaped up a huge pyle
of wodde, sumptuously set out with cloth of gold and
silver, and other rich spoiles of Tigranes : he him selfe
in person, would needes set it a fire, and made the funerall
effusions and accustomed sprincklinges at burialles, with his
frendes and kinsemen, doing him this honor, as to call him
frend and confederate of the Romane people, and appointed
also a great summe of money besides to erect a sumptuous
tombe for him. For they found great store of gold and
silver in the kinges castell, and there was plenty of provi-
sion also of three hundred thowsand bushells of wheate :
the which did enriche his souldiers marvelously, and made
Lucullus to be wondered at, that havinge received not one
Drachma from the sparing coffers at Rome, he had notwith-
standing made the warre entertaine it selfe. About the self
same time also, the king of the Parthians sent Ambassadors
unto him to offer him his frendshippe and allyance : which
Lucullus willingly accepted, and sent Ambassadors from him
also of acceptation, who made reporte to Lucullus at their
returne, that the king of the Parthians stoode doubtfull how
to resolve which parte he should take, and that secretly he
sent unto Tigranes, to aske the realme of Mesopotamia for
his reward to aide him against the Romanes. Lucullus being
truly enformed of the king of Parthiaes double dealing, de-
termined to leave Tigranes and Mithridates, as two enemies
wearied and overcome, and a litle to prove the force and

405

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LUCULLUS power of the Parthians by making warres upon them, think-
ing it great honor unto him, if he might discomfit and
overthrow three so mighty kings one after an other, like a
valliant conqueror that had overcome three famous Captaines
together, and had passed through the contries of three of
the greatest Princes under the sunne, alwayes a conqueror,
and never conquered. Hereupon he wrote immediatly unto
Sornatius and other of his Captaines which he had left to
keepe the realme of Pontus, that they should repayre to
him with all speede with the bandes they had under their
Lucullus pre- charge, for that he was determined to departe out of the
pareth to goe contry of Gordiasna, to go against the Parthians : howbeit
Parthians & ^is purpose altered by occasion. For his Lieutenauntes that
had many times before founde their souldiers mutinous, and
Lucullus rebelling at their commaundements, knew plainly then their
souldiers fall cancred stomakes and incorrigible disobedience. For they
'mV' could not possibly get them from thence, by any compulsion
or perswasions they could use : but contrarily they cryed out,
and tolde them plainly, that they would no lenger tary where
they were, but would goe home to their contry, and leave
the realme of Pontus without gard or garrison at all. And
further, that worst of all was, when these newes were brought
to Lucullus campe, they gave a full example of boldnes to
his souldiers there, to mutiny in such sorte, having good will
and disposition thereunto of themselves before. For their
Full purses, purses being full, and they acquainted with finenes, were
and ease :mak- become so dull and lasie, that they could endure no paines
th mutinous nor narc[nes of warres, but desired to live in all idlenes and
ease. And hearing the reporte of their fellowes stowtenesse,
called them lustie laddes, saying, they must needes take the
like course, and doe as they taught them, vaunting of their
good service of long time done, which well deserved leave
nowe to departe home with safety, and thenceforth take
their rest. Lucullus hearing of this their talke, and many
other their words worse, and fuller of sedition then these :
brake of his enterprise against the Parthians, and went againe
in the middest of sommer to meete with Tigranes. But
when he was come to the top of mount Taurus, it grieved
him to see the fields so full of wheate yet standing, which
406

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

came by the season of the yeare, and coldnes of the ayer, LUCULLUS
being so slacke and slowe in all those partes. Nevertheles,
he came downe into the valley, and at two or three skirmishes
overthrew the Armenians, that ventered to abide his comming
downe. And ranne over all the valley, and destroyed the
whole contry, without let or stoppe of any man, taking
away the provision of corne that was made for Tigranes
campe : wherby he straighted his enemies unto that nede
and necessity of vittells which him selfe feared, and yet
ceased not to provoke them (by all other meanes) to come
to battell. Somtime enclosing their campe with trenches
about, as if he ment to famish them : somtime againe de-
stroying and spoyling the whole contry before their face.
But bicause they had so ofte bene discomfited, they would
no more stirre, nor once move against him. Lucullus
perceiving that, in the end raised his campe, and went and
layed siege unto Artaxata, the chiefe city of the kingdom Lucullus
of Armenia, in the which were Tigranes lawfull wives and besiegeth
young children, hoping that Tigranes would rather hazard A^*8*8^1*0
an other battell, then suffer that city to be lost. It is sayd Armenia^
that Hanniball of Carthage (after king Antiochus was over-
throwen in battell by the Romanes) went unto king Artaxes, Artaxes king
whom he taught many necessary and profitable things for of Armenia,
his realme: and amongest others, considering that one of
the goodliest and pleasauntest places of all his kingdom lay »

wast, and no reckoning made of it, drewe a plat of a city,
brought the king thither, and caused it to be built and Hanniball
inhabited. The king liked his devise marvelous well, and builded
prayed him to take the charge upon him to see the worke Artaxata-
finished. And thus was this noble and famous city built,
and called after the kings name, Artaxata : and held ever
after the reputacion of the chiefest place of the whole realme
of Armenia. Tigranes being advertised that Lucullus went
to laye siege thereunto, could not endure it, but went with
all his army to follow the Romanes, and the fourth day
came and camped hard by them : insomuch as there was but
the river of Arsanias betwene them, which the Romanes of Arsanias fl.
necessitie must passe over to goe to Artaxata. Lucullus
havinge first sacrificed unto the goddes, assuring him selfe

407

LUCULLUS

Lucullus
order of his
army.

Other do read
in this place
against the
Atropaten-
ians, which
are people of
Media.

Three kings
ranged in
battell.

Lucullus mak-
eth Tigranes
flye againe.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

of the victorie, as if he had it already in his handes : made
his armie passe over in order of battell, putting twelve
cohortes in the fronte, and the other behinde, fearing least
the enemies having a great number of men of armes shoulde
environne them at their backes. They had against them
also the Mardian bow men a horse backe, and the Iberians
with their launces, in whom Tigranes trusted more then in
any other, as in the best souldiers he had in pay : and yet
for all that they did no notable service. For when they had
skirmished but a litle with the horsemen of the Romanes,
they durst not tarie the legyonaries or footebands that came
behinde them, but dispersed them selves, some flying one
way, some an other, which intised the Romane horsemen to
follow the chase. But when the men of armes that were
about Tigranes person, sawe the horsemen so scattered
abroade, they began straight to breake upon the foote-
men. Lucullus seeing the great multitude of them, and
how passingly they were armed and appointed, being some-
what affrayed. thereof: sent in hast to call in his horsemen
that followed the chase, and in the meane time him selfe
marched foremost, against these Lordes and Satrapes, which
were in the fronte before him with all the nobility of their
hoast, whom he put in such a feare, that before he could
come to hand strokes, they all turned taile and fled. There
were three kinges ranged in battell one hard by an other,
howbeit of the three, he that fled most shamefully and
cowardly, was Mithridates king of Pontus, who had not the
hart so much as to abide the cries of the Romanes. The
chase was very long : for it continued all night untill such
time as the Romanes were wearied with killing, taking of
prisoners, and packing up of all kindes of spoyles. Titus
Livius sayeth, that there were slaine moe men in the first
battell : but greater personages in the seconde, and the
chiefest of the enemies were all taken. After this battell
Lucullus hart being bigge, and fearing nothing, determined
to goe further into the contry, even utterly to destroy this
barbarous king. But in the time of the equinoctiall autumne,
(when the weather waxed more bitter then any man would
in that season have thought) there fell out so great a cold,
408

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

that for the most part it did nothing but snow : and if the LUCULLUS
element did any thing cleere, then frose it so hard, that the
horse could come by no water, the rivers were so extreamely
congealed with ise. And there could no man passe over
by forde : for they did not so soone enter, but the ise brake,
and cut the vaines and sinewes of the horse legges a sunder,
they were so hard and thicke withall. And furthermore,
the contry being full of trees, woddes and forrestes, and the
wayes very narrowe, not being able to passe by the fieldes,
they were through wet with snow that fell upon them : and
when they came to their lodging, then it was worse, for there
were they constrained to lye in soft and moyst places. And
therefore the souldiers had followed but few dayes after this
battell, but they refused to goe any further. And first they
sent their Collonells and Captaines to intreate Lucullus to
leave of this jorney. Afterwards they gathered together
more boldly in trowpes, and in the night time beganne to
murmure and groyne in their tents (which is a certaine signe
and token of a mutinous armie, that hath a minde to rebell
against their Generall) although that Lucullus used all
gentle perswasions to winne them with pacience to abide this
jorney, at the least, till time they might take the citie of
Carthage in Armenia : to thende they might there destroy
the worke and memory of the greatest enemy that ever
the Romanes had in this world, meaning Hanniball. But
when he saw all this would not prevaile, he brought them
backe againe, and passed over mount Taurus an other way,
and came downe into the contry called Mygdonia, a very The contry of
hotte and fertile soyle, where there is a great city, and Mygdonia.
marvelously replenished with inhabitauntes : who call it Nisibis, alias
Nisibis, and the Graecians call it Antioch, of Mygdonia. In Antiochia,
that city Gouras was Governor, who was Tigranes owne ^rClt^° •
brother : but for experience in engines of battery, and for
sufficiencie and skill in such matters, there was Callimachus
also, he that so marvelously troubled Lucullus before at the
siege of the city of Amisus. Lucullus placing his campe
before this city, besieged the same by all such meanes as Lucullustak-
might enforce it, and that so valliantly, that in very shorte eth Nisibis
time he tooke it by assault. And as for Gouras, who sub- by assault.
3 : FFF 409

LUCULLUS

Callimachus
did set the
city of Amisus
a fire.

Thalteracion
of Lucullus
good fortune.

Lucullus
cause of all
his mis-
fortune.

Lucullus
faults.

Lucullus
vertues.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

mitted him selfe to Lucullus mercie, he was very curteously
intreated. But for Callimachus, he would not once heare
him speake, notwithstanding that he promised, if they would
save his life, he would tell them of coffers full of great
treasure hidden, which no man knew but him selfe onely.
But Lucullus commaunded them to bring him with gyves to
receive the punishment he had justly deserved, for setting the
city of Amisus a fire, and taking from him the meane to
shewe the Grsecians his goodnesse, affection and liberality
towardes them. Untill this present time, it might be truely
sayd, that good fortune ever favored and followed Lucullus
in all his enterprises and affayres : but from that time for-
wards, it was quickely seene that the favorable blast of
fortune failed him, he did all his things with so great payne,
and all that he did fell out contrarie unto him, and to very
ill purpose. In deede he did ever shew the valiancy, pacience,
ana great corage that should be in a valliant Generall, or
Lieutenaunt of an armie. But his exployts and doinges had
never after that easie grace, nor shining glory they were
wont to have : but to the contrary, he was like to have lost
all that he had wonne before, through the misfortunes that
fell upon him, and for the brawles and vaine contention he
had with his people to no purpose. But the worst was, that
they make him selfe thonly author of all these evills, bicause
he could not, or would not entertaine the goodwill of the
multitude of his souldiers : thinking that whatsoever a
Generall, or any other officer of state or calling doth to
please and content them he hath under his charge, is to
dishonor him selfe, and to geve cause unto his souldiers to
despise his authoritie. But that which made most against
him was this : that he gave no estimacion to gentlemen, and
men of like quality to him selfe, but disdained them, and
thought them unworthy to be equall with him. For these
they say were his faultes and imperfections, but otherwise
that he wanted no vertues, nor naturall giftes and good
condicions that could be possibly wished for, or desired.
For he was a talle gentleman, of goodly presence, well
spoken, wise and discreete, as well in matters of govern-
ment, as in warres : and as well to perswade the people in
410

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

peace, as to encorage his souldiers in warre. Salust wryteth LUCULLUS
of him, that his souldiers began to mislike with him, even The cause
from the first entry into these warres, bicause he made them why Lucullus
lye out two winters together in the field, one after an other : *?£ d ^th""8'
the one before the city of Cizicus, and the other before the ^m
city of Amisus. And even as much did the other winters
following vexe and trouble them. For either they lay in
their enemies contry, or else| if they lay in their frendes, yet
he made them campe abroade in the field, and shrowd them Lucullus
selves in their tentes : for Lucullus never entred with his army ever lay
army into any city or confederate towne of Graece. Now if in. t|ie fie^e,
the souldiers of them selves misliked Lucullus, the counsellers rn
at Rome that were his enemies, and envied his prosperity and
glory, gave them yet greater occasions to mutine against
him. For they continually accused him to the people in
their orations, that he drew out this warre in length, pur-
posely bicause he would alwayes have occasion to rule, and
meanes to get, having in his hands in maner all Cilicia,
Asia, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Galatia, Pontus, Armenia, and
all the provinces and regions as farre as to the river of
Phasis : and yet he had not long before spoyled the Princely Phasis fl.
houses of Tigranes, as if he had bene sent thither only to
sack and spoyle, and not to destroy and overcome those
kings. And they say that it was Lucius Quintius, one of
the Praetors, that spake these wordes. It was he also that
most moved the people to take order, that Lucullus should
be called home, and other sent to succeede him in the charge
and government of the contries he had subdued. By the
selfe same meane, it was also ordained : that divers which
were under his charge, should be dispersed with all for their
othes, and licenced to leave the warres when they thought
good. But besides those and such like great causes, there
was yet an other more daungerous plague, and that most
overthrew Lucullus proceedings, passing all the other evills
being put together : and that was Publius Clodius, a wicked, Publius
licentious, and a harebrainde man. He was Lucullus wives Clodius a
brother, and she was so light of her body, that Clodius her wlcked
brother was accused of incontinencie with her. This Clodius
being at that time in Lucullus campe, caried not that estima-

411

Publius Clo-
dius stirred
up the
souldiers
against
Lucullus.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LUCULLUS cion and credit he thought him selfe worthy of. For he tooke
him selfe equall with the best, and would needes have bene
holden for chiefe : when in deede there were many of farre
better desert, he being noted both for a vitious and ill dis-
posed person. Whereupon he beganne for spight to suborne
the bandes called Fimbrians, and to stirre them up against
Lucullus, sowing sweete and pleasaunt wordes amongest
the souldiers, which being wonted therunto, looked still to
be flattered. For they were those whom Fimbria had pro-
cured to kill the Consull Flaccus, and choose him in his
steede for their Captaine. By reason whereof they gave
good eare to Clodius words, and called him a noble Captaine,
and a lover of souldiers. For when he spake unto them, he
made as though he had pittied them, for that they should
never see an end of their great paynes and warres, but
should miserably consume their dayes in fighting con-
tinually, sometime with one nation, and sometime with
an other : and that they wandered through all the contries
of the world, receiving no worthy reward of so long and
painfull service, serving only to gard Lucullus cartes and
camells loden with plate and vessell of golde, and silver,
and other pretious stones. Where the souldiers that had
served under Pompey, tooke nowe their ease at home in
their contry with their wives and children, and were landed
men, dwelling in goodly fayer cities, as rich burgeses and
wealthy citizens : and yet they had not driven Mithridates
and Tigranes out of their kingdomes, into desert places
unhabitable, nor had destroyed the Princely houses of Asia,
but only made a litle warre in Spayne against those that
were banished, and in Italic against fugitive slaves. Shall
we then sayd he, cary harnesse on our backes all the dayes
of our life ? Is it not better that we which are escaped
until this present, reserve our selves, our bodies and lives for
that noble Captaine, who esteemeth the greatest honor and
glory he can atchieve unto, is to make his souldiers rich that
serve under him ? Lucullus army was so seduced and cor-
rupted, with these mutinous and seditious accusations, that
the souldiers would no lenger follow him, neither against
Tigranes, nor against Mithridates : who went presently out
412

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

of Armenia into his realme of Pontus, and beganne to LUCULLUS
conquer it againe, whilest the Romane souldiers mutining
against their General, remained idle in the province of
Gordisena, excusing them selves by the winter season, and
tarying untill Pompey or some other Captaine should
quickely come to raise the siege, and succeede Lucullus.
Notwithstanding, when they understoode that Mithridates
had overthrowen Fabius, one of Lucullus Lieutenaunts, and Mithridates
that he went against Sornatius and Triarius : they were then victory of
ashamed of them selves, and became contented to be led by tenauntes ^
Lucullus. But Triarius in a bravery, when he heard that
Lucullus drew neere, made hast to winne the victory, as if
it had bene cocke sure before Lucullus came : and was him
selfe overthrowen in a great battell, where some say there Mithridates
dyed above seven thowsande Romanes, amongest the which overcame
were a hundred and fifty centurions, and foure and twenty L^oShL
Captaines or Collonells of a thowsand men a peece, and yet Captaine.
besides, Mithridates tooke their campe also. Shortly after
this overthrow, Lucullus came thither, who hid Triarius,
whom the souldiers sought in their anger by all the meanes
they could to kill. Now when Lucullus was come, he
prooved sundrie meanes to procure Mithridates to battell :
but Mithridates would not once sturre abroade, bicause
he looked for Tigranes that came downe with a mighty
power. Whereuppon he determined againe to goe against
Tigranes to fight with him, before Mithridates and he
joyned forces together. But as he was in his jorney
towardes him, the Fimbrian bandes beganne to rebell a The Fimbrian
new, and would not follow his ensignes, saying, and alleag- souldiers
ing of them selves, that by decree of the people they had
leave to departe, and were discharged from their othe : and
furthermore that Lucullus had no more to do to commaund
them, considering that the government of the provinces
which he had, was geven unto others. Lucullus perceiving
this, did so humble him selfe unto them, supposing that Lucullus
way to winne them, as there was no kinde of uncomely f0™6/!*?.
humility but he submitted him selfe unto it : insomuch as JJJJjJ f£ J
he went into their tentes to pray and intreate them one mutinous
after an other, with water in his eyes, and with so great souldiers.

413

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LUCULLUS lowlinesse, as even to shake handes with them. But they
fiercely rejected all his curtesies and fayer intreaties, cast-
ing their pennylesse purses before him, and angrily bad
him fight with his enemies alone, since he had with the
spoile of them all so well enriched him selfe alone. Never-
thelesse, at the intercession and earnest request of other
soldiers, these Fimbrian bands were compelled to promise,
The Fimbrian that they would yet tary all that sommer, so that if no man
souldiers tarie in the meane time offred them battell, at the ende of the
the som- tearmej they might go where they would. Lucullus was
corfdicbiTto f°rced to accept this condicion, or else to remaine alone, and
departe when consequently to forsake the contry of the barbarous people,
sommer was With much a do thus he kept them together, but in such
done. sorte, as he durst no more venter to compell them to come to

battell, contenting him selfe that they were willing onely to
stay with him, being forced to suffer Tigranes in the meane
time to destroy and overrunne the contry of Cappadocia,
and Mithridates also to bragge againe, of whom he had
before wrytten to the Senate that he had utterly overcome
him : insomuch as there came commissioners and deputies
from Rome by his owne procurement, to order the state of
the realme of Pontus with him, as of a kingdom already
wonne to the Romane Empire. But when they were comen,
they found him not master of him selfe, and that his owne
souldiers flowted him, and did him all the spight and injury
they could. For they were so unruly towardes their Captaine,
and did so much disdaine him, that when the end of the
sommer was come, they armed them selves with armor and
weapon, and drawing out their swordes in mockery, challenged
their enemies to battell which were gone out of the fielde : and
after they had made the noyse and cryes accustomed when
they joyned battel, and made as though they fought, hurling
and swinging their swords in the ayer, they went from the
campe, declaring openly that their time was expired, which
Pompey, they promised Lucullus to tary. On thother side Pompey
Lucullus sue- had wrytten unto the other souldiers that were yet in campe,
to come unto him : for through the peoples favor at Rome,
the practises and flatteries of the common counsellers there,
he was substituted Generall in Lucullus place. Which much
414

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

misliked the Senate and nobility : for they thought Lucullus LUCULLUS
greatly wronged to have a successor sent, not to succeede
him in troubles and daungers, but in honor and glory of
triumphe. And that they should compell him not onely to
resigne up the office of a Generall to an other, but (for the

food service he long time had done) the reward of his honor
ue for the same : and this also more misliked them, that
were then about him. That so soone as Pompey was arrived
in Asia, he tooke all power and authority from Lucullus, to Injuries offer-
punishe or reward any man, for good or ill service done £d LUCUU"US
to the common wealth in those warres, and did moreover ^
prohibite by publicke bills set up in every common place,
that they should no more repayre unto him, nor obey ought,
that he, or any of the ten commissioners sent to dispose of
the state of the provinces wonne by him, should commaund
or ordaine : and bicause Pompey came with a greater power
and army then his, he was in some feare of him. Their
frends thought good neverthelesse they should meete together:
and so they did incontinently, in a village of Galatia, where Lucullus
at their first meeting they saluted ech other very curteously, and Pompeys
rejoycing together of the noble victories that either had metm£'
wonne. Lucullus was the elder man, but Pompey of greater
dignity, bicause he had bene Generall of the Romane people
in many warres, and had already triumphed twise. The
bundells of roddes which the sergeaunts caried before them,
were wreathed about with lawrell braunches for the victories
they had both atchieved: but Pompeys bundells were withered
away, bicause they had comen a longe jorney through hotte
and drye contries. Lucullus officers seeing theirs withered,
curteously gave them of theirs fresh and new gathered :
which Pompeys frendes tooke for a signe of good lucke. For
to say truely, the thinges that Lucullus did in the time of his
charge, were cause of the honor that Pompey afterwardes
wanne. Howbeit in the end for all their talke, they were no
whit the better frendes: but departed thone from thother
more straunge then they met. For Pompey by a plaine Mislikinges
edict, brake, revoked, and disanulled all Lucullus ordinaunces, betwene

and taking from him all his other souldiers, left him but Pom5fy and

i • • i -i -I , i • i • t Lucullus.

only sixtene hundred to accompany his triumphe, and yet

415

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LUCULLUS they followed him with unwilling mindes : such was Lucullus
imperfection and mayme, either by nature, or frowardnes of
fortune, that he lacked the chiefest thing a Generall should
Lucullus not have, which was, to be beloved of his souldiers. For if
beloved of his he had attained to that perfection, amongest many other
Liers. jjis excellent vertues, and magnanimity, wisedom, judgement,
and justice: the river of Euphrates had not bene the utter-
most confines of the Empire of Rome on Asia side, but
it had extended as farre as the sea Hyrcane, yea even unto
thutmost parte of the world. For king Tigranes had already
conquered the other nations that lye beyonde that, saving
the contrie of Parthia, which then was not so great nor
stronge, as it appeared afterwardes in Crassus time : nor so
joyned and knit together, but (what through civill dissen-
tions amongest them at home, and forrein warres with their
neighbors abroade) was so weake, that with great difficulty
they could defend them selves from the Armenians, that con-
tinually harried them out of their skinnes. But to take
thinges rightly as they be in deede, me thinkes that Lucullus
did more hurt unto his contry by other, then he did benefit
the same by him selfe. For the tokens of triumphe and
victories which he wanne in Armenia so neere unto the
Parthians, the cities of Tigranocerta and of Nisibis which he
had sacked and spoyled, the great treasure that he brought
to Rome, and the Diadeame also of Tigranes, which was
Crassus desire shewed in triumphe as a prisoner with the rest : moved
to conquer Crassus with such a marvelous desire to passe into Asia, as if
sifflrtofLucul- a^ ^he barbarous people had bene nothing but an assured
lus triumphe. sP°yle> and a purposed pray unto all those that would come
to take them. But Crassus farre otherwise, finding him
See the life of selfe galled and troubled with the arrowes of the Parthians,
Crassus what knew then by proofe, that Lucullus had not so much over-
succes come his enemies for that they wanted skill, or were a

cowardly people, as he had done through his wisedom and
valliantnes. But that shalbe scene hereafter. Furthermore,
Lucullus Lucullus being now returned to Rome, found first of all his
returne to brother Marcus, accused by one Gaius Memmius, for that he
had done in his office of treasorer, in Syllaes time, and by his
commaundement, whereof he was cleared by sentence of the
416

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

judges. But Memmius of spight turned his anger against LUCULLUS
Lucullus selfe, stirring up the people against him, and letting
them understand that Lucullus had kept backe and robbed
much parte of the treasure, which should have comen to the
common wealth, and that to worke his feate the better, had
prolonged these warres as he did : wherefore he perswaded
them flatly to deny him the honor of his triumphe. And
truely Lucullus was in great daunger to have lost it utterly :
but that the noble men of the city, and they that were of
greatest authority, intermedled them selves with the tribes
when they came to passe it by voyces of the people, whome
they intreated so much through sute and perswasion, that in
the end, with much a doe, the people suffred him to enter
the city in triumphe. So Lucullus made a triumphant entry, Lucullus
not terrible nor troublesome for the long shewe or sight triumphe.
thereof, nor for the multitude of thinges that he brought
thither with him, as many other Captaines had done before
him. For he caused the showe place (which they call Circus
Flaminius at Rome) to be set out and furnished chiefly with
armor and weapons of the enemies to a marvelous number:
and with the kinges engynes and inventions of battering
peeces, which was a pleasant sight to behold. And in this
show, there was a certaine number of his men of armes
bravely armed, tenne cartes of warre armed with sythes
that passed by, and three score of the chiefest frendes and
Captaines of the two kinges that were led prisoners through
the city. And there were also drawen after them, a hundred
and tenne gallies all armed in the prooues with strong spurres
of copper, and a statue of Mithridates all of cleane gold,
sixe foote high, with a rich target set with pretious stones.
Besides all that, there were twenty cubberds as full of silver
plate as could be, and thirty cubberds full also of golden
vessell, armor and coyne of gold, caried upon mens shoulders.
After them followed eight mules loden with golden beddes,
and sixe and fifty other mules that caried silver bullion, and
a hundred and seven other moyles that caried silver coyne,
amounting to the summe of two hundred three score and
tenne thowsand Sestertios. Furthermore, there were bookes
of accompt caried also, wherein were particularly wrytten the
3 : GGG 417

LUCULLUS

Lucullus for-
saketh Clodia
and marieth
Servilia
Catoes sister,
as unchast
as Clodia.

Lucullus
geveth over
government
of the com-
mon wealth.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

summes of mony which Lucullus had delivered before unto
Pompey for the warre against py rates on the sea, and unto
the treasorers, and high treasors, to put into the sparing
coffers of the common wealth at Rome. And afterwardes in
an article by it selfe, that he had geven nyne hundred and
fifty Drachmas to every souldier by the polle. After the
shewe of this triumphe was ended, he made a generall feast,
in the which he feasted all the city and villages thereabouts,
which the Romanes call Vices. And afterwardes forsooke
his wife Clodia for her unchast and wanton life, and
maried Servilia Catoes sister : howbeit he wanne nothing by
thexchaunge, for he sped as evill with the seconde, as he did
with the first. For, saving that she was not slatmdred with
thincest of her owne brethren, otherwise she was as dishonest
and unchast as Clodia : and yet he bare withall a while for
her brothers sake, but at the length grew weary of her, and
put her away as he had done Clodia. Nowe when he had
filled the Senate with a marvelous hope and expectation of
him, (who thought they had now got one to encounter and
withstande Pompeys tyranny, and to uphold and maintaine
the authority of the nobility and Senate against the people,
for that by his noble deedes he had atchieved so great fame
and reputacion) he sodainly gave over all dealinges in
thaffayres of the common wealth : either bicause he sawe it
so best, being a hard thing now to kepe it from ruine : or
else (as other sayd) for that he felt him selfe sufficiently
furnished with honor and wealth, and therefore determined
from thenceforth to live quietly all at his ease, after so great
paynes, travailes and troubles, the end whereof fell not out
over fortunately. And surely some were of his minde, and
liked this great chaunge of his marvelous well : bicause he
did not as Marius did, neither happened on the ill successe
and end that Marius had. For Marius after the notable
victories which he brought from the Cimbres, and after his
valliant actes in warres which had won him great honor,
yet would he not so leave of, when he might have bene
chronicled to his wonderfull glory : but of an unsatiable
minde, and ambitious desire to rule and beare sway, (being
withall a very olde man) went and sorted him selfe amongest
418

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

young men desirous of government, who brought him not LUCULLUS
only to commit many outrages, but made him selfe also to
suffer greater cruelties. It is thought also that Cicero had
ended his aged course more happely, if after he had quenched
Catilines conspiracy, he had then taken his ease. And so
had Scipio in like case, if when he had joyned Numantia
unto Carthage, he would then have quieted him selfe. And
therfore, some say, that there is a certaine revolution and
time appointed, beyond the which no wise man should
medle any more with thaffayers of the common wealth : no
more then a man whose youth and strength is gone and
decayed, is any more fit to just, wrestle, or enter into such
exercises of the body. But contrarily, Crassus and Pompey
mocked Lucullus, bicause he gave him selfe so much to
pleasure and pastime : as if to live pleasauntly, and delicatly
did not worse become his age, then to commaund an army,
or to governe thaffayres of a common weale. And for my
parte, reading Lucullus life : me thinkes that I read an
auncient comedy, the beginning wherof is tedious, and the
latter end joy full. For at the beginning of his life, you
finde notable exployts done by him in warres, and great good
government also in peace : but in the end they all turned
into feasts, and banckets, and lacking litle of maskes and
mommeries, dauncing with torches, and all other such
delights fitte for young men. For I bring within the com- Lucullus
passe and reckoning of his finenes and pleasures, his sumptu- buildinges
ous buildinges, his stately walles and galleries, his hotte and Pleasures-
houses and stoves, his tables and pictures, his statues also :
and the great workmanshippe and curiositie he had besides
of all other cartes by him, gotten together out of all partes
to his infinite charge, abusing therein the world of goodes
and treasure gotten and wonne in the warres, in time of his
charge and office of Generall, and otherwise. Insomuch,
that notwithstanding excesse and superfluity hath ever since
increased until this present time, yet they reckon the
gardens Lucullus made, to be the most sumptuous and Lucullus gar-
delicatest places that the Emperors have. And therfore dens of great
Tubero the Stoike Philosopher, having seene these stately estimacion-
works which Lucullus had caused to be made neere unto

419

LUCULLUS

Lucullus call-
ed Xerxes the
gowne man.

Xerxes cut
through the
mountaine
Atho, and
made a
channell for
his shippes to
passe thorow.

Lucullus
curiosity and
excesse in
meates and
service.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

Naples, by the sea side, (where there are mountaines cut
through, light as day, and hanged upon vawtes) and great
ditches cast by force to make the sea passe and runne
through his houses, to keepe fishe therein, and lodginges also
that he built in the sea it selfe : he called Lucullus, Xerxes
the gownman, as if he would have sayd, Xerxes the Romane.
For even so did Xerxes in olde time cause the mountaine
Atho to be cut in sunder, and a channell to be digged there
to passe his shippes through. He had also many other
pleasaunt places within the territories of Rome, neere unto
Thusculum, where there were great large halles set upon
tarrasses to see rounde about farre of in the day time. And
Pompey going thither somtime to see him, reproved him
greatly, telling him that he had built a marvelous fayer
sommer house, but not to be dwelt in, the winter season.
Lucullus laughing, answered him : Doe ye thinke me to have

O O' J

lesse wit and reason then storkes or cranes, that I can not
shift houses accordinge to the season ? An other time there
was a Praetor of Rome, that makinge playes to shewe the
people pastime, sent unto Lucullus to borrow certaine
purple clokes to set forth his players : Lucullus made him
aunswer, that he would cause his folkes to looke if he had
any. And the next morning demaunding of him, how many
he should neede : the other aunswered, that a hundred would
serve his turne. Whereupon Lucullus told him againe, he
would furnish him with two hundred, if his case so required.
And therefore the Poet Horace wryting this story, addeth
to a notable exclamation against superfluity, saying: that
men thinke that a poore house, where there is no more riches
then necessary, and where there is not more then appeareth
in sight, and that the master knoweth of. He was a vaine
man in his ordinarie service at his borde, not only in that
his beddes whereon he fedde, were covered with rich car-
pettes of purple, and him selfe served in gold and silver
vessell set with pretious stones, and that there was dauncing,
musicke, playes, and other such like pastimes of ordinary :
but also for that he was continually served with all sortes of
fine dainty dishes, with workes of pastry, bancketing dishes,
and frute curiously wrought and prepared, which only made
420

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

him to be wondered at of men of simple understanding LUCULLUS
and meane condicion. Therefore was Pompey marvelously
esteemed, and specially for a word he spake one day when
he was sicke, and that the Phisitian had willed him to
eate of a thrushe. For when his servaunts told him they
were hard to come by in sommer, but at Lucullus house
where they brought them up all the yeare through : he
would in no wise they should aske any of him, but sayd unto
his Phisitian : What if Lucullus were not geven to pleasure :
could not Pompey live? And so willed them to get him
some other such thing, as they might more easily come by.
Cato was Lucullus frend and kinseman both, and yet he so
much misliked his maner of living and ordinary expence:
that one day a young man making a long and tedious Oration
in open Senate (out of time, and to no purpose) touching
meane dyet, sobriety, and temperaunce of life : Cato could no
lenger abide him, but rose up, and sayd unto him : What,
wilt thou not leave babbling to us all day : thou that art
riche as Crassus, that livest as Lucullus, and speakest as Catoes saying
Cato ? Other affirme that these words were spoken thus, of Lucullus.
but that it was not Cato that spake them : neverthelesse it
is certaine, by the notable sayinges they have gathered of
Lucullus, he did not only delight to live so delicately, but
also he gloried in it. Some wryte that he feasted certaine
Graecians many dayes together in his house, that were come
out of Graece to Rome : and that they being men brought
up with the sobriety and simplicity of Graece, after they had
bene feasted there divers times, were ashamed, and refused
to goe thither any more, being afterwards intreated to
come to Lucullus, supposing that he had made them this
great chere for their owne sakes. Lucullus hearing of it, Certaine
told them : My Lords, I pray you refuse not to come to me sayinges of
for that. In deede I must needes graunt that there is some- Lucu"us«
what more then ordinary, to welcome you with all: but
I tell you truly, the most parte is for Lucullus sake. An
other time when he supped all alone, and his men had layed
but one bord, and prepared but a reasonable supper for him,
he was very angry with them, and called for his steward to
know why he was served so : the steward aunswered him :

421

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

LUCULLUS My Lord, bicause I sawe you sende for no body, I thought

this supper sufficient. What, sayd he againe : knewest not

thou that Lucullus should suppe to night with him selfe ? In

fine, Lucullus fare was commonly knowen through Rome,

that there was no talke but of Lucullus noble housekeping.

Whereupon, Cicero and Pompey being desirous to see the

proofe thereof, came one day to him in the market place

seeing him at pleasure : (for Cicero was Lucullus very good

frend, and Pompey also : and though there was some jarre

betwene them for matters of warres, he did not let for that

to come unto him, and to speake gently one to an other) and

Cicero after he had saluted him, asked him if he would be

contented they should come and see him. Oh, sayd he, with

all my hart : I pray you come to me. Well then, sayd

Cicero, Pompey and I will come and suppe with you to night,

with condicion that you provide no more then your ordinary.

Lucullus told them againe, they should then fare but badly,

and therfore it were better they taried till to morrow. But

they would none of that, no nor suffer him to speake with

his men, for feare he should commaund them, to provide

somewhat more then for him selfe. Neverthelesse, at his

desire, they suffered him onely in their presence alowde to tell

one of his men, that he would suppe that night in Apollo :

(for so was one of his most stately and sumpteous halles of

his house called) and with that word only he finely deceived

Lucullus hav- them both, and they never found him. For every halle had his

ing divers certaine summe and rate appointed for the charge and expence

alles, had of every supper they made in them, and the ordinary furni-

everv^all his ^ure an(^ seryice f°r the same. So that when his servauntes

certen rate had their watche worde but in what halle he would suppe, they

and charge knewe straight what charge he would be at for his supper,

of dyet. aud what orders should be observed therin. Now Lucullus

manner was to spende when he made any feast in the hall of

What Lucul- Apollo, fifty thowsand pence, and that selfe day the supper

lus supper was was prepared according to that value: insomuch as Pompey

in Apollo. marveled howe it could be possible that a supper of so

exceeding great charge could be so sodainly prepared. In

such thinges therefore did Lucullus lavishly and riotously

spend his goodes, like spoyles in deede gotten of slaves and

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

barbarous people. But that specially which he bestowed LUCULLUS
uppon bookes, was very commendable and honest expence.
For he had gathered together a great number of notable
histories, the use wherof was more honor to him, then the
having of them. For his library was ever open to all comers, Lucullus
and they suffred the Graecians to come into his goodly library,
tarrasses and fayer walkes, or other pleasaunt places there-
abouts convenient to sit and reason together, and never shut
dore against them : where learned men met commonly, and
oftentimes spent the whole day in conference together, as in
the house of the Muses, being very glad when other matters
were dispatched, they had so much leasure as but to goe
thither. And Lucullus selfe would also many times be
amongest them, in those tarrasses and pleasaunt walkes,
delighting much to talke with them : and he did ever helpe
to dispatch them that had any busines with him, and graunted
the thing they requested of him. To conclude, his house was
a common receite for all them that came from Graece to
Rome. He loved all maner of Philosophy, and refused no Lucullus
sect of the same. But from his youth upward, he ever loved loved Philo-
and esteemed best the Academicke sect, not that which they s°Phie-
call the new Academicke (although it florished at that time
through Carneades workes, which Philo made such estimacion
of) but the old Academicke, which the Philosopher Antiochus Antiochus of
of the city of Ascalon did defende and maintaine at that Ascalon an
time, being; an eloquent rethoritian and well spoken, whom el°quent
T 11 i.i i • i, 11 i t_< 'i.- \ j rethoritian.

.Lucullus sought to win by all meanes to make him his irende,

and to have him in house with him : bicause he might invey
against Philoes hearers and followers, whose scholler Cicero
among the rest was, that wrote a notable booke against this
olde Academicke sect. And in the same he reciteth Lucullus,
maintaining the opinion of the old Academickes : who hold, The opinion
that a man may certainly know, and comprehend something, °f ^e Aca-
and called that Catalepsin : but Cicero defended the con- demickes-
trary. The booke is intituled Lucullus: for they were (as
we have rehearsed before) very good frendes, and had both
one selfe desire for government in the common wealth. For
Lucullus did not so withdrawe him selfe from matters of
state, that he would no more medle at all, nor heare speake

LUCULLUS

Marcus
Crassus, Cato,
Lucullus,
against
Pompey.

Lucullus and
Cato against
Pompey.

Pompey,
Crassus,
Caesar, con-
spired to-
gether against
the state.

*Cicero call-
eth him
Lucius Ves-
tius, howbeit
it may be
that he was
a Brutian
borne.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

of them : but he betimes gave over all ambition and conten-
tion, as a thing of no small daunger, and breeding great
reproache and dishonor to Marcus Crassus, and Cato, to be
chiefe in authority. And these two were they that defended
the Senate, and whom they raised up to withstand Pompeys
greatnes, being affrayed of him, after that Lucullus had
refused the chiefe place of authority. But otherwise,
Lucullus would be in the market place at courtes and com-
mon counsells, to pleasure his frendes when they requested
him : and would goe to the Senate also, when there was
occasion to breake any new practise, or to overthrowe
Pompeys ambitious policie. For he overthrewe all the
orders and constitutions that Pompey had made, after he
had overcome the kinges, Mithridates and Tigranes : and
with the helpe of Cato hindered a distribution of money
which Pompey had wrytten for to Rome, to be bestowed
amongest his souldiers. Whereupon Pompey fell in frend-
shippe, (or to speake more plainly, in conspiracy) with
Crassus and Caesar, by whose helpe and assistaunce, he filled
Rome with armes and souldiers: and made the people by
force to passe and confirme what he would have done, after
he had violently expulsed Lucullus and Cato out of the
market place. Whereat the noble men were much offended,
and misliking the great wrong they had offred Lucullus and
Cato, Pompeys followers suborned a * Brutian, and said he
was taken lying in waite to kill Pompey. Wherupon the
sayd Brutian being examined by the Senate, named certaine :
but when he came before the people, he named Lucullus,
saying that he had hyered him to kill Pompey. But no man
beleved him. For they perceived openly in the market
place, that he was procured by them selves falsely to accuse
Lucullus, and Pompeys other adversaries. And this was
proved more plainly within few dayes after, when they threw
the body of this Brutian dead in the middest of the streete,
out of the prisone : who they say dyed of him selfe with
sickenes. Howbeit the markes being plainly scene of the
halter wherewith they had strangled him, and the stripes
appearing also which they had geven him : did plainly shew
that they them selves did it, whom after they had suborned
424

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

to accuse Lucullus, they slue in this maner. This was the LUCULLUS
cause why Lucullus did more then before absent him selfe
from medling in publicke causes : but after, when he sawe
that they had so wickedly exiled Cicero, and found meanes
also to convey Cato farre enough of, under pretenced colour
to sende him with charge into the lie of Cyprus : then he
gave up altogether. Some wryte that a litle before his
death, he was not perfit in his wittes, decaying through age Lucullus fell
by litle and litle. Howbeit Cornelius Nepos sayth, that it out of his wits
was not for age, nor sickenes, that his wittes did alter : but |]efole his
through poyson which one of his slaves had geven him, whom
he had made free, called Callisthenes : who gave it him, not
of any evill intent, but bicause his master should love him
the more, supposing that this poyson had power to make Callisthenes
him love him. But he troubled his wits so much with this poysoned
poyson, that Lucullus while he lived was faine to have his
brother Marcus to oversee his goods. Notwithstanding this, dyed,
when he was dead, he was as much bewayled and lamented
of all the people, as if he had dyed in his best credit, and Lucullus
greatest prosperity. For all the people ranne to honor his death,
funeralls, and his bodie was caried to the place, by the young
noble men of the citie. The people woulde in any case have
buried him within the field of Mars, as they had before
buried Sylla. But bicause no man thought of it before, and
also for that things necessary were not easily to be provided
for the place : his brother Marcus besought the people they
would be content his funeralls might be at a towne of his
owne, neere unto the city of Thusculum, where his tombe
was prepared, and he him selfe lived not long time after.
For as Lucullus both in age, and honor, had not left him farre
behinde him : so did he not much in his death. For as
a brother that had alwayes dearely loved him, he
could not then long live, and survive him.

3 : HHH 425

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

THE COMPARISON OF

Lucullus
death blessed.

decay.

LUCULLUS WITH CIMON

OTHING (in my opinion) made Lucullus
more happy, then to dye when he did,
before he sawe the chaunge and alteracion
of the common weale, which the fatall
destinies plagued the Romanes withall,
with sedition and civill warres : and that
he dyed in his contry yet enjoying her
liberty, but beginning then to fall to
And in that he was likest unto Cimon above all

other things : who died whilest the Graecians were in good
love and peace with other, and not in broyle of discorde and
civill warres. In deede Cimon dyed in his campe, being
Generall of his contry, at the siege of the city of Citium
in Cyprus, not withdrawen to his home, as one wearied,
living idlely, or leading a voluptuous life in feastes and
bankets, making that the end and reward of his warres,
victories and triumphes : but as Plato said, (when he wisely
blamed and reproved Orpheus, who promiseth perpetuall
dronkenes in the world to come, for reward of their vertue,
that lived well in this life) merily: And truely it is a
great comfort and contentation of minde, for an old man
feebled with age, and compelled by weakenes, to withdraw
him selfe from the world, as well in matters of government
in peace, as in warres : and quietly to passe his time in
studie, where delight is joyned with honest contemplation.
But to finish his vertuous deedes, by referring them to plea-
sure, as unto their only end, and moreover, to grow old by
pleasure and vanity, solemnising Venus feast all the rest of
his life, after he hath made such warres, and commaunded
such armies : that me thinkes a thing unworthy of an honest
Academicke, and altogether unmeete for one professing olde
Xenocrates doctrine, but fit rather for a man geven over
426

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

altogether to Epicurus discipline. There is a wonderfull CIMON
thing to be considered of in these two men, that the ones AND
youth was altogether vitious and reproachfull, and thothers LUCULLUS
to the contrary, honest and vertuous. But he is the better
that chaungeth for the better : and that nature is alwayes
more commendable, in whom vice decayeth, and vertue
waxeth young : then that which by continuance of time A good gift to
sheweth still the contrary. And furthermore, they both decaY vice
grew rich by one selfe meaner but they did not both a like ^ea*° y'rtue
use their riches. For it were to no purpose to compare the
buildings of the wall that standeth south within the castell
of Athens, which was built with the money Cimon brought
thither : with the fine built chambers, and high raised turrets
to gase a farre, and environned about with conduits of water,
which Lucullus erected by Naples, with the spoyles of the
barbarous people. Neither is Cimons table also of moderate
fare and dyet, but yet open to every man, comparable to
Lucullus borde : which was sumptuously furnished, and
shewed the greatnes of his Lord. For Cimons bord fed
many mouthes dayly with a small charge : and Lucullus
table exceded in expence, to feede a few, with superfluous
dainties. Onlesse they will say, that time caused this differ-
ence betwene them. But who can tell, if Cimon had bene
at leasure to have withdrawen him selfe to quiet in age from
government, and armes, he also would not have ledde a more
sumptuous and dissolute life, geven to all pleasure, then
Lucullus did ? For of his owne nature he loved wine,
banckets, and playes, and was also geven to women, as we
have told you before. But prosperity, and fortunate successe
of thinges doe bring such delight to ambitious men of nature,
and borne to great enterprises : that they make them forget
to runne after their other voluptuous vaine desires. And
therefore had Lucullus dyed abroade in the warres, whilest
he commaunded armies : there had not bene that living man,
how curious soever he had bene to reprove other mens faultes,
that could have detected him of any reproachefull vice. And
thus much for their maner of life. Now furthermore, touch-
ing the state of their warres : no doubt both the one and the
other were excellent Captaines, as well by sea as by land.

427

CIMON

AND

LUCULLUS

Cimons two
victories
obtained in
one day.

Great differ-
ence betwext
Cimon and
Lucullus.

LIVES OF THE NOBLE

And like as in games of prise and exercises of body which
are shewed in Graece, they that in one selfe day winne the
games at wrestling, and weapons both, are called by a
straunge custome, not conquerours only, but victors also, to
honor them withall : even so me thinkes that Cimon in like
case having in one selfe day crowned Graece with two notable
markes of triumphe, for two battels he wanne, the one by
sea, and the other by lande, deserveth to have some place
and preferment before other Captaines. And moreover,
Lucullus received the authoritie to commaund, of his contry
and common wealth : but Cimon gave his contry both
authority and ability to commaund. Lucullus found his
contry a commaunding people to all their frends and con-
federats : through whose aide he overcame his enemies. And
Cimon contrarily, found his contry marching under an others
ensigne, and through his valliantnes did so behave him selfe,
that he made his city goe before her confederats, and triumphe
over her enemies : compelling the Persians by force to geve
them the rule by sea, and perswading the Lacedaemonians
willingly to geve place unto them by lande. Now if the
chiefest thing that can be in an excellent Captaine, is to
make him selfe to be beloved of his souldiers, that they may
delight to obey him : then was Lucullus despised of his
souldiers, and Cimon esteemed and wondred at, even of the
confederates them selves. For Lucullus was forsaken of his
owne men : and Cimon was followed by very straungers, for
the confederates did joyne together with him. Lucullus
returned home into his contry, forsaken of those he caried
out with him. Cimon returned againe, commaunding them
that were sent out with him to obey others : and had at one
time done for his contry three notable things, and hard for
them to have compassed : to wit, made peace with the ene-
mies, geven them authority and rule of their confederats, and
joyned frendshippe with the Lacedaemonians. Both of them
undertooke to destroy great Empires, and conquer all Asia.
But neither of them both could bring their enterprise to
passe. The one by reason of his death, which cut him of on
the sodaine being Generall, and when his affayres prospered
best. The other can hardly be excused, that there was not
428

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

a great fault in him : either in that he could not, or bicause CIMON
he would not satisfie the complaints and griefes of his men, AND
which caused them so much to hate and mislike him. And LUCULLUS
yet it might be sayd also, that in this fault he was like unto
Cimon : who was oftentimes accused by his citizens, and at
the length banished his contrie for the space of tenne yeares,
bicause that in tenne yeares space (as Plato sayth) they
should no more heare him speake. For to say truely, it
seldom times happeneth, that the grave wittes of noble men
do please the multitude, neither are they acceptable unto
the common people: bicause they striving continually to
reforme them when they go awry, do grieve them as much, as Grave magis-
surgeons doe their pacients when they binde up their sores trates re-
with bandes to cure them. For though by that binding Jfmilitude
they restore and bring to their natural places againe the unto g00(j
broken bones or members out of joynt : yet put they the Surgeons,
pacient to great paine and griefe. And therfore me thinkes
neither the one nor the other is to be blamed. Furthermore,
Lucullus went a great deale further with his army, then ever
Cimon did. For he was the first Romane Captaine that
passed over mount Taurus, and the river of Tigris with an
army. He tooke and burnt almost in sight of both the
kinges, the royall cities of Asia, Tigranocerta, Cabira,
Sinope, and Nisibis. Towards the north, he went as farre
as the river of Phasis : towards the east, into Media : and
southward, even to the redde sea, and unto the realmes of
Arabia, subduing all unto the Romane Empire. And having
overthrowen all the power of these two mighty kinges, he
tooke from them all, but their persons only : who fled and
hid them selves like wild beastes, in infinite deserts and
unpassable forrestes. Wherin is easily discerned the differ-
ence betwixt the doinges of the one, and of the other. For
the Persians, as if they had had no hurt nor overthrow at all
by Cimon, fought a battell immediatly after against the
Grsecians, and overthrew the greatest parte of their army
in Egypt : where Mithridates and Tigranes, after Lucullus
victories, did never any notable act. For the one finding
him selfe altogether pulled downe on his knees, and broken
by the former battells : durst never once only shew his army

429 '

CIMON

AND

LUCULLUS

Mithridates
king of Pon-
tus, dyed in
the realme of
Bosphorus.

Tigranes king
of Armenia,
submitteth
him selfe to
Pompey.

GRECIANS AND ROMANES

unto Pompey, out of the strength of his campe, but fled into
the realme of Bosphorus, where he dyed. And Tigranes, he
went and humbled him selfe on his knees, unarmed, and
without weapon, unto Pompey : and taking his diadeame of
from his head, layed it at his feete, not flattering him for
the victories he had won, but for those which Lucullus had
triumphed for. By reason wherof he scaped good cheape,
and thought him selfe happy, when Pompey gave him only
the marke and title of a king, the which before had bene
taken from him. He therefore is to be thought the more
worthy Captaine, and stowtest champion, that leaveth his
enemy in weake estate for him that followeth, and shall fight
afterwardes with him. And furthermore, Cimon found the
power of the king of Persia overharried, the pride and fierce-
nesse of the Persians layed a grounde, by many great battells
they had lost before unto Themistocles, king Pausanias, and
Leotychides, who had overthrowen them: and going now
againe to fight a fresh with them, it was an easie thing to
overcome the bodies of those, whose harts were already van-
quished. Where Lucullus to the contrary, assailed Tigranes,
that had never bene overcome, but bare a marvelous lofty
minde with him, for the many great battells and conquestes
he had wonne. And for the multitude of enemies, there was
no comparison betwene those that Cimon overthrew, and
those that were raunged in battell against Lucullus. So that
all thinges weyed and considered, it were hard to judge
which of them two proved the worthiest man : for that it
seemeth, that the goddes did favor both the one and the
other, telling the one what he should doe, and the other what
he should not doe. And thus it appeareth by testimonie
of the goddes, they were both good men, and that
they both obtained everlasting glorie.

THE END OF LUCULLUS LIFE

430

EDINBURGH

T. &• A. CONSTABLE

Printers to Her Majesty

1895

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY

Los Angeles

R F c^T^/CM}11"1

: last date stamped below.

MAIN LOAN n

)ESK

SEP 22 i-

)DH

A.M. ,- P-M.

7(81911 0|11|12I1!*I3|4!5|6_

K

*

"I

2519D;i

g£ UAR 1 5 1981

MAR 18 1981

Form L9-116m-8,'62(D1237s8)444

m

3 1158 00668 7379

000216927